Editor's Note: Treating the issue of Marxism with a scientific attitude is an issue of great theoretical value and practical significance. In this respect, Lenin set us a brilliant example. He profoundly grasped the dialectical relationship between revolutionary theory and the revolutionary movement, attached great importance to the guiding role of theory in practice, and always emphasized the decisive role of practice in theory; resolutely opposed the erroneous tendency of dogmatism and revisionism; firmly opposed the use of narrowly understood "Marxism" to cut reality, but also took a clear-cut stand against deviating from Marxism on the pretext of changes in reality; paid attention to the combination of conscientious study, flexible application, and innovative development, and realized a high degree of unity between upholding Marxism and developing Marxism.
How to deal with the issue of Marxism is theoretically related to the understanding of the inherent nature and scientific method of Marxism, which is an important content of the study of Marxist outlook; in practice, it is related to the way of applying Marxism and the attitude of innovation, which is a crucial issue in the history of the development of Marxism. In the long-term practice of revolutionary struggle, Lenin adhered to the fundamental principle of linking theory with practice, profoundly grasped the dialectical relationship between revolutionary theory and the revolutionary movement, resolutely opposed the erroneous trend of thought of dogmatism and revisionism, realized a high degree of unity between upholding Marxism and developing Marxism, and set a brilliant example for us to treat Marxism with a scientific attitude. The changes of the times and the development of practice require us to "treat Marxism with no dogmatic attitude or a pragmatic attitude." [1] (P13) Upholding and developing the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and constantly opening up new horizons of Marxism in the 21st century require us to persist in treating Marxism with a scientific attitude like Lenin.
First, profoundly grasp the dialectical relationship between revolutionary theory and revolutionary movement
Realizing the integration of revolutionary theory and revolutionary movement is the essential requirement of Marxism and the dual need of theoretical innovation and development and the development of revolutionary cause. At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, based on the needs of the development of the cause of the Russian working class, Lenin profoundly elucidated the dialectical relationship between Marxist theory and the Russian revolutionary movement from the two dimensions of the guiding role of theory in practice and the decisive role of practice in theory.
First, "without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement." Marx and Engels have always emphasized the dialectic of explaining the world and changing the world, attached importance to the guidance of revolutionary theory to revolutionary practice, and emphasized: "In order to ensure the success of the revolution, there must be a unity of thought and action." [2] (P385) However, the integration of Marxist theory with the working classes of various countries has undergone a historical process. From the perspective of the history of the world socialist movement, all countries have experienced a period in which socialism and the workers' movement are disconnected from each other and do their own thing. Lenin made it clear that this also existed in Russia. The reason for this is "on the one hand, that the Socialists do not understand Marx's theory and consider it to be of no application to Russia; on the other hand, because the Russian workers' movement is still in its entire infancy". [3] (P213) The russian workers' movement, unguided by advanced theories, has long hovered at a low level, with limited scale and influence.
It was not until the end of the 19th century that the Russian proletariat suffered greatly to finally find Marxism, the only correct revolutionary theory. Just as the Russian workers' movement was flourishing with The guidance of Marxism, economicism, a russian variant of Bernsteinism, was vigorously promoting "spontaneity", indulging in the spontaneous workers' movement and devoting itself to the significance of theoretical guidance. If this trend of thought is allowed to flourish freely, the Russian workers' movement will inevitably be influenced by it and will go astray. At a critical juncture in the development of the russian workers' movement, Lenin stepped forward and cried out: "Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement." [4] (P23) He solemnly reminded the whole Party to be wary of the serious harm caused to the Russian revolutionary movement by the short-sightedness of economicism, and stressed the practical significance of upholding the integration of Marxism with the Russian revolutionary movement. After unremitting efforts, the Russian revolutionary movement finally embarked on the correct path of development and finally, under the correct leadership of the Bolshevik Party, marched towards the great victory of the October Revolution.
It can be said that attaching great importance to and repeatedly emphasizing the guiding role of theory in practice is an important ideological feature that runs through Lenin's life. But for some time, it was thought that Lenin was a pragmatist, not a theoretician. Plekhanov even repeatedly ridiculed Lenin as if he were very unconcerned with theory. Stalin believed that this peculiar view was completely incorrect and not at all in line with the actual situation. He gave a profound exposition of Lenin's relevant ideas: "Theory that leaves revolutionary practice is an empty theory, and practice that is not guided by revolutionary theory is blind practice... It is lenin who has said and repeated this famous principle dozens of times: 'Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement'. [5] (P199-200) He thus concluded that "Lenin understood the significance of theory better than anyone else". [5] (P200) There is no doubt that Stalin's conclusion is very correct. The emphasis on theory and the role of theory in practice is very prominent in Lenin's thought. Among them, Lenin wrote in "What to Do? The ideas in "" are very representative. He profoundly expounded the great significance of revolutionary theory from three aspects: the naivety of Russian Social-Democracy, the international nature of the socialist movement, and the arduousness of the tasks of the Russian revolution, and expounded and supported it by quoting the relevant views of Engels. Lenin, in the light of the history and reality of the Revolutionary Movement in Russia, profoundly pointed out that any worship of the spontaneity of the workers' movement, any contempt for the socialist ideological system, "whether the contempt is at all whether the contemptists themselves like it or not, is to strengthen the influence of bourgeois ideology on the workers." [4] (P36) Lenin's demand for the workers to be freed from the influence of bourgeois ideas was from the point of view of the need to promote the healthy development of the workers' movement. When he made such a demand, he did not deny the historical progressiveness of bourgeois thought, especially its historical role in anti-feudalism. As for the role of bourgeois revolutionary ideas in the French Revolution, Lenin commented in his Philosophical Notes that this is the first time that man has reached this point: "Man stands by his mind, that is to say, he stands up by his thoughts and creates reality according to his ideas", "This is ... [6] (P276) Borrowing from this expression, it can be said that the October Revolution, relying on the guidance of Marxist-Leninist theory, stood up for the first time in the history of the world and realized the greatest revolution in the history of mankind, which was the most glorious sunrise in human history and the fruit of the combination of revolutionary theory and revolutionary movement.
Second, "theory is gray, while the tree of life is evergreen." In Lenin's view, practice is inseparable from the guidance of theory, and this is only one aspect of the problem. On the other hand, theory is also inseparable from living reality. Theoretical preaching divorced from reality "can be said to be worthless", "and this is one of the most repulsive features of the old bourgeois society". [7] (P330)
First of all, revolutionary theory can only be finally formed and played in connection with revolutionary practice. Engels pointed out very early on: "The situation of the working class is the true foundation and starting point of all contemporary social movements ... Workers' communism in France and Germany is a direct product of it, Fourierism and socialism in England and communism of the German educated bourgeoisie are its indirect products. [8] (P84) It is precisely on the basis of the actual class contradictions and social conditions, not on the ideas and principles invented or discovered by the reformers of this or that world, and it is precisely marxism that is closely linked to the actual workers' movement, rather than divorced from the existing class struggle and historical movement, and Marxism, which integrates a thoroughly revolutionary and a highly scientific nature, is formed." Revolutionary theory cannot be conjured; it grows from the sum of the revolutionary experiences and revolutionary ideas of all countries of the world. [9] (P15) This is Lenin's high-level summary of the important historical characteristics of the formation of Marxism. He opposed the practice of simply and directly applying the specific expositions of Marx and Engels to Russia, believing that this practice violated the essential requirements and methodological principles of Marxism. So, how should it be used? Lenin emphatically pointed out that "Marxism is based not on anything else, but on the historical facts and realities of Russia",[10] (P356) that it must "proceed from the facts which are universally accepted",[10] (P357) because the actual situation cannot be erased.
Second, whether the theory is correct or not must be tested by practice. Lenin proposed that "the conformity of theory to reality is the only criterion of theory." [10] (P133) He also said: "The result of the activity is a test of subjective knowledge and a criterion of objectivity of real existence." [6] (P188) Lenin applied precisely this criterion to the spread and application of Marxism in Russia at that time. As far as the application of Marxism in Russia is concerned, there is the question of how to integrate Marxism with Russian reality, and whether the new theoretical forms that emerge from the combination are of truth. There is no doubt that this has to be tested by practice and must be answered by practice. The policy of the proletarian party is the application of Marxism in Russia, but there are often differences of opinion on the policy of the party, so who is right and who is wrong will ultimately be tested by practice. "Previously adopted tactical resolutions must be tested as often as possible in the light of new political events. This test is necessary both theoretically and practically." [11] (P126) As far as the ideological and theoretical education of the workers and peasants at that time is concerned, there is a question of whether it is correct and effective, and the criterion for testing it can only be practice. With regard to the correctness of the content of the education in ideological theory, this must be "manifested by every step taken by the various classes, by every political and economic event." [12] (P164) With regard to the practical effects of ideological and theoretical education, Lenin pointed out that we propagate Marxism and demand that the working class grasp it, but that "the principle of Marxism is by no means the number of words and phrases recited, not in the need to always abide by the 'orthodox' formula, but in the promotion of a broad workers' movement, in the organization and initiative of the masses." [13] (P240)
Finally, theory is given vitality by practice, and only theories in connection with practice will not be rigid and will always remain vibrant. Lenin emphasized that Marxist theory is not a dogma, but a guide to action. Like any theory, it can only be an abstraction of real life, pointing out at best basic, general things, and generalizing the complex situations of real life in general. Relative to theory, real life is concrete, rich, diverse, and constantly evolving. Therefore, Marxists must consider vivid practical life, must consider the exact facts of reality, and cannot cling to the specific conclusions reached by Marx and Engels in certain circumstances in the past. In response to the practice of rigidly applying theoretical principles and erasing the diversity of the path of socialist development, Lenin pointed out ironically: "There is nothing more impoverished in theory and more ridiculous in practice than to depict the future in this regard in light gray for the sake of historical materialism." [14] (P163)
Theory can only develop itself by constantly injecting new content into the rich and colorful practical life, so as not to become rigid and always maintain vitality. In 1910, just before the defeat of the first democratic revolution in Russia, a new revolutionary upsurge arrived. In response to the complex changes in the situation of the Russian revolution, Lenin stressed: "We must be good at implementing our tactical line, we must be good at building our organization, we must estimate the objective situation that has changed, we must not shrink or weaken the tasks of the struggle, we must not belittle the ideological and political content of work that even at first glance seems to be extremely ordinary, extremely inconspicuous, extremely trivial." [15] (P216) "Being good at implementation" here is actually a requirement for the flexible use of ideological and theoretical education methods and methods. For quite some time, Russian Social-Democracy organized and educated the masses in secret, underground means. Later, with the changes in the political situation and the development of the workers' movement, it became possible to use legal forms to publicize and educate the masses. At this point, "the use of the forum of the Duma is absolutely necessary". [16] (P334) When a split with the bourgeoisie is inevitable and a proletarian revolution is imperative, the legal form takes a back seat, and the education of the masses with revolutionary struggle becomes the main form. According to the development and change of practice, "it is necessary to combine the different methods of struggle, to skillfully transition from one method to another, to continuously raise the consciousness of the masses and to expand the breadth of collective action of the masses." [17] (P59) In Lenin's view, this is a Marxist tactic.
"Theory is becoming practice, theory is given vitality by practice, revised by practice, and tested by practice." [18] (P212) This is Lenin's high-level summary of the important role of practice in theory. He quoted the poet Goethe several times: "My friend, theory is gray, and the tree of life is evergreen." He quotes this sentence in no way to belittle the role of theory, but only to emphasize that only by introducing theory and general formulas into the real world can it be flesh and blood, make it concrete, thus changing its appearance, giving it new content, and always maintaining its vivid vitality.
Second, resolutely oppose the erroneous tendencies of dogmatism and revisionism
Lenin always stressed the importance of integrating theory with practice, and by no means aimlessly, but with a strong practical pertinence. In the practice of the international communist movement and the Russian revolution, there has been on many occasions the erroneous tendency to separate the dialectical relationship between theory and practice. In order to eliminate these erroneous influences and thus correctly guide the development of the revolutionary movement, Lenin resolutely opposed the tendencies of dogmatism and revisionism and insisted on fighting simultaneously on two fronts.
First, we resolutely oppose dogmatism and the treatment of theory and empty talk about theory in isolation from reality. After the Second Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party in 1903, Plekhanov and others gradually became representatives of dogmatism. At an important juncture in the development of the Russian Revolution, they disregarded objective reality and often proceeded from abstract theories and defined practice in this way. Before and after the First Russian Revolution, they were accustomed, on the basis of their past knowledge, to looking for answers to concrete questions in the mere logical development of the so-called general truth, and stubbornly believed that the bourgeoisie would play a leading role in the democratic revolution. According to this understanding, the proletariat can only follow the bourgeoisie in carrying out the democratic revolution, in which the peasantry will do nothing. Lenin pointed out that such a mechanical and dogmatic understanding of Marxism is a complete mockery of dialectical materialism. He said poignantly: "To these people, Marx would probably repeat the words he once quoted heine: 'I sow the seed of the dragon, but I reap the fleas.' [19] (P12) Lenin argued that, on the economic basis of the time, the Russian Revolution objectively had two basic lines of development and an end, and that under certain conditions the proletariat and the peasant masses would play a major role in the democratic revolution and create the most favourable conditions for a further revolution; and that to devise the path of the Russian Revolution "by quoting marx's discourse on another historical epoch alone" without a concrete analysis of the unique and complex situation in Russia, one can only be "incurably nerdy". [19] (P13)
After the February Revolution of 1917, there was a special situation in Which two regimes coexisted in Russia. At this time, the proletariat is faced with a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for revolution. Ignoring the changing revolutionary situation, the Mensheviks stubbornly believed that Russia must go through a period of bourgeois dictatorship before the socialist revolution could take place, so they supported the bourgeois Provisional Government and voluntarily surrendered power to the bourgeoisie. At this critical juncture, Lenin made it clear that it would be a grave mistake to do so in the practice of rigidly and appropriately using narrowly understood "theory" to impose on complex, urgent, and rapidly developing practical revolutionary tasks, without regarding theory as the first and foremost guide to action. "The revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry has been realized, but it has been realized very peculiarly, with many very important variations." [20] (P138-139) If "whoever raises the question of the 'completion' of the bourgeois revolution in the old way is a Marxism that sacrifices life for dead dogmas". [20] (P139) Lenin proposed that in 20th-century Russia, which won republicanism and democracy by revolutionary means, it was impossible to stand still. Either forward or backward. Thus, the Bolshevik Party headed by Lenin, making full use of the special revolutionary situation, skillfully directed the struggle of the broad masses of the people for "peace, land and bread" towards the socialist revolution. It was precisely because Lenin insisted on integrating Marxist theory with the reality of the Russian revolution, and was loyal to Marxism without being bound by certain specific conclusions, that he led Russia to the great victory of the October Revolution and pushed Marxism to a brand-new historical stage.
After the victory of the October Revolution, menshevik theoreticians, together with the "theoretical authority" of the Second International, accused the Bolsheviks of violating the basic principles of Marxism on the grounds that the Russian productive forces were not yet developed enough to be able to practise socialism. In response to their attacks, Lenin waged a tit-for-tat struggle. He made it clear that these people "all call themselves Marxists, but their understanding of Marxism is incomparably pedantic." There is something decisive in Marxism, the revolutionary dialectic of Marxism, which they do not understand at all." [21] (P373) In response to its error of separating the general and individual relations of the path of historical development, Lenin pointed out that they had seen only the fixed path of capitalist development in Western Europe, and did not understand certain peculiarities of Russia. "The general law of the development of world history not only excludes in no way the peculiarities of individual stages of development in the form or sequence of development, but on the contrary presupposes it." [21] (P374) These expositions of Lenin profoundly expounded the Marxist dialectic of revolution and forcefully countered the accusations of the dogmatists.
Lenin not only sharply criticized the errors of dogmatism, but also deeply analyzed the causes of dogmatism. Why do theoreticians like Plekhanov, who are well versed in the writings of Marx and Engels, repeatedly make dogmatic mistakes and deviate from Marxism? In Lenin's view, the reasons for this are complex, but the main reason is that they have failed to correctly understand the changes in objective reality, have stuck to the rules, regarded some of the previous expositions of Marx and Engels as immutable golden rules, and they "dare not face up to the drastic changes that inevitably occur as a result of changes in objective conditions, but continue to repeat the simple, memorized, and seemingly indisputable truth: three is greater than two." Politics, however, is more like algebra than arithmetic, and more like higher mathematics than elementary mathematics. In fact, new content has been injected into all the old forms of the socialist movement, so that a new symbol, the 'negative sign', has appeared before the numbers, but our sages are still (and still are) stubbornly trying to convince themselves and others that 'negative three' is greater than 'negative two'". [7] (P81-82) In this way, no matter how familiar he is with the works of Marx and Engels, the result is bound to be "only to grasp some quotations in the book, like a scholar who seems to have a citation card drawer in his head, and can pull out the quotations at any time, but when he encounters a new situation that is not mentioned in the book, he is helpless and pulls out of the drawer that exactly should not be drawn." [22] (P346) It is for this reason that a theoretician like Plekhanov, who once opposed dogmatism, eventually became the archetypal of dogmatism, "hitting himself in the mouth." [23] (P143) Lenin believed that this experience of Plekhanov and others could (and should) be regarded as a "useful lesson" for the proletariat.
Second, we resolutely oppose revisionism and distort and falsify Marxism on the pretext of actual changes. During his lifetime, Engels severely criticized the opportunism in the Party on many occasions. In 1891, for example, he criticized the right-wing opportunist tendency of the draft programme of the German Social-Democratic Party to deviate from the principles of theory: "It may also be 'sincere' motives to forget the fundamental plan for the sake of the immediate interests, to seek only temporary achievements without regard to the consequences, and to sacrifice the future of the movement for the present of the movement." But this is opportunism, always opportunism, and 'sincere' opportunism is perhaps more dangerous than all other opportunism. [24] (p294) After Engels's death, Lenin became the standard-bearer against this increasingly "mature" and rampant opportunism.
The new changes in world capitalism at the end of the 19th century gave rise to theoretical reflection by theoreticians both inside and outside Marxism. Among them, Bernstein carried out a systematic revision of Marxism under the banner of developing Marxism. He distorted Marx's materialist view of history as "historical fatalism" and accused it of ignoring the agency of human subjects; he regarded Marx's labor theory of value as a pure conception of thought, accusing it of lacking reality, and thus denying the scientific nature of the theory of surplus value; he vigorously denied the inevitability of the proletarian revolution, believing that capitalism could be peacefully transferred to socialism. These views show that Bernstein has completely betrayed Marxism.
Lenin profoundly pointed out that the essence of Bernstein revisionism lies in the fact that "the fundamental interests of the proletariat are sacrificed for the sake of practical or hypothetical temporary interests,—— which is the policy of revisionism." [16] (P17) Lenin clearly pointed out this erroneous direction toward Marxism, profoundly criticized the erroneous act of denying the reality of Marxism in the name of "opposing ideological rigidity", and pointedly pointed out: "The so-called loud words and phrases against ideological rigidity and so on are only used to cover up people's indifference and incompetence in the development of theoretical thought." [4] (P22) In Lenin's view, there is no doubt that Marxism must develop in order to have vitality, but the key is in what direction it develops. He profoundly discussed this problem in refuting the Denigration of "Orthodoxy" by the Russian economicists. He said: "By orthodoxy I mean by simply interpreting Marx"; [19] (P583) in dealing with Marxism, "'simply explaining' is obviously not enough", but there are in fact two kinds of people who want to transform and develop Marxism, of which "one school wants to always be a thorough Marxist, developing the basic principles of Marxism according to the changed conditions and the local characteristics of each country ... The other school wants to abandon some rather important aspects of Marx's doctrine ... The accusation that the first is therefore eclecticism of the second is, in my opinion, entirely well-founded. The second type of person calls the first the 'orthodox', and in using this term must not be forgotten that this term was proposed by the enemy in polemics, and that the 'orthodox' does not reject general criticism, but only rejects the 'criticism' of the eclecticists." [19] (P584) There is no doubt that Bernstein and his followers belong to the second kind of people under the banner of "developing Marxism". Lenin did not conceal his hatred for such people, sneering: "What new contribution did those who gathered around the German Socialist Bernstein and shouted during this period to 'reform' this theory?" Nothing". [3] (P160-161) This is a powerful rebuke of Bernstein and his followers, as well as to all forms of revisionists who followed.
In addition to his analysis of the deviations in theoretical beliefs and the errors in the methods of thought, Lenin also revealed from an international perspective the economic reasons for the formation of Bernstein revisionism. In his view, in the advanced capitalist countries, the bourgeoisie's use of the excess monopoly profits from the colonies to cultivate the working class and aristocratic classes is "a major reason for the obstruction of the revolutionary workers' movement". [7] (P190-191)
Revisionism is good at hiding itself, but no matter what changes may occur in their specific forms and slogans, they always have a commonality, that is, they often use eclecticism and sophistry to falsify the basic tenets of Marxism, wear down its revolutionary edge, and vulgarize it under the pretext of "developing" and "perfecting" Marxism under the pretext of the changes of the times. Lenin always maintained a high degree of vigilance against revisionism and resolutely fought against it as soon as he discovered its signs and tendencies.
In short, on the question of the relationship between theory and practice, dogmatism clings to theory and despises changes in reality, and revisionism negates theory on the pretext of changes in reality; the two are in opposite poles, but the two poles are in common: revisionism tampers with Marxism and dogmatism distorts Marxism, both of which have caused harm to the development of Marxism and the cause of the liberation of the working class. That is why Lenin always attacked them with both fists, opposing revisionism at the same time as opposing dogmatism. It was in this process that Lenin achieved concrete, historical unity between theory and practice.
Third, realize a high degree of unity between upholding Marxism and developing Marxism
In the practice of protracted revolutionary struggle, Lenin persisted in integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with the actual conditions of Russia and the characteristics of the times, realized a high degree of unity between upholding Marxism and developing Marxism, and set up a brilliant example for us of true learning, true understanding, true faith, and true application of Marxism.
First, conscientiously study Marxism. In the second half of the 19th century, in order to find a development path to modernization in Russia, the advanced Russian intellectuals, after exploration and experimentation, comparison and selection, "really suffered a lot to find Marxism, the only correct revolutionary theory." [7] (P6) In Lenin's lifetime, ever since he chose Marxism, no matter how the environment changes and how difficult the conditions are, he never forgets to study Marxist works assiduously. It is precisely because of a great deal of reading and long-term accumulation that Lenin showed outstanding theoretical qualities at the beginning of his rise on the historical stage of the Russian Revolution. In 1894, at the age of 24, Lenin wrote a famous essay criticizing liberal populists, "What is a 'Friend of the People' and How Do They Attack the Social Democrats?" 》。 Between 1895 and 1899, lenin tried his best to collect and carefully study various documents in order to write the book "The Development of Capitalism in Russia", and more than 600 documents were cited and mentioned in the book alone. Among them, in order to adhere to Marxism as a research guide, he assiduously studied the works of Marx and Engels, focusing on the German and Russian editions of The First and Second Volumes of Capital. When the German edition of The Third Volume of Capital had just been published (1894), Lenin could not wait to read it. The first part of the book "Preparatory Materials for the Development of Capitalism in Russia", "Relevant Annotations in the Volumes of Ka Marx's Capital",[25] (P3) reflects the study and study of Capital. In 1913, as soon as the Correspondence of Marx and Engels was published in Stuttgart, Lenin immediately paid great attention to it, believing that "the scientific and political value of these letters is very great." [26] (P278) He carefully studied the collection of correspondences, drew many highlights on the book, made a summary of important letters and excerpts of some relevant paragraphs on his notes, and compiled two simple title indexes. The compendium of the Correspondence of Marx and Engels reflects Lenin's relevant study.
Before and after the First World War, when the distortion and attack on Marxism became an international fashion, Lenin studied the works of Marx and Engels more and more indignantly. In his letter to Y. Fay Armander, he reiterated his firm theoretical position and spoke of his own reading experience: "I have read again Engels's On the Question of Housing, accompanied by a preface of 1887. Did you know? Wonderful! I am still 'in love' with Marx and Engels, and I cannot ignore any malicious criticism of them. [27] (P512) After the victory of the October Revolution, Lenin was busy with official duties, but he still insisted on studying the works of Marx and Engels. He repeatedly contacted Ryazanov, president of the Marx-Engels Institute, to borrow relevant documents. For example, he wrote to Ryazanov on 9 November 1921 expressing his gratitude for the latter's letter and making a new request for borrowing: "I have read Lassalle's letter to Marx, and I would like to borrow Engels's pamphlet on Schelling. If you can read it quickly and send it here, I will be very grateful. [28] (p19) Until a few days before his death, Lenin, who was critically ill, was reading the relevant works repeatedly. It is unimaginable to leave a firm belief in Marxism, a tenacious perseverance in study, and a spirit of assiduous study. Lenin himself said it best: "Whoever is afraid to work will have no possibility of finding the truth." ”[29](P66)
Second, apply Marxism flexibly. Paying attention to the combination of the basic tenets of Marxism with specific practice and flexibly applying Marxism is Lenin's consistent proposition. In his 1899 Article for the Workers' Newspaper, he pointed out: "For the Russian Socialists it is particularly necessary to explore Marx's theory independently, for it provides only general guiding principles, the application of which is concretely different from France in England, different from Germany in France, and different from Russia in Germany." ”[3](P161)
Lenin's study of the development of capitalism in Russia is a creative application of Marx's economic theory. It is well known that industrially developed England is a sample of Capital's analysis of the capitalist mode of production, while the development of capitalism in Russia is very different from the situation in England. The book "The Development of Capitalism in Russia" is a summary of Lenin's research in the 1890s and is a masterpiece of creative use of Capital to study the development of capitalism in Russia. In order to write the book, Lenin not only carefully studied Marx's Capital, but also studied and used various non-Marxist documents. Lenin carefully examined these documents with a rigorous scientific attitude and paid attention to absorbing the positive elements in them. "Officially compiled documents are never blindly rejected in order to express 'revolution', but pay attention to the collection of 'raw materials' needed for scientific research."
On the eve of the October Revolution, the political situation in Russia was complex and changeable, and there were different opinions within the Party on the judgment of the revolutionary situation. At an important turning point in history, when the opportunity for revolution was fleeting, Lenin quickly made a judgment and choice. He made it clear that "we must remember and think deeply about Marx's famous sayings about uprisings, such as 'uprising is an art' and so on." [30] (p234) If the rare opportunity for revolution is missed, "history will not forgive us if we do not seize power now." [30] (P234) He judged the hour and sized up the situation, strategized, formulated the course and tactics of the struggle in a timely manner, and finally led the Bolsheviks to the great victory of the October Revolution. After the victory of the October Revolution, Lenin repeatedly warned the Communist Parties not to copy the experience of the Russian revolution, but to apply the universal principles in the light of their own actual characteristics, and to "correctly change these principles in certain details, to correctly adapt them to the differences between the nation and the nation-state, and to apply them correctly in view of these differences." [7] (P71)
Third, creatively develop Marxism. As for the conclusion of the general theory, Engels once commented: "If the conclusion itself is fixed and unchanged, if it is no longer a prerequisite for continued development, it is useless and bad." [31] (P511) Lenin had a profound level of Marxist theory and firmly believed in Marxism, but he was loyal to its spirit rather than its words. After the victory of the October Revolution, he stressed in particular: "Marx and Engels have said many times that our doctrine is not a dogma, but a guide to action, and I think we should pay special attention to this first and foremost. [32] (P219) In the face of the new problems raised by the new reality, he "marched along the path of Marx's theory",[33] (P145) enriched and developed Marxism with new conclusions.
First, answer the changes of the times with scientific imperialist theories. How to judge the historical orientation of the proletarian revolutionary movement was a major issue of the times facing Marxism at that time. In the face of the changes in world capitalism from free competition to the monopoly stage, in the face of the popularity of various imperialist theories at that time, and in the face of the theoretical demands put forward by the Russian revolutionary movement, Lenin profoundly demonstrated the intrinsic nature, basic characteristics and historical trend of imperialism on the basis of vivid economic factual materials in his treatises "Imperialism is the Highest Stage of Capitalism", which is an epoch-making contribution to Marxism.
Second, the theory of building a new type of proletarian party is used to answer the question of "what to do" to the working class. Under the new historical conditions, is it necessary to build a proletarian party with centralized leadership, strict organization and strict discipline, or a party with scattered organization, no stereotypes, and complex composition? There are serious differences between the Bolsheviks represented by Lenin and the Mensheviks represented by Martov. Lenin wrote in the Draft Programme of Social Democracy what to do? In his treatises, such as "Further, Two Steps Back", he profoundly expounded urgent issues such as strengthening the leadership of the workers' movement and systematically expounded the theory of building a new type of proletarian party.
Third, the "theory of victory in one country" is used to point out the direction of the russian revolution. Around the 1850s, Marx and Engels put forward the "theory of common victory" mainly on the basis of the characteristics of the stage of free competition capitalism and based on the state in which the world market established by large-scale industry brought the civilized countries and peoples into close contact with each other. In the era of imperialism, is it possible for the proletarian revolution to achieve a new historical breakthrough? Lenin put forward the "theory of victory of one country" in accordance with the law of uneven economic and political development of capitalism, and realized a major innovation in the theory of socialist revolution of Marx and Engels.
Fourth, the New Economic Policy should be used to solve the difficult problem of moving toward socialism in economically and culturally relatively backward countries. Building socialism in a country with relatively backward economy and culture is a brand-new historical task. The socialist society generally conceived by Marx and Engels was realized on the basis of a high degree of capitalist development, and thus had the characteristics of public ownership and planned economy. But the victory of the October Revolution was won in Russia, which was relatively economically and culturally backward. The reality faced by Lenin and the Bolshevik Party under his leadership was completely different from the general vision of Marx and Engels. Lenin led the Bolshevik Party to begin arduous exploration, and after a major change from "wartime communism" to the New Economic Policy, it finally found a feasible path for the transition from economically and culturally relatively backward countries to socialism.
In short, under the conditions of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, Lenin insisted on treating Marxism with a correct attitude, scientifically answering the questions of the times, and pushing Marxism as a whole into a brand-new stage of Leninism.
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