Discussion of material transitions based on eastern El Salvador
The politics of indigenous nationalism
Conchagua Viggia provides a clear chronological definition that studies forced migration, population loss and demographic change, the landscape, division of labour and access to resources in the Bay of Fonseca.
The study of archaeology in Conchagua Viggia also provides a context for studying changing social, economic, and political relations, accompanied by the celebration of institutions, slave plunder, and tasking.
Therefore, in the context provided in this chapter, I organized the way in which I wrote the thesis as follows: in the second chapter, I talked about the politics and history of mestizo nationalism and indigenous nationalism, Salvador's identity.
This chapter focuses on the ways in which the use of knowledge has developed, how El Salvador's past has emerged, and how El Salvador's historical narrative continues to be premised on previous understandings of the country's history.
They themselves are premised on European civilization and modern ideals. National narratives to better understand how the history of indigenous losses after the 1932 massacre came about and why El Salvador's past came to be the way it was.
I began this chapter with a brief discussion of the slow development of history and archaeology, followed by the disappearance of the indigenous population, the people of El Salvador after the Matanza dynasty in 1932. this
I begin with a chapter on contemporary political movements, archaeological surveys, and museum exhibitions that have arisen with the return of Salvadoran Indians.
The purpose of this chapter is to show how Salvadoran archaeology became a branch of mestizo nationalist enterprise.
A radical cultural, economic, and political effort suppresses El Salvador's marginalized history. Chapter 3 is a key showcase of El Salvador and the Gulf of Fonseca region.
In particular, ideological foundations are traditionally expressed through narratives strongly based on the West. The official history of the Mesoamerican nation-states continues to be written by members of the hegemonic bloc of European and Creolo origins.
II. European and Creolo Origins
Its views are generally accepted, even by members of the most marginalized groups, offering only one of many possible versions of historical events that took place in the central region.
While chapter 2 allows the reader to make connections between practices, in the history and archaeology of El Salvador, chapter three is where I began to create an ideology.
For archaeology and history can construct a more inclusive, pluralistic representation of "land ownership", or land without interest.
The third chapter focuses on not only the colonially occupied bays, but also how this landscape entered the European cognitive framework of adherents, at the moment of "discovery."
The land around the Gulf of Fonseca became an object of appropriation and knowledge for European disciplines. What happened through this territorial encroachment is difficult to follow, because the record encounters and the years that followed are so fragmented.
For archaeologists interested in reconstructing a balanced multicultural situation, the absence of non-European texts raises another question.
I limit my discussion to fragments of the text and archival documents to assess how the Spaniards produced the first representations of the Gulf, and the practice of Spanish territorial encroachment.
(author's opinion) How to influence the indigenous population in Conchagua Vieja, on the island of Conchaguata. I chose three Spanish exercises that focused on the establishment of villas in the region, the enslavement of indigenous peoples and the development of compensation systems.
While the documents and texts used in Chapter III provide an early glimpse of how the Spaniards came into contact and interacted with the natural environment, resources and people provided in the Bay of Fonseca, Chapter IV has two objectives.
Material transformation in eastern El Salvador
First, the chapter confronts the "mythology", or the idea that eastern El Salvador has always been an empty territory, a cultural wealth left by the Maya and Pipir people of western and central El Salvador.
Chapter II and IV detail the expropriation and usurpation of land in eastern El Salvador, in the 16th and 17th centuries.
Historical records and archival documents were used in this example to highlight the material transformation in eastern El Salvador, through the study of the impact on animal husbandry and indigo production in the region.
Regarding the first objective, it is assumed that the underwriting of archaeology and historical investigation in eastern El Salvador is in addition to Cuilepa.
Are there no substantial, real indigenous peoples that might claim a unique (unique) cultural identity to their El Salvador.
This premise has long been accepted, assuming that there is little evidence related to the presence of indigenous peoples after contact, colonial period, and there is no need to conduct systematic action to investigate eastern El Salvador.
This position justifies the continuous policy of expropriation and displacement, which ensures that there is no data from the region, which may refute this claim.
The proposition of abandonment and assimilation becomes a kind of ego, a fleshed out narrative of a monoracial collective in El Salvador.
Their bastard story service guarantees their own continued legitimization, rather literally limited knowledge, and records (written, material, and cultural) about contingencies and historical processes are used to dispel "empty myths."
One of the ways I chose to dispel the "myth of emptiness" was to use the law to petition community members from the village of Conchagua Vija.
To explore how indigenous peoples throughout eastern El Salvador have made strategic use of European discourse, institutions, and spaces to replicate and sustain their own meaningful sense of history and identity.
Bibliography:
The Dawn of Peace in El Salvador
"El Salvador War Extinguished"
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