laitimes

Karl marx

Karl marx

Recently, there has been a lot of talk about the "International WorkingMen's Association" and its founder and leader, Karl Marx. We were so lucky that we were able to get a picture of this amazing man and his little-known details of his life like a pie in the sky. The article we are about to read is meticulous; we believe that the sources of details in it are very reliable. It should be added that we do not intend to comment on the ideas and points expressed in the text one by one, because our purpose in publishing this article for the reader's purpose is only for informational reference, and from this point of view alone, they will certainly be grateful for our approach.

Today, there are two currents of thought that run parallel around the theme of "revolution": one is the theory of empty talk (utopian socialism), and the other is the pursuit of the scientific nature of the doctrine (scientific socialism). The masters of the first genre were obsessed with tradition, and their speeches were filled with slogans from the '89, '92, or '93 period, and their demands were often born out of one of the thousands of socialist theories that were popular today. The second school, which rejects all things of the past and explores only the mysteries of the future society according to the experimentalist approach, is based on the results of scientific research in the fields of human structure, anatomy, sociology and anthropology; Representatives of the rhetoric were Cabe, Proudhon, Stuart Muller, Louis Brown, and the Physiocrats. The theoretical source of the scientific school can be traced back to the discovery of the doctrine and medical theory advocated by Buckner, Darwin, and others. This article is not intended to introduce the new revolutionary approach in detail. Let us just briefly state that Karl Marx belonged to the scientific school.

After a turbulent life, Karl Marx now lives in a neighbourhood far from London, almost the equivalent of a rural area, in camden. I visited him at his home in Maitland Park, a small house that attracted all believers in the New and Old worlds advocating social revolution like a spider's web. Like Blanqui, who was called a "citizen," Marx was called a "doctor." The Doctor was in his 50s at the time, very approachable, amiable, very charismatic, and if I had to say anything, all I could say was that he didn't look like a manic lunatic, nor like a bloodthirsty or a hero in the eyes of a Barbier.

Great mortals and fallen sages

He was actually more like a kind citizen from Hamburg, lost in the fog of London, doing everything he could to make his family less miserable, wanting to be a decent head of the family, but as a man, he was born of social turmoil and was penniless. The interior was simple and simple; there were no extravagant ornaments; there were no more simple easy chairs to maintain what little decency there was, and this necessary decency, which he had already devoted to preserving in England, was perhaps a lot of funny things to say about this so-called decency. What people see is that the doctor is regarded as a very wealthy person because he has an annuity income, but he does not spend all his money on himself just to satisfy his personal happiness. In fact, I've heard that he didn't spend his time writing books.

Dr. Marx was born in 1818 and was slightly taller than the average person. He was energetic, short and strong, and seemed to live to be 100 years old if it were not for the asthma that tormented him for many years; he looked as strong as a fortress constructed enough to withstand all the disturbances from the outside, but the emphysema hollowed out his strong and solid body from the inside.

Dr. Marx's head was large and powerful, supported by a thick neck and broad shoulders, and the utopian socialists were satisfied with him (the French "head" contains the meanings of "chief, chief, leader", etc., and the utopians regard marx as the leader of the school, here figuratively using it). Its face, permeated with the brilliance of thought, is surrounded by a radiant silhouette of the long white comb at the hairline, reflecting countless wrinkles, which are the marks of day and night meditation. Its forehead, towering high and full of wisdom, indicates the degree of abnormal development of the brain lobes, extending to the eyes through the thick eyebrows stretched under the forehead; the eyes are brown, like the color of Spanish tobacco, deeply embedded in the eye sockets, and the flickering light reflects some dry eyelids and dark circles, all caused by hard work and night battles. Its nose, with roots as wide as Balzac,—— symbolizes, according to Xiangshi, an incomparable wisdom—the high bridge of the nose rests between the elastic and full cheeks typical of Slavic features; the deep nasal lines on both sides of the nose extend downwards and gradually disappear into the corners of the mouth, connecting with the rounded and sexy lips; the upper part of the lips is covered with thick short hair, connected to the thick, gray, paternalistic majesty of the beard under the lips.

The black-robed doctor worked tirelessly and struggled unceasingly.

Marx first entered the University of Bonn to study law, and then transferred to the University of Berlin to continue his studies; but there he gave up his law profession and turned to history and philosophy, intending to seek a teaching position at the University of Bonn in the future related to these two specialties. However, the subsequent development of the situation changed the trajectory of his life, and he was active in social activities. In other words, just as 1841 was about to enter 1841, coinciding with the death of William III, a political movement swept through Prussia, and he had no choice but to give up his desire to be a teacher and become an editor of the Rheinische Zeitung, a newspaper that had just been founded by bourgeois liberals whose representatives, Han zemann, Comphausen, and others, came to power after the March Revolution of 1848. Favored by his shareholders for his excellent propaganda work, Marx was entrusted with the post of editor-in-chief in mid-1842. It was also from this period that Marx began to quarrel with the government. The reason is that the Rheinische Zeitung, like all German newspapers of the same era, was subject to censorship orders issued by the government. Soon after, however, Marx's polemics seemed to be worthy of double censorship, i.e., newspapers that wanted to publish must first be censored under the prevailing publishing license, and then they had to obtain the consent to publishing signed by the censorship of the Cologne city of Books and Newspapers. Despite this superfluous process, the remarks published in the Rheinische Zeitung were too dangerous for the Prussian authorities, so in the spring of 1843 the Cabinet passed a decision to ban them— at least to suspend publication.

Because of this persecution, Marx went into exile in Paris for the first time. Together with Dr. Luger, he published the German-French Annals (Paris, 1844), which was banned in Germany, and co-authored the Holy Family with Friedrich Engels: Refuting Bruno Powell and His Companions (1845). The Yearbook attempts to integrate two critical movements that took place in both Germany and France. The Holy Family satirizes German idealism, and Marx wants to replace the former with the term "historical idealism."

During his time in Paris, Marx studied mainly political economy and followed the first revolution in France, while continuing to publish articles attacking the Prussian government, which demanded that France expel Marx, which did so. It is said that Alexander von Humboldt was commissioned by the Government of Berlin to mediate the matter between Germany and France.

Marx came to Brussels from Paris and continued his research and revolutionary activities. He published in French his Speech on the Question of Free Trade (1846) and The Philosophical Poverty of Mr. Proudhon's <> Poverty (1847); in cooperation with Friedrich Engels, he published the Communist Manifesto (1848), adopted in German by a congress of workers' associations from several countries in London in 1847. During his exile in Brussels, Marx was expelled from Belgium at the request of the Berlin authorities for propagating revolutionary ideas among the workers and for publishing articles in the Deutsches-Brussels newspaper against the Prussian government; but at the same time, Monsieur Flocon, in the name of the Provisional Government, reopened the doors of France to him, but this time he stayed in France for only a short time.

The reason was that a revolution had broken out in Germany, and he hurried to Cologne, where he and his former exiled partners founded the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. The Cross, the mouthpiece of the large German clique, claimed that the Rheinische zeitung had been published in a Prussian fortress and was even bolder in advocating revolution than the newspapers of 1793 and 1794. The reason for this was Marx's vehement defense of the June 1848 uprising in the Rheinische Zeitung.

At that time, in the autumn of 1848, the Prussian government staged a coup d'état, expelled the National Assembly from Berlin, and issued a charter, and Marx called on the people in the newspapers to rise up and resist, encouraging them to organize a nationwide anti-tax struggle and an armed uprising. The Prussian government imposed martial law on Cologne; as a result, the Neue Rhine was shut down and the editor-in-chief was asked to leave. Marx did not feel discouraged, but resumed the struggle immediately after the abolition of martial law. As a result, he was repeatedly summoned by the authorities. But since all interrogations were held before a jury, he was always acquitted and each time found new justifications for his persecution. Finally, the Prussian government, tired of it, took advantage of the revolutionary movement in southern Germany to bring Marx into the camp of the reactionaries and permanently deport him in the spring of 1849.

Marx thus lived in Paris for the third time. However, a few weeks after the June 1849 riots, the French government, at the request of the Prussian ambassador, gave Marx the choice of either internment in the province of Morbien or departure from France. Marx eventually decided to go to England and lived there until his death.

In 1850, Marx re-founded the Neue Rhine in London, published in monthly form. The magazine was printed in Hamburg and discontinued in 1851 due to the victory of the reactionaries.

Following the counter-revolutionary coup of 1851, Marx published in German Louis Bonaparte's Eighteenth Day of the Misty Moon (Boston, 1852); the work was reprinted in Germany in 1869, weeks before the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War.

In 1853 he published (in German) The Exposé of the Case of the Communists in Cologne; a critical work against the Prussian government and the German bourgeoisie.

After his friends were convicted by the court in Cologne, Marx no longer participated in any political struggle for many years, and concentrated on going to the British Museum to immerse himself in reading, wandering in the volleys of texts, and the British Museum also reserved valuable documents for readers who were eager to explore the esoteric theories of political economy. He has published numerous important articles on current affairs in Europe and Asia. Among the articles submitted to the newspaper, those dealing with opposition to the foreign policy of The Viscount Palmerston were reprinted in England in the form of pamphlets.

In 1859 and 1860, Marx also published Critique of Political Economy and Mr. Vogt in Berlin and London, respectively. In later books, he satirizes the pseudo-democracy of the imperialists by condemning Professor Carl Vogt of the German and Swiss press and his colleagues for selling themselves to the "royalists" during the Italian war. Finally, in 1869, Marx published his main work, Capital-Critique of Political Economy, in Hamburg, and so far only the first volume (800 pages) has been published.

On 28 September 1864, at a rally at St. Martin's Church, the International WorkingMen's Association was proclaimed and a provisional General Council was elected. Prior to this, Marx had tried to establish this type of association twice: one in secret, the Workers' Communist League, and the other in public, the International Democratic Association, in Brussels in 1847. At the congress of the founding of the International Workingmen's Association, Marx was elected a member and drafted the Declaration of Founding and the Provisional Statute for the Congress, which were finally adopted at the Congress in Geneva in 1866. Since then, Marx has written many documents for the London General Council, one of the most important publications of which is the final French Civil War, which has a great repercussion within the democratic camp.

Karl Marx's ideas differed from other socialist doctrines in two important ways. First, as I pointed out in the opening part, he rejects all concepts and inferences which are of a theoretical character, and attempts to prove that the present society itself has the germ of a new type of society, which can be established by the help of class struggle, and which, after passing through the transitional stage of the dictatorship of the working class, out of historical necessity, will eventually disappear into the community organized by the free producers, in which the land and the means of production are collectively owned. Second, Marx declared that the class struggle is international, just as the societies in transition triggered by class struggle are international. As we have seen, Marx's proposition is not a completely new theoretical idea, it has degenerated into the old Fourier utopian socialism theory, the result of supplementing, modifying and perfecting on the basis of the latter, and the concrete realization of Darwin's theory of evolution in political life.

In summary, Marx is a man of his own, and people usually spontaneously portray him as a brutal madman who disseminates sensational remarks and a staunch revolutionary with a hard heart. In the eyes of the world, he was a feared philosopher and thinker because of his gifted organizational and comprehensive judgmental abilities, because of his long revolutionary career, his extensive knowledge, and his perseverance, which undoubtedly benefited from his firm stance, his elegant manners, his knowledge of all the languages of Europe, and his unremitting study of the most boring doctrines. These doctrines, incarnated as sharp weapons, have been in the hands of the democratic movements, and it seems to me that this sharp blade has always hung high over the Latin nation, and as he believes, it will be destroyed and removed, and, as he already believes, pan-Germanism will follow.

Read on