To put it mildly, the Western world, including the United States, has been cut apart by increasingly obvious ideological differences. Most people live in societies where the power to make some of the most important choices and to use offensive force to make those choices is concentrated in the hands of the state. There is growing divergence of opinion and a growing risk of losing or lacking political power. As a result, people of all stripes began to be interested in political secession and decentralization as the only way to resolve the intensifying power struggle.
But one of the criticisms of the strategy of separation and decentralization is that it is said to have led to the fragmentation of populations vulnerable to military conquest, and that the model is particularly troublesome in terms of trade, travel and communications. Some argue that a single, strong State is the safest and most practical option. However, as we will see, examples of pre-Spanish colonial eras and early modern Mayan civilization constitute a strong rebuttal to this argument.
The Spanish colonists conquered the Inca Empire with a population of 5 million and an army of 200,000 (with a highly totalitarian unified political structure) of 180 men and took several months (1531). The conquest of the Aztec Empire (a confederation of 3 core city-states) with a population of 5 million and an army of 200,000 took 600 men (later plus reinforcements totaling about 1,000) and took 2 years (1519-1521). The conquest of the Maya region, which consisted of dozens of small city-states and hundreds of autonomous social communities, cost countless military forces for 180 years (1517-1697). Even by 1847 and 1901, the Maya had unleashed an influential revolt against Latin American governments.
Spain conquers the Aztecs
Mayan civilization in the pre-Spanish colonial era:
A forest of regional states and city-states
Before the Spanish colonial era, the Maya, who were extremely similar in race and language, were divided into dozens of small countries, linked by long-distance trade networks. This may be why the Maya were able to escape native tyranny for thousands of years and resist the conquest of foreign Spaniards for hundreds of years.
Centered around the Yucatan Peninsula, the pre-Spanish colonial Mayan civilization flourished in what is now southern Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, and Honduras, not far south of the Aztec Empire. Unlike its neighbors, the Maya civilization was never a centralized empire. Instead, the land was a patchwork of small states vying for power, many of which were linked by various military alliances and long-distance trade networks. In the 2500 years from the rise of the Maya civilization to the Spanish conquest, political scientists Claudio Cioffi-Revilla and Todd Landman identified 72 major Mayan chiefdoms (similar to city-states) and regional states (which ruled over municipalities at all levels), noting that hundreds more smaller regimes existed, although most of these regimes were "secondary" in comparison and were not included in their research.
The geographical location of the Yucatan Peninsula
The Mayan World of Classical Times:
Domestic politics of multiple powers and centralizations
The most centralized period in Maya history was the Classical Period (circa 250-950 AD). The anthropologist Antonia E. Foias explains, "At the heart of the classical Mayan polity was the divine ruler, the 'Lord' (k'uhul ajaw), who lived in the royal court at the center of an independent political capital, where the affairs of the state were handled. The rule of the 'Holy Lord' was supplemented by two or four classes of political officials and royal families. Political elites enriched themselves by expropriating goods from civilians and vassal states (if any) as tribute, as well as by enlisting subjects in large-scale public works projects. However, power was concentrated in the 'Holy Lord', they were deified, and their rule and its events were inscribed on large stone tablets (stelae).
Mayan stele
Classical times were marked by the emergence of states, the emergence of more and more forms of government from crevices, and the rise of a number of large city-states with strong regional influence. As the Hispanic scholar Lynn V. Foster explains:
"The 100 years from around 672 AD witnessed the rise of many great cities (...) Competition among these Mayan cities led to more frequent wars and the need for tribute; wealth brought architectural prosperity and increased production of luxury goods. The result was a period of political tension and war, but also a period of artistic creation that gave birth to the greatest works of art of the Mayan civilization. ”
But secession has produced more countries that have been tainted by the conceit of internal and external political privileges. As Foyas explains, from about the 7th to the 10th century AD:
"The number and privilege of the elite class are growing, and hieroglyphs and monuments that were previously only associated with the royal family in the early classical period are becoming more common (...) More and more smaller sites declare themselves the seat of independent royal power with their own emblem stone carvings (...) As time went on and the flames of war raged, the expandable areas gradually decreased, and the broad aristocracy and the growing number of royal families were bound to feel the intensity of competition. ”
Despite the controversy and controversy, it is likely related to the expansionist ambitions of these countries and the ensuing wars and unbearable economic exploitation, the Maya civilization suffered a political "collapse" at the end of the classical era, and many of the existing states disintegrated between about 800 and 1100 AD. Theophi-Revira and Landman point out that this collapse "is marked by the eventual pattern of abandonment, migration, destruction, and other political demise, rather than by merging or consolidating into fewer, larger, or more complex regimes," arguing that the Lack of Political Integration of the Maya Civilization was a failure and painstakingly emphasizing that it was the root cause of the Maya civilization's demise. However, in the so-called "collapse", contrary to its meaning, many new small political systems were formed and ushered in a period of political decentralization.
The Mayan World in the Post-Classical Period:
More small countries, more trade, more freedom
New powers emerged in the post-classical era (950-1542), but this time the number of large regional states decreased, the number of city-state emirates increased, and the "important" forms of government recorded by Theophi-Revilla and Landman decreased overall. Foyas described the geopolitical landscape of the postclassical period as:
From the small "Yucatec" ("maya urban grassroots social organization, including residential areas and territories controlled by towns") ruled by the "batab" (local leader) to the regional polity ruled by the "halach uinic" (meaning "real man", which can be understood as a great figure, regional overlord), to the militarized and expanded state of the Kingdom of Kiche in the Guatemalan plateau, and finally to the hegemony of the Itza region in the lowlands of Central Peten.
Monuments of rulers disappeared, expensive monumental works decreased, trade increased, and sources of political power expanded to include the "real" elite courts of slightly larger states and local political institutions. During this period, the state did not seem to interfere too much in the production of goods for people to local markets and regional trade networks, although some commodities were parasitically absorbed. As a result, maya society saw the emergence of a large number of entrepreneurial activities, social mobility, and a "broadly integrated mercantilist economy." The Mayan scholars Marilyn A. Masson and Carlos Peraza Lope observed that "the distribution of different kinds of material things in households of all sizes means that for some non-elites, the opportunity for economic prosperity may be fluid." The "elite" retained their unique position through investment in family and ceremonial architecture, and through control of important calendar rituals celebrated by the Mayan community. ”
Unfortunately, the maya states of the post-classical era, although improving over the expansionist countries of the classical era, also had the problem of competition for power, and this period was plagued by war, as evidenced by the prominent war themes in the artwork and the appearance of defensive walls. Theophie-Revilla and Landman thus date back to the second political collapse that began in the 1690s, beginning around 1450, after the fall of the regional power of Mayappan (in present-day Yucatán, Mexico), before and indeed continued until the Spanish conquest. Of course, the independent Mayan civilization was eventually not able to recover from this collapse and was incorporated into the Spanish and Latin American countries.
Mayapan Ruins
But the conquest of the Maya was extremely lengthy, and it was not finally completed until centuries after colonial contact. The fall of maya also meant the birth of at least 16 small states. In the story of the Mayans: multiple decentralized regimes, then the rise of large militant states, the birth of more small states through secession (but not always without ambition), and finally the political collapse of many of these countries (large and small). This situation is therefore not a failure of decentralization, as Theofi-Revira and Landman claim.
The collapse of a nation must not be equated with the demise of a people; in fact, such events tend to liberate them from the tyranny of the state, even temporarily, and make their political arrangements more humble and thus more inclusive. Theofi-Revilla and Landman's own two-cycle model of political "development" and "collapse"—remember, this model excludes minimal polity, thus diluting the degree of decentralization and number of states before the "collapse"—shows this.
Although the Maya civilization's structure of numerous decentralized states was still plagued by the attempts of individual states to expand and centralize power, this structure gave Maya subjects greater power to take political revenge against the most exploitative and aggressive states. How did the Mayan civilians punish the political class? Very simple. The plebeians abandoned the political class, often following an ambitious (or power-jealous) faction of the elite, fissioning into a new state, as had happened in Mayappan. In fact, in the late Classical and early Postclassical periods, the population of the Belize coast, the Guatemalan plateau and the northern part of the Yucatan Peninsula continued to grow as many classical-era cities were abandoned. As the Mayan scholar and archaeologist Takeshi Inomata argued, the Maya non-elite of the classical period had "a degree of spatial mobility and freedom to change political affiliation." Foyas agreed, noting that "the low labor input of the Mayan civilians in house construction and agriculture suggests that they may have been relatively mobile." This tradition of fluidity continues into the Spanish era, and we will see that the Maya's penchant for elite-driven separation and voting with their feet has allowed the Maya to be independent and autonomous for far longer than the latest political elites expected.
The conquest of the Maya by the Spaniards,
1517-1697... and 1847-1901
The Spanish monarchy's efforts to annex Mayan territory began in 1517 and failed, when Francisco Hernández de Córdoba and his men were ambushed in Capocatóchi (present-day Quintana Roo, Mexico), fled after being threatened in Campage (present-day Campage, Mexican State), and went ashore again to fetch water after trying to convey peace to the locals. It was attacked near Chambottom (present-day Campage, Mexico).
The following year, Juan de Grijalba was better prepared, stopping on his way back to Cuba to confront the Maya at Chambordon to avenge the fiasco of the last expedition. The locals fought back fiercely, suffering heavy casualties and being forced to flee. The Spanish conquistadors found only three in the city, sent to negotiate with the local rulers, bringing so-called gifts of peace, but the three did not return. Next, Grihaba reached the vicinity of Potonchampan (present-day Tabasco, Mexico). After hearing about chambordon, the Jantar Mayans of Tabasco warned Griharba not to attack them, indicating that there were many Mayan armies in the capital and the area ready to attack. Griharba assured them of his peaceful intentions, and the two sides made a deal. Grialba returned to Cuba without establishing a headquarters.
The infamous Hernán Cortés followed in the footsteps of Grikhallba in 1519 and encountered a revolt at Potonchampan. Cortés succeeded in defeating the Tabasco Maya and established a town called Santa Maria de la Victoria on the seat of the Mayan capital. The natives paid tribute to Cortés and women, made peace with the Spanish state, and became vassals of the royal family, although the alliance seemed fleeting. Of course, Cortés then marched north to conquer the Aztecs (Grikhaba learned of their wealth and vast territory during the expedition), and his strategy for the Maya who lived between the two places was to conquer and sometimes ally.
Spanish mercenaries had better luck in today's Guatemala. There, Pedro de Alvarado conquered the power of the kingdom of Kiche in 1524 and established the capital in Isimche, which was controlled by his Kachiquil Mayan allies (who, by the way, separated from the Kiche in 1475). However, Alvarado's victory remained precarious: Kachiquil's allies revolted, and Alvarado was forced to move the capital in 1527. The Spaniards endured hostilities in Cauchquel for several years, but this time they managed to hold on to their territory: in 1541, a mudslide triggered by a nearby volcanic eruption destroyed the city, but it was soon permanently re-established in today's Antigua, Guatemala.
The geographical location of the Kingdom of Kiche
After Griharba's victory at Chambordon in 1518, the Spanish Crown's claims to the Yucatan Peninsula remained fragile and troublesome. Later efforts to conquer the Yucatan Peninsula did not get much better at first. Francisco de Montejo's campaigns of 1527–28 and 1531–34 both ended in retreat, abandoning the conquered Mayan cities or several garrisons "towns" established nearby, although Montejo did succeed in conquering the neighboring Tabasco Maya (who apparently did not maintain a passive state after their defeat at Cortés in 1519), In 1529, a town called Salamanca (in present-day Tabasco, Mexico) was founded. On the fifth attempt, the Spanish state finally conquered the Yucatan Maya. In 1541, Montejo the Younger (whose name goes with his father) established a base camp in Campage, where many local Mayan leaders, after being summoned, surrendered to the Spanish state without resistance. After defeating the Canur Mayans, Montejo Jr. established a firm foothold in 1542 on the ruins of the city of Tijo in Merida (in present-day Yucatán, Mexico).
But the establishment of Merida is not the end of the story. While the Mayan states of western Yucatán were unable to turn over, the eastern Yucatan states — Kupur, Kochua, Sotuta, Chaktemar (or Chetumal) and Taz — rebelled independently or jointly on several occasions. They were not completely conquered until 1546, when most of the eastern polities were allied and defeated by the Spaniards.
Many of the Maya fled Spanish rule, abandoned their cities and headed to frontier settlements. The Spanish scholar Foster explains, "Quintana Roo, in the eastern half of the Yucatan Peninsula, was still not occupied by the Spaniards, and the fleeing Maya settled there. Others fled to existing settlements in Petten and inland Belize, such as Teiasar [in Flores, in present-day Petten Province, Guatemala] and Tip [in present-day Belize]. These remote areas were visited only by missionaries, and on one occasion, in 1619, the missionaries were violently expelled from Taiza. In 1622, the Yucatan government attempted to retaliate, but in 1624 it failed, and the Itzamaya kept the conquerors out for decades. In addition, in 1638, the maya of the previously conquered Zuluynikob [in present-day Belize] and Chetumal [in present-day Chetumar, Quintana Roo, Mexico] rose up again and again broke away from Spanish rule, maintaining their independence until 1695. The Itza Maya remained independent until 1697, and the Spanish state eventually conquered Taiza, wiping out the last remnants of the Mayan independence and sovereignty.
Even after the collapse of the last Mayan state, many Mayan communities still existed in the eastern Yucatan Peninsula, living in isolation and de facto sovereignty. For example, Foster notes, the Lacandon Maya "migrated to the Usuma sinta river valley around Ponampak (in present-day Chiapas, Mexico), where they managed to hide from outsiders until they were encountered by mahogany lumberjacks in the 20th century." In fact, the Yucatan Caste War broke out in 1847 when independent Mayan communities watched their farmland being encroached upon by sugar mills (and Hispanic Mexican society). After expelling Hispanics from the region and destroying the sugar industry, these communities signed a truce in 1853 and were allowed to live semi-autonomously in Chenes in Campeche, but the Crusobu Maya of Quintana Roo held out until 1901, when the Mexican Confederation and Yucatan army violently suppressed their rebellion. Even more shocking was the Chamura movement of the 1860s, where the Mayans of Real, Chiapas, established their own non-Catholic denomination and "a barter market independent of the churches, teachers, merchants, and estate owners of the city of Real." The Maya besieged the area after the movement leaders were detained, and Mexican authorities were forced to release them. The rebellion was not quelled until the 1870s.
Conclusion
Although Spain and Latin American countries eventually annexed the Maya civilization, it took centuries to clear the borders, and one of the reasons for this was the mayan geopolitical arrangements, the countless independent regimes that were left to balance by the separation of the discontented elite and the abandonment of the unhappy plebeians. Perhaps the most important reason why behemoths such as the Aztec Empire were easily taken by hundreds of conquerors was that the subjects of the Empire had been domesticated by power, and as long as the supreme ruler was solved, the entire subjects of the Empire would lose the will to resist and submit.
Moreover, despite the peremptory inherent in the State itself, which has repeatedly led to diplomatic tensions among the Mayan states and strained their populations, political secession and the resulting weaker forms of government appear to have led to a marked reduction, if not forever, in state tyranny and exploitation. In contrast, the rulers of the totalitarian empire often lack checks and balances and act arbitrarily, and there are too many dissatisfaction lurking in society, which usually seems to be as solid as a rock, but once there is some kind of opportunity, the contradiction will fully erupt, the external troubles will trigger internal changes, and suddenly collapse.
It must be noted that, despite the multiplicity and limited jurisdiction of the Maya civilization's state structure, the consequence was that it acted as a conduit for state power after the Spanish conquest (not to mention the control exerted by the Mayan states, which were already imperial-leaning). As Foster explains:
Initially, the Spaniards were too few to rule without the assistance of the Mayans. Thus, they replaced the Mayan nobility at the top of the hierarchy of government, while the rest of the political hierarchy remained largely unchanged. The Mayan chiefs collected tributes from the Spaniards, including food, labor, clothing, and gold collected in the Highlands of Guatemala. In return, the Spaniards allowed the Mayan viceroy to dress like spanish gentlemen, ride horses and even carry weapons—of course, they could continue to collect their own tributes and own their own personal slaves. ”
The subjugation of the state and its growing tendency to aggression at home and abroad are things that the proponents of the strategy of separation and decentralization must always keep in mind. While political secession and decentralization can indeed reduce tyranny and increase freedom, the small states it creates remain inherently instilling: if given enough space, they can develop into overriding behemoths, in contrast to a purely spontaneous order. If they want to preserve their gains, freedom lovers must be prepared to separate and migrate again, as the Maya did for centuries. More importantly, if the cycle of interventionism is to be truly broken and a truly voluntary society based on full private property rights is to be established, they must continue to promote full individual sovereignty as the ultimate ideal.