In 1115, the Jurchens who lived in the northeast corner of the world established the Jin Dynasty under the leadership of Wanyan Aguta (i.e., Jin Taizu, hereinafter referred to as Taizu), and destroyed the Liao in the third year (1125) of Tianhui (later referred to as Taizong, Jurchen name Wanyan Wu Qimai) with rapid military strength, and the Northern Song Dynasty died in the fifth year of Tianhui (1127, that is, the second year of Jingkang), and the land rapidly expanded to the Yellow River Valley. After the establishment of the Jin Dynasty, the Taizu Dynasty maintained a strong Jurchen traditional culture, and the national subject system with Jurchen characteristics of the Taizong Dynasty gradually changed to the Central Plains Dynasty system, which was finally completed after the third generation of Jin Xizong (hereinafter referred to as Xizong, Han name Wanyan Yan, Jurchen name Hera) ascended the throne. There are two distinct views on whether the political and social system of the Jin Dynasty Taizu and Taizong was a form of state or a former state form—chiefdom (military tribal alliance and tribal system) (1). Scholars from both sides discussed the political, social, economic, cultural, and other issues of the early Jin Dynasty from their own viewpoints, and came to a clear difference in understanding. How to understand the politics and society of the Northern Dynasty, which is obviously different from the Central Plains Dynasty, not only has the problems of theoretical concepts, the application and interpretation of historical materials, but also the problems of concepts. This article is not despicable, but talks about my own opinions, and asks colleagues in the academic community for advice.
1. Some views on the politics and society of the early Jin Dynasty
Regarding the politics and society of the Jin Dynasty Taizu and Taizong periods, the mainstream view in academic circles is that with the establishment of the Jin Dynasty, the Jurchens completed the transition from a primitive society to a civilized society and entered the state form. The early Jin regime was a country with Jurchen characteristics, and with the destruction of the Liao and Song dynasties, the regime gradually transitioned to a Central Plains-type state. In addition, there is also a view that although the Jurchens established political power during the Jin Taizu and Taizong periods, they did not enter the state form, and were still in the stage of the end of the primitive society, or the transition stage from the primitive society to the state, that is, the Jin Dynasty was in the pre-state form during this period, among them, there are three representative views.
(1) The tribal alliance said
The first to systematically discuss the pre-state form of the Jin Dynasty Taizu and Taizong was Li Xihou, who discussed his views in several articles published in the late 80s and mid-90s of the 20th century. (2) He believes that in the early days of the Jin Dynasty, although it had the name of a dynasty, it was actually just a tribal alliance, and the decision-making body was the original Jurchen Tribal Alliance Council, and the officials continued to use the name of the tribal alliance period, Bo Ji Lie (also known as Xiao Ji Lie), although it had been divided into high and low numbers, but there was no obvious difference in status, and there was no strict boundary between monarchs and ministers. The basic social organization under the jurisdiction of the imperial court was still the Jurchen village based on blood relations, and the village was used to lead the village, forming a set of administrative system based on the tribal village organization, implementing the system of integrating the army and the people, and forming a fierce security to conquer when there was a military operation, so as not to disrupt the original village organization. When the Jurchens settled in the newly occupied territories, the military-political Meng'an Mouke became a separate, unmixed social organization with the local population, which was still based on blood ties. He believes that during this period, the Jin Dynasty was still at the end of the primitive society, and as an administrative center, the city had not yet been formed, and had just begun to transition from tribal alliances to autocratic imperial power.
(2) The tribal system theory
Following Li Xihou, Liu Pujiang partially adopted Li Xihou's views and put forward his views. Liu Pujiang believes that after the founding of the Jin Dynasty, there was a process of transformation from a tribal system to an imperial dynasty. During the era of Taizu and Taizong, the political system of the Jin Dynasty basically followed the old Jurchen system, and the tribal traditions were deeply rooted. The high degree of centralization of the strong power of the Jurchen military commanders in the early Jin Dynasty contrasted with the weakness of the monarch's personal authority, and Taizong had to submit to the choice of the elders and nobles when he was the head of the country. The Jurchen tradition of military democracy inhibited the development of the monarch's personal authority. However, Liu Pujiang disagrees with Li Xihou's statement that the northern and southern official system was not implemented in the early years of the Jin Dynasty, and believes that in the early Jin Dynasty (1123-1138), the so-called "southern officials" were the Han Privy Council system, and the "northern officials" were the Bo Jilie system implemented in the imperial court, and the dual political system implemented in the early Jin Dynasty caused the coexistence of multiple political centers. (3) Liu Pujiang did not discuss the structure and system of the basic social organization of the Jurchens in the early Jin Dynasty, but from the perspective of his call for the tribal system in the early Jin Dynasty, it should be considered that the basic social organization of the Jurchens was a tribal system.
(c) The chiefdom said
In 2019, Li Xiulian and Liu Zhibo wrote an article proposing that the early years of the Jin Dynasty were the social form of the chiefdom. They believe that in the early years of the Jin Dynasty, the level of development of the Jurchen productive forces was very limited, the fishing and hunting economy and the agricultural economy existed in tandem, social stratification had been formed, and the relationship between the lord of the state and the Zhu Bo Jilie of the state theory system (the highest military and political organ of the state) was the relationship between the big chief and the small chief, and the big chief played the role of a regulating person, and maintained a basically equal relationship with Zhu Bo Jilie. In the lower classes, military democracy is relatively common in the Jurchen Wanyan Ministry, and the principle of democracy and equality is embodied in the daily life of soldiers and generals, to the resolution of major events, to the reward of meritorious deeds. Although they only mention the Wanyan Division, it should be assumed that the same should be true of the other Jurchen Divisions. The democratic and equal rights of different social classes are the basic characteristics of the chiefdom regime. After Wanyan Aguta changed his name from Du Bo Jilie to the emperor, although the imperial political factors were injected on the basis of the military democracy's Bo Ji Lie's official system, the Jurchen Emperor was still Du Bo Jilie's role to a large extent. (4) Although the text does not specifically discuss the structure and system of the basic social organization of the Jurchens in the early Jin Dynasty, from their expression of the Wanyan Division, they believe that the basic social organization of the Jurchens is a tribal system.
The theory of tribal alliance, tribal system, and chiefdom was based on the theories of the evolution of primitive society into a state in the academic circles at that time, and their common point was that the political and social development level of Taizu and Taizong of the Jin Dynasty was positioned in the pre-state form in the transition from primitive society to state. Li Xihou believes that although the Jin Dynasty has the name of a dynasty, it is still a tribal alliance, and the basic social organization is still a Jurchen village based on blood relations, and it is an administrative system in which the village leads the village. Liu Pujiang had similar views to Li Xihou, but he believed that the Jin dynasty was a tribal system. Regarding the Jurchen tribal system, Zhang Boquan pointed out in the "Manuscript of the History of Jin" that the tribal system is a more progressive social form than the clan tribe between the clan tribe and the ancient nation, that is, a period of history before the emergence of the state. The Jurchen tribes were divided into tribes, and noble families appeared, and tribal chiefs implemented a hereditary election system, and the initial legal system appeared to restrain the tribes. ⑤
The concept of chiefdom was first coined by K. Oberg in 1955 to refer to a South American lowland society between a subdivided tribe and a true state. In his book Primitive Social Structures (1962), Ehrman Sevis (F.R. Service) borrowed it to name a complete evolutionary stage. In The Origins of Nations and Civilizations: The Process of Cultural Evolution, Sevis argues in detail the characteristics of chiefdoms, arguing that the typical chiefdom is an internal hierarchy of pyramidal family lineages based on the principle of primogeniture, a theocratic chiefdom, redistribution, and a class that prohibits luxury. The general social structure is based on kinship groups based on the concept of lineage. A chiefdom is a formal statutory body with the nature of aristocratic domination, centralized tendencies and hereditary hierarchical ranks, but no force of oppression. It seems to be a generally theocratic structure, and the form of obedience to authority is the same as that of religious followers to priests-chiefs. (6) In Severis's view, the most striking feature of the chiefdom is the theocratic system, the absence of military oppression, and the grassroots social organization is a kinship group based on lineage. Later, Timothy Earle further proposed that chiefdom societies were very different, including theocratic, military, and tropical forest types, and could also be divided into group and individual types, straitified and ranked, simple and complex. He also believed that the chiefdom was an evolutionary type of society, a bridge between the primitive egalitarian society and the bureaucratic state. ⑦
Severes's assertion that chiefdom is a social stage between a sub-sectional egalitarian society and a coercive state is universally accepted by scholars at home and abroad. Examining the process of the transition of the Jurchen society from a primitive egalitarian society to a state, it can be confirmed that it passed through the stage of a chiefdom (hierarchical) society, and the academic research on the Jurchen tribal system can also confirm this. The question discussed in this article is whether the Jin Dynasty was a chiefdom (tribal alliance, tribal system) or a state during the Taizong period. After summarizing the research on the origin of chiefdoms and civilizations in foreign academic circles, Li Shuicheng proposed: "There are three key differences between chiefdoms and states: 1) whether there are bureaucratic government agencies, 2) whether they have legitimate force, and 3) whether the blood relationship of the social cohesion mechanism is replaced by geographical relations" (8). This can be used as a theoretical basis for this article to refer to when discussing specific issues.
2. Analysis of several commonly used historical materials
Before entering the discussion topic, we will first analyze the historical materials and examples that are most frequently used by scholars who hold the view that the early Jin dynasty was a pre-state form, so as to make the subsequent discussion clearer and more effective.
(1) Regarding the establishment of the heir of Jin Taizong, at the beginning of the Jin Dynasty, he took Tan Ban Bo Ji Lie as the crown prince, and in the eighth year of Tianhui (1130), he died of Tan Ban Bo Ji Lie Gao (oblique also), and he was in this position for a long time. The "Golden History" records this incident:
Ten years later, the left deputy marshal Zong Han, the right deputy marshal Zong Fu, and the left supervisor Wan Yan Xiyin entered the dynasty and discussed with Zong Gan and said: "The position of Ban Bolie has been vacant for a long time, and it is not decided early today, and I am afraid that it will not be his person." Hela, the grandson of the first emperor, should stand. "Please ask Taizong again and again.
Taizong took Zonghan and other ministers as ministers, and he couldn't take them, so he obeyed them, so he established Xizong as the best class. ⑨
Hera (i.e., Xizong Jurchen's real name) is the eldest son of Taizu's eldest son, Zong Jun, who died in the second year of Tianhui (1124). Taizong had no intention of establishing a union, and the reason why he could not refuse it was because of the opinion of the ministers, "its righteousness and its righteousness" (10). The Song Dynasty Hong Hao's "Records of the Song Desert" recorded this incident:
Now the name of the lord is the grandson of Aguta, the son of the rope fruit...... The rope fruit died, and his wife was accepted by the solid theory, so the gold lord was raised in the solid theory family. and Wu begged to buy pawns, and his son King Song quarreled with Gulu and Sticky Han, and took the gold lord as his heir, so he was established. [11]
Miao Yao's "The Legend of Shenlu" said:
Wu begged to buy sick, his son Zong Pan said that he was the son of the gold lord and became the heir, Ah Xiao Zonggan said that he was the eldest grandson of Taizu Wu Yuan and the eldest son of the Yuan covenant as the prince, and Sticky Han Zongwei said that he was the eldest brother and his merit was in his position, and Wu Qimai could not give the grabber for a long time. There is Yang cut Taishi's youngest son Wu Yema Wanyan Yan was taught by the main guest of this dynasty Wailang Fan Zhengtu, a little through the text, played Taizong said: "The ministers please raise it, at the beginning, Taizong called Yuanmou brother Lunzu, but made Taizu's descendants the king." The words of the alliance are still in the ears, all the Taizu Zhengshu Empress Cihui's own male rope fruit died early, and there are grandchildren who can be called the Zhiban version (that is, the ban-citation note, the same below) is extremely strong and thinks that he is a prince, and he is fifteen years old. "Sticky Han and Wushu are conducive to the young and easy to make, and the clan is an uncle, and the mother is continued, such as a son. So the CCP agreed. [12]
The account of the Song people predates the History of Jin,[13] especially Hong Hao, who was sent to the Jin Dynasty in the third year of the reign of Emperor Gaozong of the Song Dynasty (1129, i.e., the seventh year of the Jin Tianhui), and was detained until the thirteenth year of the reign of Emperor Gaozong of the Song Dynasty (1143), when he was able to return to the Southern Song Dynasty. During the Jin Dynasty, he was mainly stranded in the Jurchen mainland, and the Marshal Right Supervisor was the residence of the Wanyan Xiyin family, and the matter of Taizong's establishment of the heir was exactly what happened during his stay in the Jin Dynasty, so it stands to reason that his account should be the most authentic. However, judging from Hong Hao's account, he did not know that Jin Taizong had established an heir in his later years, but he recorded the erroneous information that Zong Pan (King of Song), Gu Lun (Zong Gan), and Mu Han (Zong Han) were fighting for the throne by hearsay. Miao Yao's "Shenlu Ji" modified the mistake of the three people to fight for the position of the prince, and further deduced it, and added new errors, such as Zonggan is the eldest son of Jin Taizu, not the eldest grandson, and there is no evidence that there is a covenant to make him the prince; However, Miao Yao mentioned in his advice to Taizong that there was an agreement between Taizu and Taizong and the Gao brothers, that is, "the brothers are round, but the descendants of Taizu are kings", which should be known to the Jurchen nobles and the people. Although there are discrepancies in the records of the Jin and Song dynasties, the same thing in the Song accounts as in the Jin History is that the main basis for appointing Yan Jian as the heir is that he is the grandson of Jin Taizu, and this important information is particularly noteworthy.
Regarding the interpretation of the above-mentioned historical materials, Li Xihou believes that in deciding who to appoint as the prince of Chenban Bo Jilie, the main thing is not the emperor's personal opinion, but it depends on the political leaders of each clan. These clans did not need to inform the emperor in advance to discuss the question of establishing a prince together. Not only did they not see it as a conspiracy, but after they decided, the emperor had to obey. [14] Liu Pujiang believed that although Taizong was the head of a country, he did not have the authority and sacredness that an autocratic imperial power should have, so he had to submit to the choice of the old nobles in the matter of establishing a prince. [15] Li Xiulian and others believe that in this incident, Taizong was the arbiter of the fierce contention between Tan Ban Bo, and that his status as a "moderator" was very embarrassing in the power struggle between Zong Han, Zong Gan, and Zong Pan. [16] In short, they all believed that Taizong succumbed to the pressure of the clan dignitaries and the elders and nobles when he established the heir, and did not have the authority and sacredness that the autocratic imperial power should have.
To find out the truth of this matter, we need to start with the identities of several Jurchen military and political ministers who participated in the establishment of the heir, and see if they have the lofty position of influencing the will of Taizong and ignoring the authority and sacredness of the monarch. Among the 5 main figures, in addition to Zong Pan is the eldest son of Taizong, the national theory of Kulubo Jilie Zonggan and the right deputy marshal Zongfu are the sons of Taizu, the national theory of shifting Bo Jilie and the left deputy marshal Zong Han (Sticky Han) are the eldest sons of Taizong's cousin Sagai, and the marshal of the right supervising army Wanyan Xiyin is not a clan nobleman but a nobleman with a different surname Wanyan, who was Zong Han's deputy at that time. Several clan nobles were all younger generations of Taizong, and they and Xiyin were both military and political ministers who were promoted and reused by Taizu and Taizong for their outstanding military exploits and political achievements in the wars against Liao and Song. Therefore, they were not the so-called "elder aristocrats" who were higher or equal to Taizong, and the power they held in their hands was not enough to threaten Taizong's imperial power and authority (this issue is discussed below). So why did Taizong give up the idea of appointing his own son as the heir? Why did several clan dignitaries unanimously demand that Taizu's grandson be appointed as the heir, and why did the "History of Jin" praise "its righteousness and righteousness"?
In response to this question, Tang Changru's research on the succession system of the early Jin dynasty is of great help to understand this problem. He believes that there was a strict system of succession to the throne in the early Jin Dynasty, which can be summarized as "inheritance by sons-in-law, brothers and brothers", and this unwritten system or custom has always been followed from the time Wanyan became the leader of the tribal alliance until before Xizong. [17] Taizu Aguda has a total of 5 brothers of the same mother, and by the eighth year of Tianhui, except for the reigning Taizong, they have all died, and it is the turn of the second generation to only neutralize the heirs from the sons of Taizu, but at this time, Taizu's sons-in-law have also died, and there is no precedent for how to choose the heirs, which should be the reason why the left and right deputy marshals rushed back to the mainland from the Central Plains to discuss the establishment of the prince. Judging from the principle of "inheritance by sons-in-law", Zonggan, Zongfu, and Zonghan are not qualified to be appointed as princes, and their argument that they are fighting for the position of reserve is not valid. Although Zong Pan is the eldest son of Taizong, Taizong has an agreement with Taizu, and the throne is passed to the descendants of Taizu, if Taizong breaches the contract and passes the throne to his descendants, it may be difficult for the Jurchen nobles and ordinary Jurchen bureaucrats to accept it. Zonggan, Zonghan, Zongfu, Xiyin and other clan dignitaries unanimously demanded that Taizu's grandson be appointed as the heir, which was in line with the traditional hereditary system of the Jurchen "Liyan", and also complied with the original agreement, so the "Jin History" praised "its righteousness and righteousness", and Taizong repeatedly accepted this proposition. On the one hand, Taizong was forced to be constrained by the traditional hereditary system of the Jurchens, and on the other hand, he considered the prestige of Taizu among the Jurchens and the stability of the regime.
(2) A story recorded in Zhao Zitong's "Yanyunlu":
The state of Jin collects the treasury and collects the goods, and the oath is only used by the army. As a result, the lord of the country Wu begged for excessive personal use, and he sued Yu Muhan for the crime of violating the oath. So the ministers helped down the palace, the rod was twenty finished, and the ministers returned to the palace. [18]
Liu Pujiang researched that the story recorded in the book "Yanyunlu" was seen and heard during Zhao Zitong's stay in the Jin Dynasty from the second year of Jingkang to the second year of Jianyan (1128, that is, the sixth year of Jin Tianhui), and the book was written in the second or third year of Jianyan, so it seems that this matter should not be later than the second year of Jianyan. He believes that this story best reflects the true state of the relationship between the monarch and the minister in the early Jin Dynasty, and vividly interprets the tradition of Jurchen military democracy. Li Xiulian and others also believe that this reflects that Taizong Wu Qimai and Zhu Bo Jilie are equal, Emperor Taizong should be punished with a rod for his crimes, and Zhu Bo Jilie is the one who punishes the crime.
We need to be sure of the veracity of this story before we can discuss it. In the fifth year of Tianhui, the Jin Dynasty destroyed the Northern Song Dynasty, and when the Jin army retreated north, it plundered all the gold and silver, rare treasures, and silk and silk in the Bianjing City, and the Northern Song Dynasty "once the 200-year-old treasury was exhausted" [19]. A large number of goods from the Central Plains were continuously transported to the Jurchen interior and incorporated into the imperial treasury. At this time, the treasury of the Jin Dynasty was full, and the Jin and Song wars had not yet ended, so it was unlikely that there would be a "pledge to use only troops". Is it possible that this happened before the war against the Song Dynasty in the third year of Tianhui? Jin Taizu had already occupied the Wujing of the Liao Dynasty, and Taizu died on the way to the north from Yanjing, and in the same year (1123) Taizong ascended the throne and changed to Yuan Tianhui. At this time, the Jin army "swept the Yancheng officials, households, technicians, concubines, prostitutes, Huang Guan, Qu Tan, Jin silk, and children to the east"[20], and a large number of gold and silver property from the richest areas of the former Liao Dynasty were transported back to the Jurchen interior, until the two years of the war against the Song Dynasty, the Jin Dynasty's materials were sufficient, and the civil engineering works of the Jin Dynasty during this period are recorded as the "construction of the Qianyuan Palace" at the seat of the imperial court in March of the third year of Taizong Tianhui[21] Xu Kangzong, the Song envoy who arrived in Jinting in June of that year, saw the palace under construction, "seven wooden halls, very strong, uncovered with tiles and mud, made of wood, and the roof ridge with ink, and the curtain under the roof, and the list was called the Qianyuan Palace" [22]. The construction of the imperial court hall was obviously not for Taizong's private use, but as the private part of Taizong's harem, it was said in history that "during the thirteen years of his reign, the palace and the garden did not gain anything" [23]. There is no evidence to support the claim that Taizong was "over-employed". The author believes that this story is fictional, and the Jin Dynasty did practice cane punishment, as recorded in volume 3 of the "Three Dynasties Northern Alliance Edition": "Whoever has an official will be given a cane, and the corridor will be given wine and meat." The official and the venerable are decided in the hall, and they have been roded, and they regard things as they are", the story recounted by Zhao Zitong seems to be based on this. If this theory is true, the relationship between Jin Taizong and Zhu Bo Jilie, which scholars have discussed on this basis, cannot be established.
(3) Volume 3 of the "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances" records:
The state has major events, and the suitable field sits around, and the gray is discussed, and the inferiority begins with the inferior. When the discussion is finished, it will be destroyed, and people will not hear it, and its secret will be so. Will march, the conference and drink, so that people give advice, the commander listens and chooses, and the combination is the special general, let it be. The teacher returned, and the conference, asked the meritorious and low, rewarded with a number of gold silks, held up to show the public, or thought it was thin, and increased it.
Li Xihou believes that this is the form of decision-making of military and political affairs by the imperial court in the early years of the Jin Dynasty, when the heads of all ministries had the right to participate in the decision-making of major issues, especially in the military field. Until Taizong Wu Qimai ascended the throne, his decision-making process was generally the same. [24] Li Xiulian et al. argue that the situation within the Jurchen Wanyan Department is described here, from the daily life of the soldiers, to the resolution of major events, to the reward of meritorious deeds, all embodying the principle of democratic equality, and further explain that this democratic equality is limited to a certain social class, and members who are not from that class do not enjoy their equal rights. [25]
This historical material is part of the author's account of the Jin Dynasty's use of troops, and from the content, it may be the basic process of the Jurchens' specific battles: "Drawing ashes and discussing them, those who are inferior begin with their own self-esteem." After the discussion is completed, it will be dispersed, and the people will not hear it, and its secret is like this." It should be a description of the scene in which the generals discussed specific tactics; "Let people offer advice, and the commander will listen to and choose what he wants, and the one who will be combined will be a special general, and let him do his job." This should be the form in which the commander appoints leading generals; "If you ask for meritorious service, you will be rewarded with a number of gold silks, and you may show them to the public, or you may think that they will be thin and multipled." This should be a scene in which meritorious deeds are rewarded after the end of the battle, and it is unlikely to be a process in which the Jurchen emperor and his auxiliary ministers discussed and decided on major military and political affairs of the state. The members of the highest military and political organs of the early Jin Dynasty, all of whom were nobles of the clan, were not the leaders of the Jurchen tribes (see this later), but the upper echelons of the state bureaucracy, and this account does not support Li Xihou's inference. Locating this historical material as a description of the situation in the Wanyan Department also has the problem of making sense. After the establishment of the Jin Dynasty, the basic social organization of the Jurchens had replaced the tribal system with the Meng'an Mouke system, whether it was daily life, production and labor, or marching and fighting, it was not based on the tribe, and the Jurchen army's Meng'an Mouke was organized according to the number of people, not according to the family or tribe, and the relationship between officers and soldiers was difficult to fully correspond to the "certain social class" mentioned by Li Xiulian and others. However, this historical material does reflect that the Jin Dynasty retained the old Jurchen customs, or primitive relics, after the founding of the Jin Dynasty, but it does not prove that this was the form of the imperial court's decision-making on military and political affairs in the early years of the Jin Dynasty, nor can it prove that the Jurchen social organization in the early years of the Jin Dynasty was a tribal system and equal relations within the tribes.
(4) The historical books of the Song and Jin dynasties, especially the historical books of the Song Dynasty, record many social customs of the Jurchens in the early Jin Dynasty, such as the "History of Jin":
After Taizu ascended the throne, the ministers performed things, and Sagai knelt forward, got up, and wept and said: "Today's success is all the help of all the monarchs. ”[26]
"Documentary of the Northern Expedition" contains:
[Taizu Zhengliao to Yanjing] Yan people are prepared to welcome it, and its beginning is also within the Yan Zhi. A Guda and several of his ministers are sitting on the household limit of the temple with their fists, and they are surrendered by the Yan people, and they still have a number of handles in the yellow cover, and they want to open it with their ministers. China is said to be laughing. [27]
Hong Hao's "Chronicles of the Pine Desert" contains:
Hu vulgar, the old no etiquette, the monarch and the people bathe in the same river, shoulder to shoulder in the road, although the people kill chickens and call their kings to eat together. [28]
Zhang Hui's "Golden Treasure Festival" is described in more detail:
At the beginning, there were no cities in the Jurchen domain, and the stars were scattered. The captive master Wanyan Sheng often bathes in the river, grazing in the wild, it is the creation of the grass, and it can be seen. At the beginning of the Gai Jurchen, the disciples of the bones were the kings, and the disciples of the sticky Han were the ministers, although they were called kings and ministers, and there was no difference between respect and inferiority, the joy was shared, and the wealth was used together. As for the houses, the chariots, the horses, the clothes, the food, and the like, they are all the same. The only hall that the captive owner enjoys exclusively, is called the Qianyuan Palace. In addition to this hall, the willows are planted outside the residence, and the line is only forbidden to encircle. Its palace also, the wall is full of big kang, if there is nothing to do, it is locked, or opened, then it sits on the kang with the ministers, the pseudo-concubine bows to eat, or the captive comes back to the house of the ministers, the monarch and the ministers feast, hand in hand to hold the back, bite the head and twist the ears, as for the same song and dance, there is no difference between respect and humility. Therefore, all birds and beasts have one heart, and each has no intention of coveting. [29]
In the eyes of the scholars of the Song Dynasty, these customs and behaviors were "called kings and ministers, but there is no distinction between respect and inferiority", "there is no distinction between respect and inferiority", especially the customs and behaviors that undermine the dignity of the emperor's authority "like birds and beasts", and some of them are very ridiculous. The comments of the Song people still have some influence on the understanding of the Jurchen political society of the early Jin dynasty, and Li Xihou believes that although the Jin dynasty was named, it was still in fact only a tribal alliance,[30] and there was no strict boundary between the monarch and the minister, and the transition from tribal alliance to autocratic imperial power was just beginning. [31] After examining and discussing the scale and characteristics of the capital of the early Jin dynasty, Liu Pujiang argues that the tribal tradition was deeply rooted in the transformation of the early Jin dynasty from the Jurchen tribal system to the Chinese imperial dynasty. Many years after the establishment of the regime, the political center did not have the name of Jingshi for a long time, and the political function as the capital of a country was quite weakened, an important factor was that the Jurchen military democratic tradition inhibited the development of the monarch's personal authority. [32] Li Xiulian et al. believe that the natural and simple living habits of the Jurchens under the social form of the chiefdom are the social basis of the idea of equality of the official system.
After the establishment of the Jin Dynasty, the old Jurchen customs were retained to a considerable extent, which was closely related to Jin Taizu's advocacy of ruling the dynasty with Jurchen national customs. A Guta once said to the Song Dynasty envoy Ma Kuo: "My family has been passed down from the ancestors, and there is no such custom, and it will not be extravagant, so this house is warm in winter and cool in summer, not to mention the palace, and the people are also labored." Don't laugh. [33] When Ah Guda led the army to conquer Liao, he was extremely vigilant and defended, and his fate said: "It is to use the politics of the mainland of Ru Er." Anyone who violates the military law shall be found guilty of the crime and punished accordingly. The rest of the things are no big or small, and one is according to the old system of this dynasty"[34]. On the other hand, the Jurchen founded the country in the anti-Liao war, and had no time to improve the national etiquette system and build the capital, and the national political center was called "Yuzhai". From daily life to court deliberations, there is no strict etiquette between monarchs and ministers, and this phenomenon may be the political ecology of the chiefdom (tribal and tribal alliance) system, as several scholars have said, but it may also be the political ecology of the northern state that is not the Han dynasty of the Central Plains. Cultural practices are not a criterion for determining whether a regime is a state or a chiefdom, and Sevis repeatedly emphasizes in his writings that "urban centers were not essential to the development of ancient civilizations"[35]. Let's discuss whether the early years of the Jin Dynasty were a form of state from the three basic criteria for judging the state mentioned above.
3. Is it a chieftain or a monarch?
Let's start with the first two criteria, namely, the existence of bureaucratic government and the existence of legal force.
Before the Jurchens established the Jin Dynasty, they were subordinate departments of the Liao Dynasty, and during the Liao Daozong, they set up the Jurchen tribe Jiedu envoy in the Jurchen area, and appointed Wanyan Wugunai, the chief of the Wanyan tribe of Hushui, as the Jiedu envoy, so "there were official subordinates, and the discipline was gradually established" [36]. After decades of development, on the eve of the establishment of the Jin Dynasty, the social development of the Jurchen tribe reached a relatively high and complex chiefdom. [37] After the establishment of the regime, Taizu established the Central State Theory of Bo Ji Lie System according to the Jurchen national customs, which was implemented in the Taizu and Taizong dynasties, and this system was mainly composed of five or six Bo Ji Lie (Taizong had a reduction in personnel). The first members of the Bo Ji Lie were all close officials in the official subordinates of the original Jurchen tribes,[38] and there were more than 10 Bo Ji Lie officials before and after the two dynasties, all of whom were nobles of the Wanyan clan, who did not have the identity of representing the Jurchen tribes, but they had the background of each clan of the clan. When studying the system of the state and the state of the country, the Japanese scholar Sansuo Nan clearly pointed out that the nature of the Jin Dynasty's system of the state and the Jurchen officials born before the founding of the People's Republic of China is different, and the system of the state is subordinate to the emperor of the Jin Dynasty, and it has all the important powers of government affairs, such as auxiliary, deliberative, administrative, and judicial. Zhu Bo Jilie used a collegial method to run important state affairs, coordinate deliberations, and provide reference for the emperor, which is the ancient custom of the Jurchens. [39] Customs are a kind of appearance, and Mr. Mikami argues that this is a state bureaucracy with the old Jurchen customs from the relationship between the functions of the Bojilie system and the emperor. Combing through the historical materials, it can be seen that the officials engaged in specific government affairs under the extreme fierceness of Zhu Bo include Jurchens, Bohai people, Khitans, and Han people. In September of the second year of Tianfu (1118), "(Taizu) edict said: 'The edict of the national letter should be chosen by a good writer. He ordered the place where he sought to be a man of learned and brilliant man, and sent him to Que'"[40]. In addition to the Jurchen officials, the officials of the other clans were mainly former Liao and Song officials who had joined the Jin Dynasty during the Jin war against the Liao and Song dynasties. Taizong Shi knew that Ban Bo Ji Lie also discussed with the state Hu Lu Bo Ji Lie Zong and persuaded Taizong to change the old Jurchen system, using the Han official system, "Tianhui four years, the first official system, and the establishment of Shangshu Province and the following temples" [41]. By the twelfth year of the Tianhui (1134), the six departments and subordinate institutions under the Central Zhubo Jilie had been basically sound. In the first month of the year, "Jiazi, the initial revision of the system, the edict of China and foreign countries" [42]. The central government of the Jin Dynasty completed the comprehensive reform of the system of three provinces and six ministries four years later, that is, in the first year of the reign of Emperor Jin Xizong (1138). Looking at the two dynasties of Taizu and Taizong, it can be said with certainty that there were bureaucratic government institutions in the central part of the Jin Dynasty: the Taizu period was a bureaucratic government agency with Jurchen characteristics, and the Taizong period gradually changed to the Han system, and this process was basically completed in the last years of Taizong.
With the advancement of the Liao-Song War, the local bureaucratic government institutions of the Jin Dynasty set up three road systems according to the locality, the Jurchen region set up the Wanhu Road, the former Liao Dynasty region set up the Dutong Si Road and the Military Marshal Division Road, and the former Song Dynasty region set up the Soldiers and Horses Du Guanfu Road (the construction of the road under the road involves the third criterion discussed in this article, that is, whether the blood relationship is more than the geographical relationship, which is discussed below). The prefects of Wanhu Road, Dutong Silu, and Junshuai Silu were all Jurchen nobles, with the position of military and political integration, in charge of local military and political affairs, pacifying the people, collecting grain and grass, handling litigation cases, and being responsible for local defense. The commanders of the metropolitan division and the military commander also have the right to appoint and dismiss local officials and military generals at all levels under their subordinates. The two road systems are compatible with the central system. The governor of the military capital is mainly in charge of civil affairs, and the military power is small, and he is only responsible for the garrison and security of the road. Under the road, the prefectures and counties of the former Song Dynasty were retained, and various government affairs were divided into categories, and the simple control mechanism of the central government system was not suitable for the rule of the region. [43] The Jin Dynasty quickly transformed the left and right deputy marshal's offices, which were stationed in the Central Plains, into a ruling body that integrated military and political affairs, with the Yanjing Privy Council under the right vice marshal's office and the Yunzhong Privy Council under the left vice marshal's office, which assisted the left and right deputy marshal's offices to govern the eastern and western military and western military and horse capital governors' mansions respectively, and the left and right deputy marshal's offices had the functions of integrating military and political affairs, and took care of all aspects of the military, administration, justice, personnel, and economy,[44] thus straightening out the central government's control mechanism over the Central Plains.
There is a great debate in the academic circles about the power and function of the Han Privy Council during the Jin Taizong period, mainly whether the Jin Dynasty had an official system in the north and south, and whether the political system of the Jin Dynasty during this period was a unitary system or a dual system. Associated with this controversy is how powerful the Jurchen military nobles led by Wanyan Zonghan were and whether they could reach a point where they could threaten the imperial power, or be able to influence it.
In April of the seventh year of Tianfu (1123), Jin Taizu returned Yanjing to the Northern Song Dynasty, "with Zuo Qigong in Guangning, the Privy Council of Liaonan is still the same as the old Liaonan Yuan" [45]. In May, Zuo Qigong and others traveled to Nanjing (Pingzhou), stayed behind Zhang Jue to betray Jin, and killed Zuo Qigong and other major officials of the Privy Council. According to Li Han's research, Liu Yanzong went to Guangning in November of the seventh year of Tianfu,[46] and served as "the Pingzhang of the Tongzhong Shumen, the Privy Council, the Jiazhong, and the Zuozong Wangjun." Zong Wang, Fang Tu captured, and the affairs committee of Fanzhou County ruled by Yanzong". In the third year of Tianhui, Jin attacked the Song Dynasty, and Taizong "Zhao Yanzong also led the Han army." Cai Jing descended to Yan Mountain. Zhao Yanzong, all officials below the first rank of Yanjing are undertaken, and the annotation is given"[47]. Liu Yanzong's main responsibility for the Privy Council was to deal with the affairs of the Han people in the prefecture and county, which became the basic orientation of the functions of the Han Privy Council in the future. Li Han believes that in the fourth year of Tianhui (1126), the Privy Council of Zuodong Road Zongwangjun was moved to Yanjing, and in this year, Xilu Zonghanjun established the Yunzhong Privy Council in Xijing (now Datong). The Yanjing Privy Council has jurisdiction over some prefectures and counties of Yanjing Road, Pingzhou Road and Hebei Road of Song occupied by the Zongwang East Route Army, and the Yunzhong Privy Council has jurisdiction over some prefectures and counties of Xijing and Songhe East Road occupied by the Zonghan West Route Army. This situation lasted for about 3 years, and Liu Yanzong died of illness in the sixth year of Tianhui, and the Yanjing Privy Council was merged into the Yunzhong Privy Council, which was led by Zong Han. In the twelfth year of Tianhui, the Privy Council of Han moved from Yunzhong to Guihua Prefecture, and then to Yanjing. The nature of the Han Privy Council was actually that it was a "military government" under the orders of the Jurchen military commander, and the affairs of the Privy Council, which was regarded as the prime minister of the Han people, were nothing more than subordinates of the Metropolitan Government or the Marshal's Office. [48]
Judging from the above-mentioned process of the initial establishment of the Han Privy Council, the division of the two courts, and the re-merger, the Guangning Privy Council, the Yanjing Privy Council, and the Yunzhong Privy Council are all auxiliary organs of the Jurchen "military government" stationed in the Han area, and the scope of exercise of power is determined according to the jurisdiction of the Jurchen "military government" to which they are assisted. The jurisdiction of the left and right deputy marshal's offices is not the entire Central Plains south of Shanhaiguan, but only the areas around Hebei and Shanxi. The area of the former Liaozhou County north of Shanhaiguan was under the jurisdiction of Dutong Silu and Junshuai Silu, and Henan, Shandong, and Shaanxi areas south of Hebei and Shanxi belonged to the jurisdiction of Liu Yu's regime. Therefore, the Han Privy Council only managed the affairs of Han prefectures and counties in Hebei and Shanxi, and it was not a national body, which was obviously different from the Privy Council in the south of the Liao Dynasty. [49] The Jin dynasty was modeled after the bureaucracy of the Privy Council in southern Liao, and the Han Privy Council was set up under the Jurchen local "military government". As mentioned above, at the beginning of the Jin invasion and Song Dynasty, Taizong "Zhao Yanzong all officials below the first rank of Yanjing are awarded the system and annotation", which seems to give considerable power to the Privy Council of the Han people, but in fact, at this time, the central government of the Jin Dynasty did not determine the Han official system, and "officials below the first rank of Yanjing" means that as long as the officials of Song Yanjing are attached to the Jin Dynasty from top to bottom, they can follow the policy of Jin Taizu since "all officials are still in place"[50], this work was presided over by Liu Yanzong, and he did not have the right to elect important official positions such as Yanjing (see later for details). After the Jin destroyed the Northern Song Dynasty, the war-torn states and counties needed to reappoint officials, and the Jurchen commanders did not know the affairs of the Han region, so this task naturally fell to the Privy Council, which was responsible for this matter, but when the Song Zhou County was first occupied, the imperial court would also appoint officials from a certain state and county. Zhao Zitong's "Yanyunlu" recorded: "In the winter of Ding Wei (the fifth year of Tianhui), Prime Minister Liu Yanzong sent one person to know Yutian County, Yanshan, and the imperial court in the country also sent one person, but he could not deliver, and he returned angrily. No, the imperial court sent a mission to Yanshan to detain Liu Yanzong's death, and then sent an envoy to comment, and Yanzong bribed Wan Wan, which was already. [51] The Privy Council of the Han Dynasty clashed with the imperial court over the appointment of the prefect of Yutian, and the imperial court immediately sent an envoy to Yanshan to detain Liu Yanzong for death. It can be seen that although the prefect of the Han Privy Council is regarded as the prime minister of the Han people, if he angers the Jurchen nobles of the imperial court, his life will be in danger, as Li Han said, his status is just a subordinate of the Marshal's Mansion. This incident also shows that even though Taizong had authorized the left and right deputy marshals to be appointed by the Han Privy Council to appoint the state and county officials of the Central Plains, if there were personnel appointments in the imperial court, the localities must obey the central government. The officials of the Marshal's Office also did not take the prefects of the Han Privy Council seriously, "although they worship each other, they are rarely courteous"[52].
At the beginning of the Jin Dynasty, the military governors of the Liao and Song regions and the local officials in the Fuzhou region were given more powers, and the governors of the left and right deputy marshals' offices, the capital of the Tongsi Road, and the military marshals of the Lu all had the functions of integrating military and political affairs, and were in charge of military, administrative, judicial, and economic affairs, and had the personnel power to appoint and dismiss lower-level military and political officials, and the Jurchen emperors would often give them "cheap actions" during the war We should pay full attention to this point, and the power characteristics of the local governors in the early Jin Dynasty were compatible with the operating system of the central government. The left and right deputy marshals' offices stationed in the Central Plains entrusted part of the power to the Han Privy Council, which was related to the lack of ability of the Jurchen military aristocracy to handle Han affairs. In the eyes of the Han people in the Central Plains, the power that should have been the imperial court was in the hands of the officials of the Marshal's Office and the Privy Council of the Han Dynasty, so they called the Left and Right Deputy Marshal's Offices and their subordinate Yanjing Privy Council and Yunzhong Privy Council the "Eastern Imperial Court" and "Western Imperial Court". [53] After the merger of the two privy councils in the sixth year of Tianhui, it was under the control of the left deputy marshal Wanyan Zonghan (Sticky Han), who was also a member of the Central State and served as the "Marshal of the State Minister" by the Song people. Fan Zhongxiong's "Northern Records" said: Mu Han (Zong Han) and his deputy Gu She (Xi Yin) "Whenever they do something, they will focus on themselves, and Ah Guda will stroke his back every time and say: 'The children will do a good job.'" 'All things are left to their own devices, so that all decrees are allowed to self-determination, and no matter how big or small is in the country, it cannot be done without these two men"[54]. The "everything" and "national zhong" mentioned by Fan Zhongxiong here are obviously exaggerated. When Taizu Aguta returned from Yanjing to the north, he ordered to move Geng Bo Jilie Zonghan to serve as the commander of the northwest and southwest roads, and garrison the clouds to prepare for the border. "Jin History: The Biography of Zong Han" records: In the early years of Taizong, Zong Han said: "When the first emperor, the Han officials and military commanders of Shanxi and Nanjing were all subject to the system and dismissal. Today, Nanjing follows the old system, but Shanxi is preferred. Taizong's edict said: "Once the edict of the first emperor Yanjing was used, the emperor was relocated to him for his diligence." [55] From this point of view, Taizu Aguta had authorized Zong Han to act cheaply in the Shanxi area, and Taizong had once withdrawn it and granted him this right again at Zong Han's request. Six years after Taizong's Tianhui, after the merger of the two privy councils of Yanjing and Yunzhong, the jurisdiction of the Han Privy Council (Hebei and Shanxi) decided on Zonghan. Zong Han's position as the Shifting Bo Jilie was the last among the central Bo Jilie, and he, like other members of the Bo Jilie, did not have the right to decide or dispose of military affairs without the permission of the Jurchen Emperor. Even with the authorization of the Jurchen Emperor, he could only exercise power within a certain range. The belief that the great military nobles such as Zong Han had the authority to influence the power of the monarchy, and that the Han Privy Council had a high degree of independence, posed a huge challenge to the political authority of the imperial court, and even concluded that the Jin Taizong period was a dualistic political system,[56] which was far from the actual political ecology and unitary political system of the Jin Dynasty.
During the 20 years of the Taizu and Taizong dynasties, the Jin dynasty destroyed the Liao and Song dynasties one after another, and force was the basic guarantee for the Jin Dynasty to establish the country, expand the territory, and even maintain the ruling order of the newly occupied areas. In the early years of the Jin Dynasty, the army was mainly composed of Jurchens, and Zhu Bo Jilie had the responsibility of commanding the troops in battle. In the third year of Tianhui, in order to send troops to attack the Song Dynasty, the highest military institution of the country was set up - the Marshal's Mansion, and the seven main governors of the Marshal Mansion were respectively served as the marshal of the capital by Chen Ban Bo Jilie Wan Yan Gao (obliquely), and Yan Zonghan concurrently served as the left deputy marshal, and the Taizu son Wan Yan Zongwang served as the right deputy marshal, Wan Yan Tart lazy served as the marshal left supervising army, Wan Yan Xiyin served as the marshal and the right supervised army, Wan Yan Yanmu served as the marshal left capital supervisor, and Yelu Yu Jian served as the marshal right capital supervisor. Among them, Tart Lazy and Yanmu are the nobles of the clan, Xiyin is the Jurchen nobles, and only Yelu Yujian is a Khitan, ranking last. The marshal of the capital was in the center, and the left and right deputy marshals led the other 4 supervisors and the capital supervisors, and the soldiers went south to attack the Song Dynasty in two ways. As mentioned above, in order to rule the newly occupied Han prefecture and county areas, the left and right deputy marshals' offices were quickly transformed into a military-political ruling body, and due to the establishment of the Han Privy Council, the marshal's office was still focused on commanding the army and engaging in the war against the Song. With the victory of the Liao and Song wars, a large number of Liao and Song tribes were recruited, and the "Jin Shi Bingzhi" said that "the battle of the Song Dynasty was carried out by using the Han army and various tribes to unify the people", and the Han Privy Council adopted the Han system to sign the army and recruit the army, and in the fifth year of Tianhui, "the militia of Yanshan, Yunzhong, Zhongjing, Shangjing, Tokyo, Liaodong, Pingzhou, Liaoxi, and Changchun were subordinate to 10,000 households, during which there were also those who commanded the Han army"[57]. The soldiers of the Jin Dynasty army included Jurchens, Khitans, Bohais, and Han Chinese, and the senior military commanders were mainly Jurchens. In addition to the troops on the battlefields of Liao and Song, a certain number of troops were stationed in various places, under the command of the local administrator, to guard one side. The rule of force was a major feature of the politics of the early Jin Dynasty. Sevis argues that primitive societies (including chiefdoms) did not need to use any force to govern the population, that traditional hierarchical rulings were sufficient, and that resorting to force meant that authority was invalid. The state is a form of institutionalized political structure based on force. [58]
To whom does the above-mentioned bureaucratic organs at all levels, which are effectively operating from the central to the localities, and the increasingly large army containing officers and men of all nationalities, obey orders? That is to say, do Jin Taizu and Taizong have the authority of the monarch, and does the state have a unified order? Due to the limitation of the length of the article, we will examine the above issue only from the content of the edicts issued by the two dynasties. According to the statistics of the "History of Jin", Taizu issued more than 50 edicts in more than 8 years (1115-1123), and Taizong issued more than 70 edicts in more than 11 years (1123-1135), covering a wide range of contents.
The edict of the Jurchen Emperor conveyed the relationship between the imperial power and the bureaucracy chiefs at all levels in the operation of the country's military and political system. The main military and political governors of the central (Zhu Bo Jilie, Du Marshal's Mansion) and the local (Lu, Privy Council), and the prefects of the Jurchen local institutions (Meng'an Mooke, Wanhu Road) were all appointed by the emperor.
The central Zhubo is extremely powerful. He is the national prince and ranks first among all the people. Taizu Dynasty, Tianfu five years (1121), "Zhao Zhi version of Bo Ji Lie Wu begging to buy two national politics". Taizu gave Wu the edict of begging: "All military violators should be punished for their crimes." The rest of the things are no big or small, one according to the old system of this dynasty. "It is emphasized that military crimes should be handled prudently, and other state affairs should not be handled arbitrarily, but should be dealt with in accordance with the old system of the dynasty. Later, when dealing with Yan Ang's affairs, Taizu Zhao Chenban said: "You should set the heavy ceremony." If there is any suspicion, imprison". Wanyan Ang is the half-brother of Taizu and Wu Qimai, if he has other ideas about Taizu's will, he can't act on his own, and needs to wait until Taizu returns to the imperial court to deal with it himself. In the fifth year of Tianfu, Taizu launched a full-scale war against Liao, with Kulubo Jiliegao as the commander of all the internal and external armies, and Zhan Bo Jilieyu, Zong Han and others as the deputy commanders, and the edict said: "Liao politics is not outlined, and people and gods abandon it." Now he wants to unify China and foreign countries, so he ordered you to lead a large army to carry out a crusade. Erqi is cautious in military affairs, chooses to use good strategies, rewards and punishments must be carried out, food and salary must be continued, ignore the disturbance and surrender, do not indulge in prisoners and plunder, see that it can be advanced, and there is no flooding period. There is no need to apply for it." Du Tong Gao sent an envoy to play the victory, and offered the treasures he had obtained. Taizu Zhao said: "The said dispatch of soldiers to surrender to the front of the mountain, the plan has been settled, and the report will be continued." If there is no way to go behind the mountain, that is, the camp field and the horses, and the autumn is completed, which is a big move. It is more important to be familiar with it, and it can be done when it is seen. If you want to benefit the soldiers, you must have a number of them, and you can't rely on the victory of a battle. The new subjugators should be well cared for. Proclaim to the soldiers, so that they know their intentions. "Although Taizu gave Bo Jilie the right to act cheaply, he also had to report the battle situation in a timely manner, and Taizu had specific instructions according to the battle situation, so he did not ignore it and completely let it go. After the occupation of Liaowujing, Taizu Zhao Hu Lu Bo Jilie, Du Tong Gao said: "The newly attached people have the ability to hire them." With the authorization of Taizu, Bo Jilie had the power to appoint local officials, and this principle was also applied to military and political officials at all levels. Taizong knew that Bangao and Kuluzong lived in the imperial court, assisted Taizong, governed the country, changed the old Jurchen system, and used the Han official system. In the fourth year of Tianhui, he began to establish the temples below Shangshu Province. "The Jin Yili system, Ban Juelu, the correct criminal law, the rule of the Ming Dynasty, the deeds of the Son of Heaven, the canon of a generation, Gao and Zonggan have a lot of merit. [59] After the Jin army withdrew north from Yanjing, he moved to Bo Jilie Zonghan and led both its southwest and northwest roads to continue to pursue Emperor Liao Tianzuo in the Xijing area. "The relocation must be requested, for fear of stagnation" was one of the main reasons why the Jurchen emperor granted the Jurchen military and political governors the right to do it cheaply. As mentioned earlier, Zong Han has the dual identity of Bo Jilie and the governor of the local capital, even if he already has the right to remove officials in the Taizu Dynasty, after Taizong ascends the throne, he still needs to be authorized by Taizong to have the power to remove lower-level officials. Judging from the above deeds, the relationship between the Jurchen Emperor and the monarchs and ministers of Zhu Bo is very clear, not vague and equal.
After the Jurchen military nobles occupied the former Liao-Song Prefecture county area, the Jurchen emperor often granted them some administrative power to assume the responsibility of establishing a new ruling order. In the early years of Taizong, Zong Wang led the army to quell Zhang Jue's rebellion and stationed in Nanjing. Taizong's edict was "pro-attached to the chief officials and staff are still there." He has ordered all roads to transfer military rations, and do not supervise the Song. Give the silver medal ten, empty name Xuantou fifty", and Zhao Xianzhou lost Su Zongwangjun. Taizong "has a division to lightly levy endowments, persuade the crops, and the affairs of the territory are decided by Zongwang", and the edict said: "Small and big matters are related to the white army division, and there is no special access to the imperial court", and Zhaozong Wang said: "Select the virtuous and popular people to stay in Nanjing, and the members of the Que still have their names and official ranks." At that time, "the people of the four prefectures of Qian, Run, Lai, and Xi were very numerous, and Zongwang begged to be appeased"[61], and Taizong followed it. This passage clearly shows the relationship between the Jurchen Emperor and the Jurchen nobles, and the military power of the military commander stationed on one side needs the authorization of the Jurchen Emperor, and the military commander has the power to do it cheaply within the scope of the emperor's authorization, and can decide local affairs independently, without having to declare to the imperial court. Taizong gave Zongwang "ten silver medals, fifty empty names to announce the first fifty ways", the silver medal was awarded to military Meng'an, and the head was awarded to officials at all levels. After the Jin Dynasty destroyed the Northern Song Dynasty, this power structure was also reflected in the relationship between the Left and Right Deputy Marshals' Offices and the Han Privy Council under their jurisdiction and the imperial power. In the eleventh year of Tianhui (1133), after the basic establishment of various Han official institutions at all levels under the central government, the central government straightened out the central government's control mechanism over the prefectures and counties. It can be seen that the relationship between the Jurchen emperor and the Jurchen military nobles is also very clear, and there are no deeds of the Jurchen nobles overstepping their authority and threatening the imperial power.
In addition, judging from the content of the edicts of Taizu and Taizong, it also involves the redemption and exemption of slaves, the establishment of taxes on the land of Meng'an Mouke, the transfer of grain to help the hungry, the transfer of military rations and materials, the establishment of new immigrants, the determination of the names and salaries of state and county staff, the establishment of science and scholars, the establishment of post stations, the promulgation of marriage policies, etc., the last edict issued by the Taizong Dynasty is the first month of the twelfth year of Tianhui, "the initial revision of the system, the edict at home and abroad." We can see the role of imperial power in ruling the country from the political, military, economic, and cultural fields of the early Jin Dynasty, although Jin Taizu and Taizong have not had the name of Jingshi during the period, but this does not affect the political function of the "Imperial Village" to play the political function of the capital of a country, and it proves that during the period of Jin Taizu and Taizong, the country implemented a unified political system with Jurchen political characteristics.
Fourth, is it a blood organization, or a regional administrative establishment?
The third criterion that distinguishes chiefdoms from states is "whether the kinship of the social cohesion mechanism is replaced by the geographical tie". Was the basic social organization of the Jin Taejo and Taizong periods a blood organization or a regional administrative establishment?
Scholars who hold the view of the pre-state form believe that the basic organization of society in this period was the organization of kinship. Li Xihou believed that the social organization of the Jurchens in the early Jin Dynasty was a village based on a blood organization, and the village was used to lead the village, and the system of integrating soldiers and the people was implemented, and the original village organization was not disrupted. After the occupation of the Liaodong region, the long-standing state and county organizations in the Liaodong region were abolished, and the primitive system of integrating military and government was generally implemented among the Bohai and Han people, and they were given Jurchen official titles such as "Xiao Jin", "Meng'an" and "Mouke". After the Jin army occupied the Liaozhongjing and Shangjing regions, it practiced fierce peace and restraint among the Khitans, and extended the administrative organization of the Jurchen farming people to the nomadic peoples, forming a set of administrative system based on the tribal village organization. After entering the Central Plains, he abandoned the implementation of the Meng'an Mooke system in the prefectures and counties, and let the Jurchen Meng'an Mook villages coexist with the Han people's state and county administrative system. [62] The early Jin dynasty was a tribal system (chiefdom social form), and its social cohesion mechanism was naturally blood relations.
First of all, we believe that the basic social organization of the Jurchens during the Jin Taejo and Taizong periods was a geopolitical organization. "Jin Shi Taizu Ji" records: In 1114, after Yan Agu fought against Liao, and after the victory in the first battle of Ningjiang Prefecture, "the first order of Zhulu was to take 300 households as a quest, and ten plots as Meng'an". This kind of administrative unit based on households is based on geographical relations, that is, the kinship of the social cohesion mechanism is officially replaced by geographical relations. Since then, the historical events involving the social organization of the Jurchens are no longer seen in the unit of "a certain department", but in the unit of "Meng'an Mouke", such as in March of the second year of Tianfu, "Lou Room please say: 'Huanglong is a metropolis, and it is far away, and if there is a change, the neighboring counties fan each other. Please keep your headquarters on guard. 'Taizu Ranzhi still joined all roads to seek victory, and ordered the Lou room to be ten thousand households and guard the Huanglong Mansion" [63]. In February of the fifth year of Tianfu (1121), Taizu "sent Yu and Zongxiong to divide the people of Meng'an Mouke into Wanhu Tuntaizhou, and unified them with Bolu fire, and gave them fifty oxen" [64]. The Jurchen Meng'an Moke, who was moved to Huanglongfu and Taizhou, was based on the "household" as the unit, not the "ministry" of blood relations. Li Xihou's proposal to use villages to lead the administrative system of villages is based on Xu Kangzong's "Xuanhe Yisi Envoy to the Jin State Itinerary", which records that the Jurchen inland settlements are mostly called "×× Jinzhai Village", as well as the "Emperor Village", "Guoxiang Village" and "Taizizhuang" described in the "Dajin Guozhi". "孛堇村" is the traditional place name of the Jurchen settlement, and "孛堇" is the title of the tribal chieftain before the founding of the Jin Dynasty. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Jurchen villages were grassroots organizations set up under the Moke households, and the "Jin Shi Food and Goods Zhi I" recorded: "The villages of the Meng'an Moke Department, more than 50 households set up a village envoy, and the head of the house." At this time, the villages and the villages under the territory before the founding of the People's Republic of China were completely different social organizations, and they could not be simply equated. According to Liu Pujiang's research, the political center of the early Jin Dynasty was called "Yuzhai", "Emperor's Village" was the common name of the Song people,[65] "Guoxiangzhai" may be the common name of the Jurchens, and "Taizizhuang" was a place name from a place in the Central Plains. [66] "Emperor Village", "Guoxiang Village" and "Taizizhuang" are also place names, not bureaucratic names. Therefore, there is no such thing as an administrative system in which the village is led by the village.
Secondly, after the Jin Dynasty occupied the former Liao Dynasty Prefecture and county areas, the Meng'an Moke implemented in the places where the population of various ethnic groups lived was also a geopolitical organization. Liaodong and western Liaoxi are multi-ethnic areas inhabited by Han, Bohai, Khitan, Xi and other ethnic groups, eastern Liaoning is an agricultural area, and western Liaoning is located in the marginal area where the agricultural area and the nomadic area are connected, with agriculture as the main area and a certain amount of animal husbandry. Under Meng'an Mouke, the people of all ethnic groups retained the original grass-roots social organization and production relations, and the Han people went without saying, and the social organizations of the Bohai people in the Tang Dynasty, the Khitan, and the Xi people in the Liao Dynasty had already completed the transformation from blood relations to geographical relations, and it was impossible to reverse them. On the one hand, as Li Xihou pointed out, the Jin Dynasty was able to implement the Meng'an Moke system in the former Liaozhou County area, and the Jurchens had roughly the same material production and lifestyle as the Han and Bohai people, and were all settled agricultural producers[67]. On the other hand, it just proves that the Meng'an Mook system is a grass-roots administrative organization based on geographical relations. At the beginning of the Jin Dynasty, the prefecture was not abolished, but placed Meng'an Mouke under the prefecture and prefecture,[68] but the county-level institutions were almost abolished,[69] and the county-level institutions in the original Liao Dynasty county area were basically replaced by the Meng'an Mouke system,[70] and the capital and the military commander were under the jurisdiction of the prefecture and the prefecture to govern the grassroots Meng'an Mouke organization. [71]
It should be noted that there were two administrative settings for the Khitans in the early Jin Dynasty: one was to set up Meng'an Mooke for the Khitans who were engaged in the agricultural economy in the prefectures and counties, and the other was for the Khitans who were engaged in the nomadic economy in the northwest region, and the Wugu, Dilie and other ethnic groups still retained the tribal system of the Liao Dynasty, but this tribal system was a local administrative establishment, and the tribal envoys and lower-level officials were all liuguan,[72] and it was not a primitive Jurchen tribal system based on blood organization. The Han areas of the Central Plains under the rule of the Jin Dynasty retained the original Liao and Songzhou county systems, did not implement the Meng'an Moke system, and had nothing to do with the blood organization, so I will not repeat it.
To sum up, whether it was the Jurchen Meng'an Mouke system during the Jin Taizu and Taizong periods, or the Meng'an Mouke system of the Han, Bohai, Khitan, Xi and other ethnic groups, or the tribal system of the few northwest border areas, they were all based on the administrative establishment of geographical relations, not the village administrative system and tribal system based on blood organizations, which was the foundation for the establishment of the Jin Dynasty.
Concluding remarks
From the perspective of the nature of the state, the form of institutionalized political structure based on force and the social cohesion mechanism based on geographical relations in the early years of the Jin Dynasty have been discussed, and various historical facts have strongly proved that the Jin Dynasty established by the Jurchens was already a multi-ethnic state during the Taizu and Taizong periods, and was not a simple Jurchen chiefdom (or tribal system), nor was it a multi-ethnic chiefdom (or tribal system) or a tribal alliance that included multiple ethnic groups.
At the beginning of the founding of Jin Taizu, the people were mainly Jurchens, and after occupying most of the territory of the Liao Dynasty in the last years of Taizu, the number of other ethnic groups far exceeded that of the Jurchens, and by the middle of Taizong, the Han people had become the majority of the population of the Jin Dynasty. During the Taizong period, the national political structure and local organizations had strong Jurchen traditional characteristics. For the Song envoys and Han people who had lived in the Jin Dynasty or even lived in the Jurchen interior for a long time and were detained, what they saw and heard was a political culture completely different from that of the Song Dynasty or very different from that of the Song Dynasty, which touched them greatly. The cultural customs of foreign ethnic groups and the events they personally experienced are of high historical value. However, we should also note that the basic language between the Jurchens and the Han people during this period was incomprehensible, and Hong Hao's "Song Mo Chronicles" said that "the law of the Jin State, the Yiren officials and the Han people are all in trouble"[73], and the Han people's understanding of the internal Jurchen society was limited, especially at this time in the state of the Jin and Song wars, even the Han officials appointed by the Jin Dynasty could not understand the real situation within the Jurchen group if they did not serve in the imperial court. This led to the Song people's accounts of the internal affairs of the Jurchen court in the early years of the Southern Song Dynasty, and the descriptions of the power relations between the Jurchen monarchs and ministers were mostly hearsay, mixed with a lot of erroneous and confusing information. Therefore, although some historical books are written by people at the time to describe current events, many of the contents are not highly credible and need to be analyzed, and they must not all be used as a history of letters, otherwise the understanding drawn is far from the truth of history.
bibliography
(1) Early studies usually used concepts such as tribal system, permanent military tribal alliance, military democracy, and heroic age, all of which could be incorporated into chiefdom societies.
(2) Li Xihou, "The Jin Dynasty's Implementation of the North-South Official System", Social Science Front, No. 2, 1989, "The Evolution of the Social Nature of the Khitan and Jurchen Ethnic Groups in the Liaojin Period", Historical Research, No. 5, 1994, and "Lang Jun" and "Close Servants" in the Jin Dynasty, Social Science Series, No. 5, 1995.
(3) Liu Pujiang, "The Problem of the National Capital in the Early Leaves of the Jin Dynasty——— Special Political Ecology in the Transition from Tribal System to Imperial Dynasty", Social Sciences in China, No. 3, 2013.
(4) Li Xiulian and Liu Zhibo, "The Beginning and End of the Fierce Official System under the Social Form of the Jin Dynasty Chiefdom", Liaojin History and Archaeology, Volume 10, Science Press, 2019.
(5) Zhang Boquan et al., The Manuscript of the Golden History, Vol. 1, Jilin Literature and History Publishing House, 1986, pp. 53-59.
(6) Erman Sevis, translated by Gong Xin, Guo Lusha and Chen Lizi, The Origin of State and Civilization, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2019, pp. 148-149, 15.
(7) Li Shuicheng, "The Origin of Chiefdom Theory and Chinese Archaeology: The Origin of < States and Civilizations: The Process of Cultural Evolution> after reading", Wen Wei Po, November 8, 2019, W08 edition.
(8) Ibid.
(9) "Jin History", vol. 4, "Xi Zongji", vol. 74, "Zong Han Biography". According to the "History of Jin", volume 3, "Taizong" and volume 4, "Xizong Ji", the left prison army was lazy at that time, and "the left prison army finished Yan Xiyin" was mistakenly regarded as "the right prison army finished Yan Xiyin". Chung Hwa Book Company, 2020, pp. 77, 1805, 63, 80.
(10) "Jin History", vol. 19, "Century Supplement", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 453.
[11] (Song) Hong Hao, Zhang Haipeng, "Song Desert Chronicle", Qing Jiangsu Changshu Zhaokuangge Ben, p. 3.
[12] (Song) Miao Yao: "Shenlu Ji", (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 166, the thirteenth day of the first month of the fifth year of Shaoxing. Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 1196.
[13] This refers to the fact that the "History of Jin" was compiled by the Yuan people, but the historical source of the content of the "History of Jin" comes from the "Jin Shilu", and its credibility is much higher than that of the historical books of the Song people.
[14] Li Xihou, "The Jin Dynasty's "Lang Jun" and "Close Servants"", Social Science Series, No. 5, 1995.
[15] Liu Pujiang, "The National Capital Problem in the Early Beginning of the Jin Dynasty——— Special Political Ecology in the Transition from Tribal System to Imperial Dynasty", Social Sciences in China, No. 3, 2013.
[16] Li Xiulian and Liu Zhibo, "The Beginning and End of the Extremely Fierce Bureaucracy under the Social Form of the Jin Dynasty Chiefdom", Liaojin History and Archaeology, vol. 10, Science Press, 2019.
[17] Tang Changru, "The Succession System of the Early Jin Dynasty and Its Destruction", Manuscript of Mountain Residence, Zhonghua Book Company, 1989.
[18] (Song) Zhao Zitong, "Yanyunlu", (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 165, December 30, Shaoxing 4th year, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 1194.
[19] "Xuanhelu", (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 97, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 718.
[20] "Ping Yanlu", (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 16, Xuanhe, April 17, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 113.
[21] "Jin History", vol. 3, "Taizong Ji", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 58.
[22] Xu Kangzong, "Xuanhe Yisi Feng Envoy Jin Guo Itinerary Record Notes", one of the "Jingkang Barnyard Historical Notes", edited by Xuan'an and Nai'an, Cui Wenyin's Notes, Zhonghua Book Company, 1988, p. 39.
[23] "Jin History", vol. 3, "Taizong Ji", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, pp. 72-73.
[24] Li Xihou, "The Jin Dynasty's "Lang Jun" and "Close Servants"", Social Science Series, No. 5, 1995.
[25] Li Xiulian and Liu Zhibo, "The Beginning and End of the Extremely Fierce Official System under the Social Form of the Jin Dynasty Chiefdom", Liaojin History and Archaeology, Volume 10, Science Press, 2019.
[26] Jin Shi, vol. 70, Sagai, p. 1715.
[27] (Song) Cai Sui, "Documentary of the Northern Expedition", (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 12, Xuanhe, December 6, 4th year, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 86.
[28] (Song) Hong Hao, Zhang Haipeng, "Song Desert Chronicles", Qing Jiangsu Changshu Zhaokuangge Ben, p. 17.
[29] (Song) Zhang Hui, "Jinyu Festival Yao", see (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 166, the thirteenth day of the first month of the fifth year of Shaoxing, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 1197.
[30] Li Xihou, "The Evolution of the Social Nature of the Khitan and Jurchen Ethnic Groups in the Liaojin Period", Historical Research, No. 5, 1994.
[31] Li Xihou, "The Jin Dynasty's Implementation of the North and South Official System Says Questioning", Social Science Front, No. 2, 1989.
[32] Liu Pujiang, "The Problem of the National Capital in the Early Beginning of the Jin Dynasty——— Special Political Ecology in the Transition from Tribal System to Imperial Dynasty", Social Sciences in China, No. 3, 2013.
[33] (Song) Ma Kuo, "Mao Zhai's Self-Description", (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 4, Xuanhe, November 29, 1987, p. 31.
[34] "Jin History", vol. 3, "Taizong Ji", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 53.
[35] Translated by Gong Xin, Guo Lusha and Chen Lizi, The Origin of State and Civilization, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2019, p. 11.
[36] "Jin History", vol. 1, "Century", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 6.
[37] See Zhang Boquan et al., Essays on the History of Jin, Vol. 1, Jilin Literature and History Publishing House, 1986, pp. 53-59, and Wang Kebin, Jurchen National Customs, Jilin University Press, 1988, pp. 101-133.
[38] Cheng Nina, A Study on the Political System of the Jin Dynasty, Jilin University Press, 1999, pp. 6-7.
[39] Sansuji: Jin History Research, 2, Jin Dynasty Political System Research, Chuo Gonglun Art Publishing House, Showa 45 (1970), pp. 129-130.
[40] "Jin History", vol. 2, "Taizu Ji", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 34.
[41] "Jin Shi", vol. 78, "The First Biography of Han Qi", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 1889.
[42] "Jin History", vol. 3, "Taizong Ji", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 72.
[43] Cheng Nina, "On the Golden Chu Road System", Social Science Front, No. 1, 1989.
[44] Cheng Nina, "Analysis of the Functions of the Marshal's Office in the Early Jin Period", Historical Collection, No. 2, 2000.
[45] "Jin History", vol. 55, "Baiguan Zhi", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 1298.
[46] Li Han, "Analysis of the Privy Council of the Early Han Dynasty in the Early Jin Dynasty", Liaojin Historical Treatise, Vol. 4, Bibliography and Literature Publishing House, 1989.
[47] "Jin History", vol. 78, "The Biography of Liu Yanzong", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 1882.
[48] Li Han, "Analysis of the Privy Council of the Early Han Dynasty in the Early Jin Dynasty", Liaojin Historical Treatise, Vol. 4, Bibliography and Literature Publishing House, 1989.
[49] Li Xihou, "The Jin Dynasty's Implementation of the North and South Official System Says Questioning", Social Science Front, No. 2, 1989.
[50] Jin Shi, vol. 2, Taizu Ji, p. 40.
[51] (Song) Zhao Zitong, "Yan Yunlu", in the Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances, vol. 98, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 725.
[52] (Song) Yuwen Mao Zhao, Cui Wenyin proof: Dajin Guozhi School Certificate, vol. 27 "Sticky Han Biography", Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 380.
[53] (Song) Zhang Hui, "Jinyu Festival Yao", (Song) Xu Mengxin, "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 24, Xuanhe, December 10, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 182.
[54] (Song) Fan Zhongxiong, "Beiji", (Song) Xu Mengxin: "Three Dynasties and Northern Alliances", vol. 61, November 6, the first year of Jingkang, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 460.
[55] "Jin Shi", vol. 74, "Zong Han Biography", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, pp. 1801-1802.
[56] Liu Pujiang, "The Problem of the National Capital in the Early Beginning of the Jin Dynasty——— Special Political Ecology in the Transition from Tribal System to Imperial Dynasty", Social Sciences in China, No. 3, 2013.
[57] "Jin Shi", vol. 44, "Bingzhi", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, pp. 1062, 1063.
[58] Translated by Gong Xin, Guo Lusha and Chen Lizi, The Origin of State and Civilization, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2019, pp. 11 and 7.
[59] "Jin Shi", vol. 76, "Zonggan Biography", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 1858. This part of the quotation is from the "Jin History" volume 2 "Taizu Ji" and volume 3 "Taizong Ji", and will not be annotated.
[60] "Jin Shi", vol. 74, "Zong Han Biography", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 1802.
[61] "Jin Shi", vol. 74, "Zongwang Biography", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, pp. 1809, 1810.
[62] Li Xihou, "The Questioning of the Implementation of the North and South Official System in the Jin Dynasty", Social Science Front, No. 2, 1989, and The Evolution of the Social Nature of the Khitan and Jurchen Ethnic Groups in the Liaojin Period, Historical Research, No. 5, 1994.
[63] "Jin History", vol. 72, "The Biography of Lou Room", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 1754.
[64] "Jin History", vol. 2, "Taizu Ji", Zhonghua Book Company, 2020, p. 37.
[65] Liu Pujiang, "The Problem of the National Capital in the Early Beginning of the Jin Dynasty——— Special Political Ecology in the Transition from Tribal System to Imperial Dynasty", Social Sciences in China, No. 3, 2013.
[66] At this time in the Jin Dynasty, the crown prince was called the crown prince. "Jin History" volume 90 "Zhang Jiusi Biography" contains: Jin Shizong period "edict inspection of the official field, where the name of the place is suspicious, such as the queen's shop, Taizizhuang, Yanle City, etc., regardless of the deed of the people's land, all the nationality, there are neighboring official land to occupy the survivors." Chung Hwa Book Company, 2020, p. 2126. Taizizhuang is the name of the Central Plains.
[67] Li Xihou, "The Jin Dynasty's Implementation of the North and South Official System Says Questioning", Social Science Front, No. 2, 1989.
[68] There are many records about the capital, prefecture, and prefecture of Liaodong and Liaoxi during the period of Taizu and Taizong, and Li Xihou said that "the long-standing state and county organizations in Liaodong were abolished", which is inaccurate.
[69] "History of Jin", volume 75, "The Biography of Kong Jingzong", in the second year of Taizu Tianfu (1118), "When the ancient soldiers of Hulu arrived on the border, Jingzong persuaded Liu Hong to surrender, so he took Jingzong as the township guide, pulled out Xianzhou, and made up for the Shun'an order with merit." There are also sporadic counties. Chung Hwa Book Company, 2020, p. 1827.
[70] There are no cases of the Jin Dynasty appointing Han, Bohai, Khitan, Xi and other magistrates as "孛堇" in the historical materials available to the author's eyes, and Li Xihou's speculation that the Bohai and Han people in Liaodong region were given the official title of "孛堇" by the early Jin dynasty does not seem to be valid.
[71] Cheng Nina, A Study on the Political System of the Jin Dynasty, Jilin University Press, 1999, pp. 85-87.
[72] Cheng Nina, "A Study on the Tribal and Confessional System of the Khitan and Other Nomadic Peoples in the Northwest of the Jin Dynasty", Journal of Jilin University, No. 3, 2007.
[73] (Song) Hong Hao, Zhang Haipeng, "Song Desert Chronicle", Qing Jiangsu Changshu Zhaokuang Pavilion Edition, p. 17.
Source: Journal of Shaanxi Normal University (Philosophy and Social Science Edition), July 2020