After the outbreak of the Opium War, in the face of the tight pressure of western powers, the rule of the Qing Dynasty can be described as embattled. Faced with the dilemma of internal and external troubles, the Qing court gradually changed its preferential treatment policy for the Mongolian region, and the relationship between the two sides gradually became estranged.
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Ruins of the Old Summer Palace
In this context, the religious leaders of Tibetan Buddhism, who were originally "revered", also suffered a series of official cold receptions. In the late Qing Dynasty, the Qing court promulgated a series of reformation policies that further balanced the "expansionary" development of Tibetan Buddhism. In addition, the emergence of Confucianism and the emergence of the "Skeptical Buddha Thought" has seriously shaken the foundation of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia.
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In a word, the choice of the modern Mongols to take the initiative to "cut off" with Tibetan Buddhism is an inevitable development in history.
1) The Qing court's change in religious policy towards Mongolia
By the late Qing Dynasty, the Qing court had realized that Tibetan Buddhist power had threatened the central government's effective rule over the Mongol region. Therefore, the authorities began by weakening the power of upper-class lamas such as Hutuktu (the Great Living Buddha) and Kudzu (the Great Lama), and adopted some "lama bans" that restricted the development of Tibetan Buddhism.
1) Strengthen the policy of separation of church and state, weaken the power of upper lamas, and reduce their Hajj specifications
In the early Qing Dynasty, the reincarnated living Buddha, led by Jebtsundamba, became the supreme religious leader in Mongolia. Therefore, when they entered The Beijing Pilgrimage, the Qing court has always given a fairly high standard of reception.
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Jebtsundamba I
However, during the Daoguang period (1821.02.03-1850.02.25), the situation changed subtly.
In 1834, he again proposed to enter Beijing for a pilgrimage, and finally got permission. However, the Qing court put forward many additional conditions, such as "the expenses must be self-prepared, the accompanying people should not be a minority, and it is forbidden to impose taxes on Mongolian laymen". Simply put, it is a complete abolition of the preferential treatment practice of paying for the round-trip costs of the Hajj. Since then, no one has gone to Beijing for pilgrimage to Jebtsundamba.
The Daoguang Emperor was overjoyed by the autumn court
In 1878, the Qing court revised the etiquette of the Minister of Affairs of Kulun (the representative of the Central Committee) to visit Jebtsundamba. When minister of office Kulen visited Jebtsundamba, he no longer "performed the ritual of kneeling and worshipping", but only "exchanged hada". Frankly speaking, this is a concrete manifestation of the official deliberate suppression of jebtsundamba's status.
2) Vigorously rectify the temple and establish a supervision and inspection system
As we all know, the Qing Dynasty has been vigorously promoting Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia. With the passage of time, it has caused many unfavorable situations such as the flooding of temple construction in various places and the poor control of the number of lamas. In order to strengthen the control and management of Tibetan Buddhist forces, the Qing court formulated a number of targeted regulations, such as "requiring the Dalai Lama, the relatives of panchen Erdeni, and the descendants of the Mongol princes and Zasak Taiji not to be identified as reincarnated living Buddhas."
The Reformation policy promulgated by the Qing court made the relationship between the two sides more and more delicate. Against this background, the Tsarist Forces in the North took advantage of the situation to co-opt and bribe a large number of Mongolian religious elites, provoking them to "draw a clear line" with the central authorities. On the eve of the Xinhai Revolution, Tsarist Russia had established "political centers of insurrection" in Kulun, Zasaktuqi, Hailar and other places, and finally ignited the fuse of Outer Mongolia's "independence" in Kulun in Outer Mongolia in 1911.
Article Overview: How did Outer Mongolia become independent?
THE EIGHTH JEBTZUNDAMBA
The independence of Outer Mongolia undoubtedly illustrates two issues. First of all, the independence of Outer Mongolia was a consensus reached between the religious elite and secular political forces. Second, secular political groups that have been isolated from the surrounding world for a long time can only rely on religious forces to "endorse" themselves when striving for independence.
A "fighting nation" that once shocked the Eurasian countries was once on the verge of falling into the abyss of eternal doom because of its "lama faith." In today's view, it really feels incomprehensible.
2) Confucianism and buddhism are declining
After the End of the Opium War, the traditional feudal culture with Confucianism as the core was violently attacked by Western culture. It is interesting to note that around the same time, Confucianism began to spread slowly in mongolia. The Mongolian steppe, which has always been shrouded in Buddhist culture, has ushered in a fresh cultural atmosphere.
In the beginning, Confucianism spread mainly to the upper echelons of Mongolian society and intellectual groups. Over time, the composition of Mongolian intellectuals gradually diversified. "According to the statistics of scholars, more than 200 Mongolian scholars wrote in Chinese in the Qing Dynasty, and most of their works were research results in the fields of zi, history, scripture, and collection after receiving the Central Plains culture."
From the perspective of development, the collision and integration of diverse cultures has laid the foundation for the development and evolution of the religious beliefs of mongolians in modern times, and has changed the situation that Only Buddhist culture is exclusive in Mongolian society. However, unlike in the Central Plains, the influence of Confucianism in Mongolian society was mainly concentrated in the field of thought, and to a certain extent, it "liberated a part of the Mongolian mind".
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Former site of the Mongolian-Tibetan School
3) The rise of Enlightenment thought
In modern times, the increasingly deep social contradictions and ethnic crises have had a strong impact on the mongolian ideological field. With the spread of Confucian thought, more and more people began to question religious beliefs and formed a wave of skepticism. With the passage of time, driven by some progressive Mongolian intellectuals, the prelude to religious criticism and ideological enlightenment was slowly opened.
In today's view, in the connotation of "enlightenment", there is both ruthless lashing and historical reflection on the inferiority of the nation, as well as the praise of the nation's fine traditions and the prospect of a bright future.
1) Enlightenment Thinker's "Anti-Buddhist Consciousness"
According to the people of the time, "Mongolia is weak, the discipline is not established, but Buddhism is revered." As a result, the number of lamas is increasing, the number of people is decreasing, the number of summoning temples is increasing, and the types are declining." Some Mongol princes and nobles also realized that in order to enlighten the people's wisdom, it was necessary to limit the development of Buddhism, "the root of poverty and weakness is really accumulated here." In an urgent desire to be strong, it is necessary to ban religion."
Against this background, mongolian people with lofty ideals, represented by Yin Zhannashi and Lobsang Chodan, on the basis of a profound analysis of the root causes of poverty and backwardness in Mongolian society, unceremoniously criticized Tibetan Buddhism.
Mongols in the late Qing Dynasty and early Ming Dynasty
Yin Zhannashi (1837-1892), a native of the Right Banner of Tumut of the Chosotu League (present-day Beipiao, Liaoning), was a Mongolian writer and thinker. He was proficient in Mongolian, Chinese, Tibetan, and Manchu languages, with extensive knowledge, and his knowledge of the classical literature of the Mongolian and Han nationalities and Mongolian history was very deep, in addition to writing works such as "Qingshi Yanyi" and "One Floor", he also translated Confucian classics such as "Zhongyong".
On the front page of the "Qingshi Yanyi", he deliberately added a "preface against Buddhism" - "The Liao state indulged in occultism during its taiping period, Buddhism prevailed, the state government was abolished, the world was imprisoned, and the society collapsed, so it was said that the Liao state was destroyed by the interpretation of religion." He also believed that the decline of the Yuan Dynasty was also "thanks to the Blessing of the Buddha" - "Isn't our Mongolia on the verge of extinction precisely because it covets comfort and indulges in occultism?" ”
In addition, he wrote three "anti-Buddhist essays", namely "Commentary on the Stone Pillow", "The Hypocrisy of the Interpreter", and "Buddhist Scriptures and Confucian Books". He further pointed out that "Buddhist scriptures are far from life and do not help anything"; Confucianism "teaches people to approach life and guide life" and "is conducive to the survival of the nation (cultural texts)".
Portrait of Inzhan nashi
In order to allow "all Mongols to know their own history", Inzhan nashi made a fierce criticism of the "Indo-Tibet-Mongolia" narrative system that has been circulating in Mongolia for a long time - "The Buddha was originally the Buddha of the Indians, and today he has become the Buddha of our Mongols", "The Mongols let their children become Buddhas and let them become lamas, which is a root of descendants."
Reading Notes: How Did Tibetan Buddhism "Change" Mongolian History?
In his view, the Qing court promoted Buddhism in Mongolia, which caused the following serious consequences:
Some Mongolian intellectuals "recited the deeds of Yao Shun without asking about the roots of their ancestors";
The people "seek yin virtue without doing the current affairs";
The door to the Mongol examination was closed, and the secular aristocracy became increasingly degenerate without thinking of making progress.
In fact, the driving force behind the creation of the "History of the Qing Dynasty" was to awaken the national consciousness and national pride of the Mongols.
Cover of the Chinese edition of "Qingshi Yanyi"
Lobsang Chodan (1874 — ?), a native of the Karaqin Left Banner of the Chosotu League (present-day Karaqin Left Mongol Autonomous County, Liaoning Province). He was another representative of Theashi who criticized Tibetan Buddhism and opened up the wisdom of the people after Inzhan Nashi.
In his book A Book of Mongolian Customs, he profoundly exposed the harm caused by Buddhism to the Mongolian nation. He not only severely criticized the Buddhist teachings of "three worlds" and "karma" and "liberation from reincarnation", but also believed that such statements as "non-eternal life, all illusory" made the Mongols become "lazy" and "cowardly".
Lobsang Chodan (1883—?) ), an important representative figure in the history of modern Mongolian philosophy
Lobsang Chodan believes that the reason why so many Mongolians believe in Tibetan Buddhism and take the initiative to become lamas is directly related to the policy of fooling the people implemented by the Qing Dynasty. During the Qing Dynasty, officials not only banned Mongols from learning Chinese, but also required that all official documents should not use Chinese characters. As a result, the Mongols "invisibly" lost the opportunity to take the imperial examination. Coupled with the fact that learning Mongolian does not solve any substantive problems, many people "can only" become lamas in order to make a living.
"The idea of the Manchu emperors and ministers, their brilliant plan for the conquered tribes and peoples, was to obey the will of the conquered on the one hand, and to control themselves under their own obscenity on the other. For this reason, in the name of respecting the customs of the subdued ... The reason for the vigorous construction of temples and the promotion of Buddhism in Mongolia is either for faith, or for temptation, or for scheming, so as to induce and appease. ”
Lobsang Chodan also believes that the promotion of Tibetan Buddhism has seriously affected the growth of the Mongolian population. At that time, the Mongols "did not care about the number of brothers, only one left to keep the family business, and the rest went to the temple as lamas." Seeing that the once mighty Mongol nation had become weak and weak, Lobsang Chodan said bitterly: "At present, the Mongolian NationalIty Commission is in danger!" ”
Cover of the Chinese edition of the Mongolian Customs Book
2) Folk skepticism and anti-Buddhism consciousness
In fact, as early as the end of the Ming Dynasty, along with the cruel reality that the Mongol tribes were successively defeated by the Later Jin, some Mongols' idea of worshiping Buddhism had been shaken. Because reality ruthlessly told the Mongols at that time that the Buddha could not bless their lives and property, and that chanting could not save themselves from disasters, "no one can help us accomplish all this, and everything can only be done on our own."
In modern times, the "atheistic thinking" of the broad masses of the people who suspect Buddha and oppose Buddhism has been gradually embodied. In mongolian folklore, as well as folk songs and proverbs, the expression of anti-Buddhist ideas is quite straightforward. For example, the "Story of Balagencang", which is popular throughout Mongolia, fully reflects the Mongolian people's doubtful and anti-Buddhist consciousness.
"The Story of Balagan Cang" - "Kudzu (Living Buddha) Eating Dumplings"
In short, the circulation of these "anti-Buddha" stories in the folk not only greatly shaken the "sacred status" of Tibetan Buddhism, but also embodied the atheistic thinking of the Mongolian people who dared to deny theocracy and face reality, and also foreshadowed the end of the ignorant and decadent religious forces that will eventually be abandoned by the Mongolian people.
4) The expansion of the monastic economy
During the Qing Dynasty, Buddhist temples were not only the religious and cultural centers of the Mongolian region, but also the places where social wealth was most concentrated. By the late Qing Dynasty, Buddhist temples not only had a large number of livestock and vast pastures, but some temples also engaged in both commercial and industrial and mining, and the large living Buddhas of these temples became the largest feudal lords in the region, and even the Mongol princes and nobles could not reach it. In other words, the temple economy has become an important part of the social economy of the entire Mongolian region.
After the Daoguang Dynasty, the Qing court implemented the policy of "emigrating to the real border", and a large number of Han residents poured into mongolia to reclaim land; during the Guangxu period, the Qing court vigorously promoted the "New Deal", which further caused the grassland to be reclaimed in large quantities. However, in order to maintain the livelihood of the temple and the lamas, the Qing court specially allocated them a certain amount of land as a "temple land" or "incense burner".
Gadamerin Monument
After obtaining the land, the temple first rents it out to the outside world, guaranteeing to earn a considerable amount of rent. Reuse the rent and the income from the transformation and charity, buy more land and rent it out to the outside world, and then earn more rent. In this cycle, land revenue became one of the main sources of economic income for the temple.
For example, Xili Tuzhao (i.e., "Yanshou Temple"), which has always been the temple where Lama Zaza Sakda, who was the head of the Naturalization City, located in present-day Hohhot, not only had a high political status during the Qing Dynasty, but also had extremely strong economic strength, and was the largest temple in the whole of Hohhot. According to the statistics of the late Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, Xi Lituzhao "has more than 20,000 mu of cultivated land, not including other temple properties."
Xi Li tried to summon
In addition to land, animal husbandry is also an important source of economy for the temples, and many temples not only have large numbers of livestock, but also have vast pastures. For example, the Moli Temple of the Left Wing Banner of Horqin (present-day Tongliao, Inner Mongolia) of the Zhelimu League has about 80 miles of pasture and a large amount of arable land, and "has more than 10,000 cattle and horses (horses) and more than 40,000 sheep", and also has its own business, pawnshop and a large number of houses for rent.
According to modern survey data, there are 382 temples in the western part of Inner Mongolia and 329 temples in the eastern region, the vast majority of which were built by the Qing Dynasty. During the Guangxu period, there were 243 temples in the Seven Banners of Ordos alone, with an average of more than 20 temples per banner, and the largest number of Horqin right wing flags had 76. In mongolia, where the population is sparsely populated and traffic is blocked, the construction of so many temples can be imagined to the extent of the labor and loss of money.
Molly Temple in old photos
Zlatkin (1898-1990), a scholar of Mongolian history in the former Soviet Union, also focused on the "religious beliefs" of Outer Mongolia in his History of the Mongolian People's Republic: "Two thousand five hundred and sixty-five monasteries have one hundred and fifty-five thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven lamas. ... Almost no Arat herdsmen (commoners) in Mongolia have not had a single member as lamas; in any case, the number of lamas in the whole country always exceeds the number of herdsmen in the country. ”
Ordos temple complex in the 1930s
It is worth noting that the huge amount of wealth accumulated by the temples was not used at all to expand reproduction and social construction, but was used for religious activities such as worship of the Buddha and chanting of sutras, which "caused a great waste of resources"; the luxurious life of the upper lamas and even ordinary monks did not participate in the most basic production activities at all, and their food, clothing, shelter and transportation were maintained by the "offerings" of poor herdsmen.
In response to this situation, Lobsang Chodan scolded: "There are so many people in Mongolia who eat idle meals, how can they not be poor?" No matter how rich a country is, it is impossible to feed so many people who enjoy their success! .... How could the lamas, who had been fed all day and had nothing to do, not cause the Mongol nation to decline? ”
With the passage of time, this extremely unbalanced social structure not only seriously hindered the economic development of mongolia, but also further aggravated the poverty of the Mongolian people and the resistance of secular society, and ultimately accelerated the overall decline of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia.
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On May 1, 1947, members of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government were sworn in
5) Conclusion
All in all, the decline of Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolian society is the inevitable result of the interaction of multiple reasons such as social politics, ideology and culture, and monastic economy.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, the leaders of the party and the state adhered to the concept of national unity and adopted specific policies and measures to achieve the purpose of national unity, which basically eliminated the contradictions and estrangements that existed in the minority areas left over from history, and finally realized the unprecedented great unity of all nationalities.
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