Thank you to Teacher Liu Chengguo for giving the manuscript
The original article was published in The Social Science Series, No. 1, 2021
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Abstract: The Book of Disciples was written by Liu Chang in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty and written in the late period of Emperor Renzong Jiayou. Several of these arguments show the difference between Liu Chang and Wang Anshi's academic thinking. This difference can be summarized as the opposition between the two models of confucian confucianism and utilitarian confucianism in the revival of Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. The former pays attention to moral indoctrination, opposes utilitarianism, and also opposes the use of criminal rewards and punishments by the imperial court to promote active and effective government. The latter, while not abolishing moral indoctrination, also pays attention to the law, distinguishes between two different concepts of righteousness and profit, and emphasizes the position of state administration. Siku Guanchen believes that the theme of the "Disciple Record" is to criticize Wang Anshi, not to be ignorant, but to commit the mistake of the times, and to misplace the antagonism and conflict between the Confucian thoughts of the Renzong Jiayou Dynasty in the context of the old and new party struggles. In fact, it was not the struggle between the Xining change and the old and new parties that contributed to the criticism of Wang Xue in the "Disciple's Book", but the confrontation between the Confucian thought that emphasized social autonomy and the indoctrination of Lile and Wang Anshi's active and promising Confucianism presented in the "Disciple's Book", which to some extent aggravated the split caused by the change of the law by the Xining Chushi Master.
Keywords: "Disciple"; Wang Anshi; Liu Chang; Confucianism of Enlightenment; Confucianism of Utilitarianism
In the history of academic thought in the Song Dynasty, Liu Chang's "Records of Disciples" is similar in genre to the "Tongshu" of zhou Yiyi and the "Second Cheng Testament" of the Cheng Hao brothers, and is similar to the Confucian category of the Subordinate Department. In contrast, fame is far from being recognized. In fact, although this book is far less profound in terms of speculation and system construction than that of Zhou Yiyi, Cheng Hao and others, it is from the hand of a famous Confucian who was not rational in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, which more comprehensively and truly reflects the situation of the revival of Confucianism at that time, presenting an academic ideological picture that is quite different from the theoretical discourse, as well as the ideology of the political maturity of the Keju scholars. This article will focus on the similarities and differences between the academic ideas of Liu Chang and Wang Anshi presented in this book—they are both key figures in the revival of Confucianism in the Northern Song Dynasty and representatives of the new style of study, but neither of them is a theorist. Thus, we can get rid of the linear development context dominated by the writing of science after the Southern Song Dynasty, return to the scene of the history of academic thought in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, discuss the topics, academic construction, and ideological logic of the scholars at that time, and restore the pluralistic aspects of Confucianism before the rise of the Xining transformation method and the rational theory, the various tensions and development trends in between.
I. The Author, Style, and Context of the Disciple's Book
Liu Changzi's original father (1019-1068), a new Yuren of Linjiang, was a famous scholar and scholar of the Northern Song Dynasty Renzong and Yingzong Dynasties. In the sixth year of the Qing calendar (1046), the second rank of Jinshi ascended to the throne, and he was awarded the Dali Commentary, and caizhou was sentenced. In the third year of the Emperor's reign (1051), he summoned the Imperial Academy, promoted to Prince Zhongyun, and directly gathered the Xianyuan. In the first year of Hehe (1954), he moved to the right of the right and the right to make a statement. In the fifth year of Jiayou (1060), he became a scholar of Hanlin and became aware of the Yongxing Army. In the third year of Emperor Yingzong's reign (1066), he was converted to a scholar of the Jixian Academy and sentenced to Nanjing Yushitai. Shenzong Xining died in the first year (1068). The History of song, vol. 319, and the Eastern Capital Chronicle, vol. 76, are transmitted. He was knowledgeable and wrote, especially in the Spring and Autumn Period, and had several volumes of writings.
The Book of Disciples is also known as the Book of The Disciples. Gong is the private name of his protégé after Liu Chang's death. [1] It is inferred from this that the Book of Disciples was written during Liu Chang's lifetime and was not published until after the Southern Song Dynasty, when the book was engraved, and the word "Gong is" was added by the engraver. In this regard, there is no disagreement in the historical records and bibliographies of various families. Synopsis of Volume 92 of the General Bibliography of the Four Libraries of the Four Libraries, "The Book of the Disciples of the Gong Dynasty":
It is the person who compiled the title "Disciple Record", and the disciple of Gai Tuoyan wrote it, and the wenge is ancient and elegant, and the words of "Spring and Autumn" that Are not his disciples can do. Therefore, Chao Gongwu's "Reading History" thought that he should have evidence for his questions and answers. 〔2〕
There are 44 questions and answers in the book caused by "Liu Ziyi", which is Liu Chang's self-title, not the honorific title of a disciple. In Liu Chang's writings and writings, "Liu Ziyi" also appears repeatedly as an interpreter, such as the Spring and Autumn Trade-off: "Guild Wei Zi Juqing." He Xiuyue: "Ju Wu Dafu, the scholar of the book, respect the righteousness of The Sage." Liu Ziyi: "If you look at this statement, can it be better than a plan?" ’”〔3〕
Chao Gongwu believes that the "Disciple Record" is "the title of the disciple of Yang Yu and Wang Anshi, and the disciple of Wang Shenfu and Ouyang Yongshu" to show praise and depreciation. [4] This may be because Liu Chang was proficient in the Spring and Autumn Period, so the Chao's speculation book borrows the example of the title righteousness in the Spring and Autumn. The Siku Guanchen disagreed:
What Gongwu said now is probably deduced by intention. That is to say, if Wang Hui is a person, on the four Yue recommended a piece, on the saint one, then write its name; on the Tai Bo article, on the Jin Wu Gong one, then write its words. Is it a compliment, but what is it? 〔5〕
Nowadays, Wang Huizi Shenfu, a famous Confucian of the Northern Song Dynasty, has a legend in the History of the Song Dynasty. Wang Hui was a close friend of Liu Chang, and there were many poems in the "Gongshi Collection" for gifts. However, in the Book of Disciples, there are 6 places involving Wang Hui, 4 places are called names, and 2 places are called characters. Another 5 involve Wang Anshi, 1 is called a name, and 4 are called "princes". Yang Xun was the son of Yang Kai[6], and together with his elder brother Yang Chenju was known for his classics, "abandoning the old Confucian doctrine and doing it as Gao Qi" [7]. In the fourth year of Jiayou (1059), Liu Chang went out to know the Yongxing Army as a Hanlin attendant, and Yang Yu took charge of Yongxing to appease the driver Yi, and the two also had a close relationship. In addition to the above people, yang yi, Yang Wei, Wu Chong and others in the "Disciple's Book" are also known by name, and Liu Chang is either a subordinate or a close friend. (1) It can be seen that Liu Chang did not deliberately use the "Spring and Autumn" brushwork in the "Disciple Record", and used the title or the word to express praise and derogation.
(1) The traces of the above people's intercourse are found in Liu Chang's collection of writings. For example, [Song] Liu Chang: "Gongshi Ji", vol. 21, "Sending Yang Yu", vol. 19 "Visiting Yang Yi Temple", vol. 36 "Xinxinting", vol. 13 "Yongshu Xizhai Sending ChongQing Zhishanfu", "Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu", Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 1095, pp. 573, 559, 713, 511.
According to Liu Changxing' epitaph, epitaph, and biography of the History of Song, the Book of Disciples was originally 5 volumes. At the beginning of the Southern Song Dynasty, it was merged into one, so the "Reading Records of The County", volume 10, was recorded as one volume. The Siku Pavilion is slightly more extensive in its pages, divided into 4 volumes. Its content mainly records Liu Chang's discussion, and Liu and Ouyang Xiu, Wang Anshi and other contemporaries of scholars and friends questioned and questioned. There are 229 articles in the whole book, of which 53 are in the form of questions and answers, and the rest are discussed with "Liu Ziyue" or directly record Liu Chang's remarks.
Since the purpose of the establishment of the word is to make a statement, is there a consistent theme in the "Disciple's Book"? What is the context of its discussion and Q&A? Siku Guanchen believes that:
His book Gu Duo attacked the new learning of the Wang clan, and also implied that the needle degraded the Yuan Youzhu xian... Cover is when the three parties are at odds, and the openness is outside the door, so its words are peaceful. As for the inaction of Lao Tzu, it is the new Fafa of An shi; the person who discerns Mencius can be Yao and Shun, and it is the self-appointed saint of An Shi. If it is slightly agitated, then there are those who say it. 〔8〕
According to this, the "Disciple Record" was issued in response to the conflict between Wang Anshi Xinxue and Zhezong Yuanyou (1086-1094) between the three parties of Shu, Luo, and Shuo. Guan Chen believed that Liu Chang criticized Wang's new learning in the book, but also disagreed with the old party of YuanYou, so he praised it as "Yuanfeng and Xining Zhuoran a mellow Confucian" [9]. Through this contextual retrospection, the librarian then made a rather "stereotyped" interpretation of several arguments in the book, thinking that they were all aimed at Wang Anshi.
However, on April 8, 1068, the first year of Emperor Shenzong's reign, Liu Chang died. At that time, Wang Anshi had not yet come to power, and the new law had not been implemented. The so-called old and new party struggles occurred two years later, let alone the Yuanyou party struggles ten years later. How could Liu Chang foresee everything that happened after his death and criticize it, beyond the three-party conflict? It can be seen that the guanchen's interpretation of the theme and context of the "Disciple's Book" is not suspected of being misplaced because liu chang's death year has not been examined. In fact, the debate between Liu Chang and Wang Anshi contained in the Book of Disciples mainly took place during the reign of Emperor Renzong Jiayou (1056-1063). In the fourth year of Jiayou (1059), Wang Anshi entered the capital as a judge of the Three Sidu Branch, and directly gathered the Xianyuan, and Liu Chang had a poem to congratulate him. [10] Liu Chang wrote the "Ming Concubine Song", which was sung with Mei Yaochen, Han Wei, Jiang Xiufu and other times, and Wang Anshi also participated in it, and the "Two Ming Concubine Songs" written by Him caused a sensation in the poetry circle of the Northern Song Dynasty. The two also engaged in academic debates:
At that time, he was talking about scriptures in the pavilion, and although the prince did not dare to fight with him, Liu Yuan's father and brothers refused to yield less. Dongpo Matsuri original father text, specially mentioned in its matter. 〔11〕
This record is highly credible, and the Northern Song Dynasty Chao said that the "Title King Shenfu Shuhou" contains as a supplementary evidence: "In ancient times, there were people who talked about stopping, and it was said that the people's talk stopped at Si Yiren. When it is, the talk at the public table often ends with the introduction, and the talk of the introduction is stopped by the original husband. [12] Wang Anshi gathered directly at the Xianyuan in the fourth year of Jiayou (1059), and Liu Chang came out at the end of this year to know the Yongxing Army. [13] The so-called "discussion of scriptures in the pavilion" should have occurred in the fourth year of Jiayou (1059). It can be seen that back in the historical context, the differences between Wang and Liu did not involve specific political games and conflicts of interest; at that time, the "New Learning of the Wang Family" represented by the "Three Classics of New Righteousness" was far from finalized. The academic ideological differences between Liu and Wang presented in the "Disciple's Record" belong to normal academic exchanges, rather than the views of the old and new parties with clear barriers.
2. "Wang Anshi Xiu Jing Yi Gai Ben Yu Chang" discernment
Siku Guanchen believes that the Book of Disciples "attacked the new learning of the Wang clan more" This thesis involves the similarities and differences between Liu Chang and Wang Anshi's scholarship, as well as a famous public case in the history of classics: was it influenced by Liu Chang and even copied Liu Chang in the "Three Classics and New Righteousness" [14] that was popular in the late Northern Song Dynasty for nearly 60 years, which was "pronounced and deduced by the New Party". Volume 33 of the General Bibliography of the Four Libraries of the Seven Classics is to be denied by the Book of Disciples:
However, considering his "Disciple Record", he rejected An Shi, and so on, which was actually different from the new learning. And Anshi is rigid, and he is not willing to step open. The saying of openness is said to be open to the disadvantages of the Southern Song Dynasty' assumptions, and it is impossible to resign; the study of Anshi is doubtful because it is open. 〔15〕
In April of the first year of The Xining Dynasty (1068), Liu Chang died. His brother Liu Shu (劉攽) and Ouyang Xiu (Ouyang Xiu) wrote epitaphs, stating that he was "knowledgeable and knowledgeable, and that he knew a little about the vast outlines, and sought to be in harmony with the sages, from Futu, Lao Tzu, as well as the Mountain Classics, Dizhi, Yin and Yang, Bu Xiao, Medicine, and Astronomy, and sought their significance to be in harmony with those of the saints" [16]. At that time, Wang Anshi had not yet come to power, nor had he begun to write the "Three Classics and New Righteousness", and the "Xingzhi" and "Epitaph" did not mention the academic relationship between Liu and Wang at all. Down to the Southern Song Dynasty, Chao Gongwu proposed, "Wang Anshi Xiu Jing Yi Gai Ben Yu Chang":
The five volumes of the "Seven Classics" were written by Liu Changyuan's father in the Right Dynasty... The Yuan Yu Shi official said: "Before the Qing calendar, scholars still wrote and resigned, and they kept more chapters and sentences to note the study of sparseness, and opened up the theories of Confucianism. Later Wang Anshi repaired the scriptures, and Gaiben Yuchang. Yu Guanyuan's father said, "Yi Yin Xiang Tang Cut Down, Rise from the Sei" and the like, and the like, was taken by Yi Duo. The words of the historian are not false. 〔17〕
The Reading Chronicle was first written in the twenty-first year of Emperor Gaozong's Shaoxing (1151) and finally between the seventh and fourteenth years of Emperor Xiaozong's Chunxi (1180-1187). It is a famous private bibliographic work in ancient China, with extremely high academic value. According to the synopsis, this statement comes from the Yuan Yu Shi Guan. Chao did not doubt this, and also provided Liu Chang's interpretation of the "Seven Classics" of "Tang Fa Jie Sheng Zi Zi" for the "Three Classics New Righteousness". Later, Wu Zeng's "Records of Being Able to Change the Zhai Manga" also said:
Guo Shiyun: "Before the celebration of the calendar, scholars still wrote and wrote, and they kept more chapters and sentences to annotate the study. To Liu Yuan's father for the "Seven Classics Of The Small Biography", the beginning of the Confucian theory. Wang Jinggong repaired the scriptures, and Gai Ben was originally from his father Yun. ”〔18〕
The Records of the NengjiaZhai (能改斋漫錄) was first written in the twenty-seventh year of Shaoxing (1157) and eventually in Emperor Xiaozong Longxing and Qiandaojian (1163-1173). Among them, the cloud is the same as the content of the "Reading History", except that the "Yuanyou ShiGuan" becomes the "GuoShi Yun".
After Chao and Wu, the saying that "Wang Anshi's revision of the Scriptures was based on The Beginning of the Book" appeared successively in Chen Jun's "Chronicles of the Ninth Dynasty of the Song Dynasty", "The Full Text of the History of the Song Dynasty", Ma Duanlin's "Literature Tongkao", Zhu Yizun's "Jingyi Kao", Bi Yuan's "Continuation of Zizhi Tongjian", and Xu Qianxue's "Zizhi Tongjian Later Compilation" and other historical books. Until the Qing Dynasty, the master of modern classics Pi Xirui also adopted this statement, which was used to construct and narrate the evolution of the history of classics in the Song Dynasty. [19] However, in this long course of time, there are still some scholars who are cautious about this statement. For example, Chen Zhensun, a famous bibliographer of the Southern Song Dynasty, only explained the name of the Seven Classics in the synopsis of his "Small Biography of the Seven Classics" and did not adopt the theory of Chao. (2) Wang Yinglin, a famous scholar in the late Southern Song Dynasty, noted the status of the "Seven Classics" and the "Three Classics of New Righteousness" in the transformation of Han and Song classics, but did not comment on the relationship between Liu and Wang Classics, and his cautious and restrained stance was different from that of Chao and Wu: "Since Han Confucianism and the celebration of the calendar, those who talk about the scriptures keep their instructions and do not chisel. The "Seven Classics" is out, and it is still a little novel. As for the "Three Classics", the study of Han Confucianism is regarded as a soil stem. ”〔20〕
(2) "In the study of past lives, the sutras of the past lives were mostly annotated by the ancestors, and they spoke the scriptures with their own will, wrote books and walked the world, and opened themselves up to it." See [Song] Chen Zhensun: Solutions to the Records of zhizhai books, vol. 3, Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1987, p. 83.
But is what Chao and Wu said true? According to the author's new opinion, Li Bi, a famous scholar of the Southern Song Dynasty, put forward different historical sources for the theory that "Wang Anshi XiuJing Yi Gai Ben Yu Chang" said.
Wang Anshi has a poem "Reflections on the Bureau of The Classics": "Since ancient times, the whole energy has been lost, so it is better to talk about Qi Ji and Qi Qi." Although it is appropriate to let go of the food, the head of the network can still be mourned. [21] This poem was written in the seventh year of Emperor Shenzong's reign (1074), when Wang Anshi first resigned, he led the Jing Bureau and proposed to revise the "Three Classics and New Righteousness", so the poem is called "the head of the network still exists". Li Bi notes:
Liu Yuanfu wrote the "Seven Classics"... The YuanYoushi official said: "Before the celebration calendar, the scholar Shangwenzi ... Later Wang An Shi xiu "Jingyi", Gaiben imitation open... The words of the historian are not false. According to Yang Shi Guishan, this is the case. Attached to this. 〔22〕
Li Bizi Jizhang, the number of The Stone Forest, also known as the Resident of Yanhu Lake. From the third year of the Kaixi to the second year of Jiading (1207-1209), Li Bi lived in Fuzhou and wrote notes for Wang's poems. Its commentary, "Roughly searching and collecting, having a basis, doubting it is queuing, and not wearing a chiseled appendage ratio" [23], is on a par with Shi (Su) Zhu Sushi and Ren (Yuan) Zhu Huang Tingjian, and is particularly good at examining the historical facts of the characters. Li Bi's father, the famous historian Li Tao, wrote the "Continuation of the Zizhi TongjianChang" and co-edited the "History of the Four Dynasties" with Hong Mai, which was presented by the National History Institute in November of the thirteenth year of Chunxi (1186). With this family background, Li Bi's grasp of the historical materials of the Southern Song Dynasty must be inferior to those of others; and he is particularly familiar with the literature and historical materials of Yang Shi and other theorists. (3) According to him, Chao Gongwu's "Seven Classics" synopsis "Yuan Yu Shi Guan ... Don't blame it", originally from the theorist Yang Shi. This commentary is actually not very closely related to the poem itself, and Li Bi deliberately marked that "according to Yang Shi Guishan's saying", he should have been suspicious of the so-called "Yuan Yu Shi Guan". Yang Shizi is neutral, Mr. Guishan, the theorist Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi's high foot. Among Cheng Men's disciples, he invited Qi Shou alone, and was known for his ability to slander Wang Anshi. In May of the first year of Jing Kang (1126), when jin soldiers besieged the city, he attacked Wang Anshi: "Today's disaster, Shi'an Shi has enlightened it. "Loosely, An Shi descended from the ranks of the ancestors." [24] He wrote the Three Classics of Righteousness, the Rilu Dialectic, and the Character Dialectic, which comprehensively criticized Wang's new learning, and was a key figure in the process of the rise and fall of new learning and science during the two Song Dynasties. In terms of his consistent attitude and academic orientation of hating Wang Anshi, the saying that "Wang Anshi's cultivation of the Scriptures is based on The Beginning" is likely to have been said by Yang Shi through the mouth of the Yuan Youshi official, and then slandered the "Three Classics of The New Righteousness" for plagiarizing Liu Chang.
(3) Dr. Dong Censhi, who has undertaken to study Li Bizhu, informed that hereby expresses his thanks!
This speculation can also be traced in the literature, li bi notes Wang Anshi's poem "Answering Yangzhou Liu Yuanfu":
"Biography of the History of the State": "The father of Zhongyuan Zhongyuan, the linjiang people of Yuanzhou... At that time, scholars did not know that advocating scriptures, and they could only open up the meaning of the sutras. From the Six Classics, Zhuzi, and Baishi to biographical novels, everything is consistent, and the article is particularly minzhen. ”〔25〕
The "History of the State" quoted by Li Bi naturally refers to the "History of the Four Dynasties" written by his father Li Tao. Among them, when the Biography of Liu Chang recounts Liu Chang's achievements in classics, it only mentions that it is different from confucianism, but does not mention the relationship with Wang Anshi's cultivation of the scriptures. Generally speaking, the biographies of the characters in the history of the Song Dynasty are roughly compiled based on the small biographies of the characters attached to the "Records of the Record" of the Dynasty. Based on this speculation, the "Biography of Liu Chang" in the Shaoxing Reconstruction Edition of the Records of the Divine Sect, on which the "History of the Four Dynasties and States" is based, should not mention "Wang Anshi's revision of the Scriptures and the Yi Gai Ben Yu Chang". The Shaoxing Ben "Records of the Divine Sect" is based on the Yuanyou Ben "Records of the Divine Sect". In addition, the historical source of the Shenzong Dynasty characters in the "Eastern Capital Chronicle" is mainly from Shaoxingben's "Records of the Divine Sect". Among them, volume 76 "Biography of Liu Chang" is similar to the "Biography of the History of the State" cited by Li Bi, and only emphasizes Liu Chang's erudition and knowledge, Wen Si minzhan and does not mention his classics and innovations, let alone the academic origins of Wang and Liu:
Open to people understand Junwei, erudite and confident, from the Six Classics, the Sons, the Hundred Clans, down to biographies, novels, everything. For Wen Min Gan... The words are elegant and each has its own style. 〔26〕
Based on this, the author speculates that the Shaoxing Ben "Records of the Divine Sect" and the "Biography of Liu Chang" in the "Records of the Divine Sect" revised by the Yuanyou Old Party probably do not have the so-called "Wang Anshi Xiu Jing Yi Gai Ben Yu Chang" and other expressions.
Of course, considering the great influence of Yang Shi in the early Nandu period (4), and the revision of the Records of Emperor Shenzong during the Shaoxing period, with the alternating reigns of Zhao Ding, Zhang Jun, and Qin Ju, and the political tilt [27], the author believes that there is also the following possibility: that is, Yang Shi said, "Before the celebration of the calendar, scholars Still wrote words ... Shi Guan's words, good and not false", was included in Fan Chong's compilation and revision of the "Records of the Divine Sect". This is the source quoted by Chao Gongwu's "Reading Chronicle of The County" and Wu Zeng's "Records of the Can Change the Zhai Manga". (5) Therefore, the summary of the "Seven Classics" in the "Reading Chronicle of the County", which should be punctuated as follows:
The Five Volumes of the Seven Classics, written by Liu Changyuan of the Right Imperial Dynasty..." Yuan Youshi official said: 'Before the Qing calendar... Wang Anshi repaired the scriptures, and Gai Ben Yu Open. Theories such as 'Yu Guan Yuanfu' and 'Yi Yin Xiang Tang Chu Sheng Zi' were taken by Yi Duo. The words of the historian are not false. ”
The "give" of "yu guan" does not refer to Chao Gongwu, but to Yang Shi. In Fan Chong's two subsequent revisions of the Records of the Divine Sect, Yang Shi's phrase was deleted by historians; or although it was retained, li tao later revised the History of the Four Dynasties and Wang Zhi revised the "Chronicle of the Eastern Capital", because he learned that this was Yang Shi's personal prejudice or lacked a credible historical source, so he did not adopt it. As a result, the "Biography of Liu Chang" and "Biography of Liu Chang" quoted by Li Bi, as well as the "Biography of Song Shi Liu Chang", which was compiled on the basis of the "History of the State", do not contain the words "Wang Anshi Xiu Jing Yi Gai Ben Yu Chang".
(4) "Ji Du Jiang, the southeast scholar pushed the time to be the cheng clan authentic ... The greatest of them, on the other hand, dispelled the Wang's scriptures, and discussed peace with Jing Kang, so that heresy would not be done. See [Yuan] Detachment: History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 428, Biography of Yang Shi, Beijing: Zhonghua Bookstore, 1977, p. 12743.
(5) The only thing that Chao Gongwu could read was this 200-volume "Records of the Divine Sect", so it can be concluded that the "Yuanyou Shiguan" quoted in Liu Chang's "Seven Classics" in the solution to the problem was derived from this "Records of the Divine Sect". See Ge Huanli, "On Liu Chang's Academic Status in the Northern Song Dynasty," Monthly Journal of History, No. 8, 2013.
The above is a historical source of the theory that "Wang Anshi's cultivation of the Scriptures is based on the opening of the book", and traces its source back to the Time of Yang at chengmen Gaozu, and the analysis of Chao Gongwu and Wu Zeng is only a copy of Yang Shi's views. So, by the name of the truth, is this theory true or not? In this regard, the outline of volume 33 of the "Seven Classics" of the General Catalogue of the Four Libraries reads:
Look at his book now... Those who cover the scriptures with their own will, and change the wind of Confucianism and simplicity, they are really open from the beginning... It is also often chiseled, the same as Anshi, so it is rumored to be slandered. Ran Kao's "Disciple Record" ,...... Then the suspicion of stealing. 〔28〕
The courtiers first quoted what Wu and Chao said, and then, combined with specific examples, discussed that liu changing the scriptures with his own will, and its drawbacks were chiseling; then, from the standpoint of sinology, he pointed out Liu Chang's position in the history of Song Dynasty classics, and then pointed out that Liu Ande and Wang's interpretations were quite similar, which caused later generations to suspect that Wang Anshi had interpreted the scriptures and suppressed Liu Chang. Finally, combined with Liu Chang's criticism of Wang Anshi in the "Disciple Record", it proves that the two are academically different, and the so-called suppression is actually a suspicion of stealing.
The rebuttal of Chao and Wu by the curators has also been echoed by contemporary scholars, but with different emphases. [29] The maintenance of Chao and Wu contains evidence of Liu Chang's important position in the academic history of the Song Dynasty. [30] Yang Shaorong directly compared the "Three Classics and New Meanings" with the "Seven Classics", pointing out: "The so-called YuanYoushi official's statement that Wang Anshixiu's "Jingyi" was covered by The Openness is actually a plausible impression theory... The courage to change the old righteousness of the Han and Tang Dynasties and create a new theory are the common characteristics of Liu Zhu and Wang Shu. "The so-called 'suppression' is also a derogatory argument of Chao Gongwu standing on the anti-new academic stand... The individual adoption of the new theories of the Wang father and son to the "Small Biography" should be a normal academic acceptance and inheritance. ”〔31〕
The author fully agrees with this. The saying that "Wang Anshi's cultivation of the Scriptures and Yi Gai Ben Yu Chang" was first initiated by Yang Shizhao, and then fueled by the "Reading Records of Junzhai" and "The Records of the Can Change the Zhai Manga", and then adopted by the "Preparation for the Chronicles of the Nine Dynasties of the Song Dynasty" and "Jingyi Examination", forming a public case in the academic history of the Song Dynasty, causing many lawsuits. At this point, it can be fixed.
3. The Way of the Scholar and the New Scriptures
This public case also involves a theme of the "Book of Disciples", that is, the Siku Guanchen said that "the "Book of Disciples rejects An Shi, and so on, is actually different from the new learning", "its books attack the new learning of the Wang family". This should be carefully analyzed. As mentioned above, the Book of Disciples was written in the context of the normal academic exchanges of the Jiayou Dynasty, and was not a tit-for-tat partisan dispute.
On the whole, about 1/3 of this book deals with the "way of being a soldier" in the society of the imperial examination, which is also the key concern of Wang Anshi's academic thought. How to give new rationality to the people of kejushi? Liu Chang and Wang Anshi have many similar discussions. As the elite scholars and doctors of the Song Dynasty who triaded the trinity of literati, scholars, and officials, both of them paid considerable attention to the ideological shaping of their own class. Compared with the door valve aristocrats of the Tang Dynasty, the dependence of the Keju people on imperial power, the sense of national identity and the sense of social responsibility were stronger. Due to the lack of strong door support, they can only rely on their own talents, knowledge, ability, and the right to interpret Confucian classics to enter the bureaucracy, and obtain and maintain their position and interests in the bureaucracy, and realize their ideals. In the Six Dynasties of Han and Wei, the moral cultivation of scholars had the basis and restriction of the system of selecting in the township, but the examination system took the scholars by words, the scholars threw themselves into the self-sacrifice, and the honor and disgrace were based on the subject literature, and the moral cultivation of the subject lacked the effective guarantee and nourishment of the system, and could only rely more on the consciousness of the subject.
Liu and Wang both believe that scholars should establish a lofty mission and responsibility, and undertake the ultimate value care--take responsibility for themselves with the Tao, and be on the right path:
The unknowable evil of the Word, the unattractive teaching, and the sin of the scholars. alack! If the Tao does not do evil, it will not be specialized, and the soldier will also be guilty. 〔32〕
Whoever has the right time for a gentleman will do his own thing. The Word does not work, but it is not always possible. 〔33〕
The key to the path lies in whether you can "suffer the time" and whether you can "win the king". Wang Anshi said: "Self-nature, non-selfishness, the way of the saints is in Yan'er... Therefore, if he is determined to be a king, he will change the way of the times, if he is the opposite. Pi Qishu Su Xiu and Zhi Su Ding ye. [34] Liu Chang also cited the example of Shun, Yu, Yi and other saints to expound on the importance of "Shi": "Shun's acceptance of the world is also polite, Yu's acceptance of the world is also solid, and the benefit of receiving the world is also the final resignation." Non-Gou down killing also, time also. Saints from time to time. [35] About one-third of the entries in the Book of Disciples deal with the ethical norms and provenance codes of the scholars. They may be wise men, gentlemen, or exemplary saints and sages among the scholars, and some of them, although they conceal their subjects, can still be seen that they refer to the fact that the scholars are the object of all the speeches of this book. Formally, most of the entries are similar to moral proverbs, directly expounding and asserting the ethical norms of scholars, concise and clear:
May it be great but not willing to be benevolent, and chaotic; victorious but not willing to be courteous, and thief also. 〔36〕
Enter Mo Ruorang, brave Mo Ruoyi, noble Mo Ruoren, rich Mo Ruolian. 〔37〕
Occasionally, Liu Chang seemed to be unable to contain his desire to make a statement and his moral indignation, and he simply used "Liu Ziyue" to comment on certain behaviors among the scholars, indicating a certain norm and position:
Liu Ziyi: "There are three shames in shi, shame for the Taoist at times, shame for the meritorious and shameful for the vulgar, shame for the righteous and shame for the famous." ”〔38〕
The uncle of the Han Dynasty, Sun Tong, became a negative example of Qu Xue's charm and deviation from Confucianism in the eyes of the two:
Uncles and grandsons are familiar with Han rites, and it is timely. He who is disgraced by a gentleman shall not do it in the Word. 〔39〕
Mr. Qin Dr. Qin, Qin Li is quite familiar. Measure the Lord's desires to do something, and neither life desires. Grass is a king of Yi, and the group of heroes knows the su. Gold has been given everywhere, and the coat has been renewed. Confucianism has withered since then, what is anti-initial service? 〔40〕
Although the provenance of the scholar must be based on the Tao, he must also know his fate from time to time. As we all know, Fan Zhongyan was the first to mark the self-conscious spirit of the scholar in the revival of Confucianism in the Northern Song Dynasty. In the "Record of Yueyang Lou", he proposed that "the world is worried and worried before the world, and the world is happy and happy after the world". Its sense of distress inspires a generation of morale and stubbornness. However, Liu Chang showed a certain degree of introspection and deepening of this sense of responsibility and subject consciousness of "taking the world as its responsibility":
Shun is in the deep mountains, Yi Yin cultivates the field of Xin, said that the field of Building Fu Yan is also worried about the world?
"Don't worry." ”
Why not worry? The sage was born in the world, and the world is chaotic and sits still and looks at it?
"The Son of Heaven worries about the world, the princes worry about his country, the doctor worries about his government, the soldier worries about his office, and the common man worries about his karma." The world has been determined, not its worries, chaos... A gentleman has nothing to worry about, but only thinks about his duties. ”
Or ask Shun, Yi Yin, and Fu shu about their duties, saying: "Shun's duties are filial piety, Yi Yin's duties are his cultivation, and his duties are built." ”〔41〕
This question revolves around "distress", which is obviously aimed at Fan Zhongyan's so-called scholars: "If they live in the temple, they are worried about their people, and if they are far away from the rivers and lakes, they are worried about their kings" and "they are worried about entering and worrying, and retreating are also worried." Liu Chang believes that a gentleman's worries should be "thinking of his duties", that is, worrying about different positions is different, otherwise it will be trespassing. Shun, Yi Yin, and Fu said that if they were in a high position, they could worry about the whole world; if they were in a corner of poverty, they should only worry about their karma and make a living. [42] Coincidentally, Wang Anshi also believes that whether the Tao is in harmony with the world's chaos is not completely controlled by human beings, and there is a factor of fate. As long as a scholar and a scholar only need to do "the right thing to do with the right thing, and the source to be appropriate", there is no need to be sad and happy for it, and there is no need to worry about the glory and disgrace of the poor. This is called "knowing the destiny" and "heavenly people" [43]. "The so-called Confucians, if they are used for the king, they are worried about the king, and if they eat for the people, they will suffer from the people's troubles, and if they are not used, they will only cultivate themselves." [44] Fan Zhongyan, Liu Chang, and Wang Anshi all tried to inject a lofty ideal into the emerging class of Scholars, and to shape ideology. In contrast, what Liu and Wang said may not be higher in the realm, but it is more in line with the Confucian dogma of both good and poor, and also provides a greater space for scholars to choose in and out. This is a more in-depth manifestation of the revival of Confucianism in the Northern Song Dynasty during the Jiayou period.
Secondly, Liu Chang and Wang Anshi were similar in age, living together in the ideological atmosphere of the revival of Confucianism in the Northern Song Dynasty, and their main academic achievements were classics. On the whole, the two have a number of similarities in terms of academic orientation, method of administering the scriptures, and forms of exegesis. For example, both of them are representatives of the Zunjing and derogatory traditions, and they both have severe criticisms of the study of Han and Tang commentaries. Liu Chang was proficient in the study of "Spring and Autumn", and he inherited the views of the New "Spring and Autumn" school of the Middle Tang Dynasty, believing that each of the three transmissions had flaws and was not enough to convey Confucius's subtle words. "Zuo Shi did not pass on the Spring and Autumn Classics" [45], because Gai did not personally receive the scriptures from Confucius, "so if those who are passers-by use their own meanings to speak the scriptures, and use the old chapters as the usual practice to understand the historical policies, we can see the success or failure." Its praise and disparagement are not all qiu Ming's. Scholars should not think about it because they are not subject to scriptures" [46]. "After the rams undertook their studies, they dictated the scriptures, searched upside down, and left something behind." 〔47〕
Wang Anshi also believes that the three transmissions are not enough to believe. [48] He further pointed out that the spirit of Confucianism lies in self-cultivation, family unity, governance of the country, and peace in the world, not in the number of chapters and sentences. Because of the "no questions" and "no thoughts" of the Han and Tang classics, and the analysis of sentences in chapters and sentences, the small words and great meanings contained in the Confucian classics have been almost annihilated:
The art of the saints, the cultivation of their bodies, and the rule of the world and the country lie in the safety and control of chaos, not in the number of chapters and sentences. 〔49〕
Confucius did not, the Tao Day with decay, immersed in han, and the house was transmitted. For the teacher, there is no response, and for the disciple there is reading without asking... It is advisable that the number of its calendar years be in the thousands, and the scriptures of the saints are unknown, and the scholars cannot use their words to apply to the world. 〔50〕
As a result, both of them showed a tendency to get rid of the barriers of the Han and Tang dynasties, interpret the scriptures with their own will, and seek novelty.
Wang Anshi once said: "Sutra, just because of the world's affairs." [51] His Three Classics of New Righteousness focuses on expounding righteousness in Confucian classics, seeking a basis for change, and attaching current affairs to the scriptures. This is common knowledge in the history of Confucianism. Although Liu Chang had never attained the path of kings, when he was speaking and reading from Emperor Yingzong, he also "referred to the scriptures for every matter, because of irony" [52]. The Book of Disciples contains:
Shen Fu said: "Taibo let a country and the world, why not?" ”
Liu Ziyi: "Only the most virtuous can rule the world with a hundred miles." Whoever can make the world a hundred miles king, although he has not yet won the world, can make the world a hundred miles, and he will also let the world be destroyed. The giver pushes what he can and the other person also. What is not what is there is is called theft, and what is not what is what is said to be thief. ”〔53〕
The focus of Wang Hui's question is the difference between "the state" and "the world." Liu Chang replied that king Wen could make the world a hundred miles king, then Taibo would let the country of a hundred miles be the world, and he could also give way to the world. The six sentences of "concession" followed by a borrowed title, and the meaning it contains can be corroborated with the "Spring and Autumn Weighing" on his thesis "Zuo Chuan Yin Gong Three Years" "Song Xuangong can be described as knowing people, Li Mu Gong, and his son Biaozhi":
Since ancient times, there have been many concessions and fewer peacemakers. Song Mu Gong Rang, Lu Yin Gong Rang, Wu San Wang Rang, Yan Zi Let Go, and the latter were all in chaos... Let no saint be allowed to go on, and no saint should be surrendered to anyone. Therefore, Yao let Shun, Shun let Yu, Taibo let King Wen, and the world's country was safe, and he was also known as Zhiren. If you have to give up your name, and if you have a misfortune in the twilight, this is to let no one know what is not his person, and who does not know what is the person? 〔54〕
Between Emperor Renzong and Jiayou, a wind of resignation arose in the official arena. Scholars and masters were given up by officials, and thus they could gain praise, and the imperial court often praised them for their retirement, and even promoted them not to the next time, hoping to change the bad habits of running and drilling camps among the officials. [55] Liu Chang, who had entered the ranks of the Jin Dynasty, moved to the zhizhi system within ten years, and did not hesitate to resign as an official, and his career was quite smooth. [56] He was quite disgusted by this kind of behavior of giving up officials, and once wrote "Letting Officials Neglect" to criticize it: "I think that for this reason, we are all pretending to seek fame, and if we want to be fascinated by the masses, they will gradually become unsustainable." [57] It can be seen that Liu Chang's exposition of the classic commentaries is actually for his own political views. This is the same as Wang Anshi's classic basis for seeking financial management from the "Zhou Li" in Xi Ning. It is worth noting that Wang Anshi was precisely the leader of the official resignation trend at that time. The sharpness of Liu Chang's "Let the Officials Loose" is obviously not just Chen Lie.
Of course, in terms of interpreting the scriptures, wearing chisels and attaching to the scriptures and chasing out new things is also a common drawback of Liu and Wang. Wang Yinglin said, "Since han Confucianism and the celebration of the calendar, those who talk about the scriptures keep the precepts and do not chisel." The "Seven Classics" is a little novel. As far as the "Three Classics and Righteousness" are done, it can be said that the study of Han Confucianism is like a soil stem". I will not repeat it here.
Fourth, the treatment of differences in techniques
The above is only the similarity between Liu and Wang in the way of being a scholar and the overall method and orientation of the scriptures. It reflects the common trend of academic thought as a whole under the influence of the same academic trend, as the elite of the scholarly class and the innovator of the classics. As for the specific practice of administering the scriptures, the two are actually very different. Liu Chang's main achievement in classics was the study of "Spring and Autumn", and he wrote "Spring and Autumn Weighing" and "Spring and Autumn Yilin". "His scriptures are mixed with three transmissions, not the Lord's family, and each scripture is passed on to the book, and there is no repetition of the painting ... The example of changing the scriptures in the Song Dynasty should be open to the foregoing, and it is advisable to regard it as a matter of course. However, in terms of its generality, there are many people who have to be informed. [58] Wang Anshi died of Spring and Autumn. Xi Ningzhong, on the grounds that the "Spring and Autumn" was difficult to understand and unsuitable for the creation of scholars, did not place the "Spring and Autumn" scholar official, and abolished the "Spring and Autumn" section in the imperial examination. [59] In the study of the Book of Poetry, Liu Chang strongly criticized the Preface to Poetry, while Wang Anshi adhered to the position that the Preface to Poetry was made by the poet, and followed the trend of expounding the various passages of the Book of Poetry. The two are completely opposites. In terms of Shangshu, the Shangshu Xinyi and the Seven Classics of Shangshu in the Three Classics of Xinyi, whether in the form of writings or the specific viewpoints of the explanations, the two books "are very different, and are two completely different works of exegesis" [60]. Both Liu Chang and Wang Anshi considered the Zhou Li to be "the old days of the Zhou Gong" (61). However, for Liu Chang's "criticism" of arbitrarily changing the scriptures, such as "saying that the Zhou Li 'Curse to control his transgressions' is regarded as 'cursing his misfortune', 'Shitian Jiatian' is regarded as 'Gongtian Jiatian', 'Nine Days and Five Days, Wu Yi as Wuyang'" [62], Wang Anshi may not agree. And Wang Anshi used the "Zhou Li" to defend Xi Ning's change of law- "a "Zhou Li", the financial management is in its half" [63], if Liu Chang knew about Quanxia at that time, he was bound to refute it.
As for the art of healing and the Tao, the Book of Disciples presents a fundamental difference between Liu and Wang, which is what the Siku Guanchen called Liu Xue "different from Wang Xue". During the years of Zhihe and Jiayou, there were at least three disputes between Wang and Liu on current events, from which we can glimpse the different ideas of the two people. In particular, in the second year of Jiayou (1057), when Wang Anshi knew Changzhou, the excavation of the canal was not completed, "In the autumn, the rain of the great rain, the suffering of the people, many self-inflicted deaths, and the service was even stopped" [64]. Liu Chang wrote a letter, ridiculing and ridiculing this move to disturb the people. Wang Anshi replied to the book, first explaining that "the end of the river service, in order to transfer the merits of the narrow, and the rain did not stop, and the overseers told them of illness, so they stopped their ears" [65]. Expressing feelings of guilt, he then refuted Liu Chang's "unintentionality": "Your Excellency's regret is that you cannot be unintentional at the beginning, and this is not something that dares to be heard." Everything is difficult and fragile, and it is often heard by the sages. [66] The wording can be described as sharp and intense.
The differences between the two also focused on how to view merit and utilitarianism. For the construction of water conservancy, Wang Anshi is very enthusiastic, and every place is regarded as a top priority. In Liu Chang's view, this practice is not as "unintentional". Those who have no intention, that is, those who are officials do not need to take the initiative to do something to make profits. Wang Anshi was quite concerned about "seeking success in things and achieving success" and pursuing the so-called "promising" government, but Liu Chang clearly disagreed:
"How about asking for success and achieving success?" A: "No. Seek the law in deeds, and seek righteousness in deeds. There is a law that cannot be done, there is a thing that is righteous but not done, there is one who is not lawless, and there is no unrighteousness. ”〔67〕
This dialogue should be a discussion of Wang Anshi's construction of the canal, which shows Liu Chang's attitude towards utilitarianism.
Roughly speaking, in terms of healing, Liu Chang adhered to the traditional Confucian stance, focusing on morality, indoctrination, and etiquette. The Book of Disciples says, "Those who teach the people, the liturgy is urgent." It is not the ceremony of the three kings, the joy of the five emperors, and the music of the times. Etiquette and system, music and merit, the people drum and dance, and do not dare to rebel. [68] The premise of governing the people is to teach them, and liturgy is the foundation of indoctrination. Of course, liturgical music must change at any time, each doing its part, and cannot stick to ancient liturgical music. Liu Chang's so-called "unintentional", that is, to rule by inaction, is not to repeat the technique of Huang Lao, but to emphasize that the ruler cultivates himself, cultivates morality, knows people, and corrects himself:
Liu Ziyi said: "For the king there are troubles, there are troubles that do not know people, and there are no subjects; there are troubles for subjects, and there are troubles for the subjects, and there is no cure for the body, and there is no way to rule the people without suffering." Therefore the king will not know the people and then have no subjects, and the subjects will not be able to rule themselves and then the people. Knowing that people have a way, there is no way to hinder the truth; there is a way to govern oneself, and there is no way to seek near and far. Man is righteous and the country governs the ears. ”〔69〕
At the same time, the Confucian clan lineage, teacher-friend ties, sacrifice ceremonies, funeral customs, etc. are used to maximize the function of social autonomy:
The saints rule the world, and the knot is not favored, and the mighty is not punished. Those who do not govern for it, the people are autonomous. One is the clan, the second is the teacher, the third is the guest, the fourth is the sacrifice, and the fifth is the funeral. 〔70〕
Liu Chang held a skeptical and critical attitude toward the active and effective government led by the government, as well as the legality, utilitarianism, and punishment necessary for this administrative method, believing that if it was driven by meritorious promotion, it would inevitably lead to moral decline:
The theory of merit is morally small. The gentlemen of the ancients, in the tao, with virtue, conquer the country instead of plotting, rich instead of profit, qi instead of punishing, defeating enemies instead of strength. Where in morality. 〔71〕
He commented on the martingale transformation method and self-inflicted results, attacking the disadvantages of the law as a law, and regarded the change of the law as an "ominous way":
Shang Jun tried to cripple the people, and on the day of his death, he sighed: "For the sake of the Fa, once it is here?" ”〔72〕
The summary of the Disciple's Book as a work of attack on "new learning" may be related to this article. In the Xining transformation, Fan Chunren, Su Shi and others alluded to Wang Anshi as Shang jun, and Wang Anshi wrote a poem rebutting: "Today's people cannot be non-martingale, and Shang martingale can make the government necessary." ”〔73〕
Compared with Liu, "Fadu" is the foundation of Wang Anshi's thought. He blamed all the shortcomings of the Renzong dynasty on the fact that the laws of the time did not conform to the confucian government of the first kings. In a series of papers written during the Jiayou period, he repeatedly emphasized the establishment of the Fa and the cultivation of talents to maintain and implement. Legislation and law change are the most fundamental ways to build a perfect social order and solve social ills. The "unintentionality" advocated by Liu Chang was precisely the reason for the decadence of political affairs at that time in Wang Anshi's view, and its abuses could even be equated with the qing talk of the Wei and Jin kings. He explained "doing" and "doing nothing" at the philosophical level, attributing the two to the difference between heaven and humanity: the birth of all things, naturally, cannot be interfered with by manpower, but the success of all things requires manpower to be active and active, and to establish human order by virtue of the law. 〔74〕
Wang Anshi also attaches great importance to financial management and wealth. In view of the financial difficulties of the Renzong Dynasty, he believed that this was mainly due to the fact that officials could not manage their finances [75], and the top priority was to establish a legal system and select good officials for financial management. Law, talent, and financial management are indispensable elements for governing the world. [76] His line of thought for change is to take legislation and change the law first, through improving the law of financial management and establishing various legal systems, and at the same time unifying the management of people and the law, and using the masses to build talents to ensure the implementation of the legal system, so as to save the shortcomings of the times and realize the ideal peace and prosperity.
Wealth management belongs to Xingli. In this regard, Liu Chang expressed strong disgust. According to traditional Confucian dogma, a gentleman is a righteous man and a villain is a profit. Liu Chang believes that being far from profit is the primary condition for being a soldier: "Far from profit, it can be described as a soldier. Far from profit, dedicated to learning, can be described as a gentleman. Far from profit, dedicated to learning, and successful in etiquette, it can be described as a benevolent person. [77] "A soldier may see righteousness, but not a man of profit." The people may see virtue, but not the punishment. [78] Although the self-cultivation of a scholar should not be profitable, even if he governs the country, he must remove the heart of profit:
Those who govern the country and the world are only willing to benefit. There are penalties for the monarch crossing the market, there are penalties for the wife crossing the market, there are penalties for ordering husbands and wives to pass through the city, and it is only a matter of passing in vain. 〔79〕
Liu Chang particularly emphasized that de-profiting not only refers to the removal of one's own selfish interests, but also includes seeking profits in the name of the country and the world. Otherwise, it is inevitable that the upward and downward effects will be followed:
The gentleman's unspoken profit is also evil. "For the benefit of oneself, it is unspeakable; it is good for the country and the world, not to speak, not to be sick?" ”
"The world of profit is called public, the house of profit is called private, the country of profit is called incorruptible, and the room of profit is called greed." Yes and no know the class also. "Poetry" Yun: "The teachings of Er, the people's effect." ”
It is difficult to blame them for their unwholesome deeds and for their own self-interest. If evil is also evil, it is not profitable. 〔80〕
The so-called "beneficial to the country and the world" is Wang Anshi's financial management idea, that is, to pursue the great interests of the country under the world rather than the selfish interests of oneself and the locality. In the third year of Xi Ning (1070), at the beginning of the implementation of the Qingmiao Law, opponents criticized the change of law to revitalize the accumulation of profits, and Wang Anshi responded: "Mencius said that those who benefit from it are for the sake of our country, such as qu to prevent and curb the enemy, and to benefit my body and ears." It is a so-called political affair that dogs eat people and eat, and those who are hungry in the wild. Therefore, the government manages money, and financial management is the so-called righteousness. A "Zhou Li", financial management is in the middle, zhou gong is profitable? [81] Zhou Gong's financial management is for the benefit of the world, and it must not be regarded as a private interest. As a result, Wang Anshi gave a new connotation to the traditional distinction between righteousness and profit, and also provided a legal argument for the reform based on financial management. This is very different from Liu Chang's view of "Li" as a flood beast, and even the name of "Li", which is completely different: "King Hui of Liang asked Li Guo, mencius knew that he was not asking for wealth and profit, but those who knew 'why should the king know profit', li can not be called also." ”〔82〕
The smooth implementation of various laws is naturally inseparable from the careful efforts of officials at all levels. Wang Anshi has stressed many times that rituals, music, punishment, and government are all tools for saints to govern the world, and they are indispensable [83], believing that in today's world, the customs of the people are weak, and the punishment rewards are particularly indispensable. In Liu Chang's "Disciple's Book", it is full of antipathy to the reward and punishment of criminal names:
Reward and punishment for the country, but not for the sake of reward and punishment... He who rewards him, and the wise man who is thin, has no choice but to dwell in it. Those who punish also, the villains are also thin, and they have to use them as a last resort. 〔84〕
The great rule of the world is useless, and the division of upper and lower levels is useless. Those who are punished with chaos are also displeased, small chaos is solved, and great chaos is horrified. 〔85〕
For Liu Chang, rewards and punishments were used as a last resort; for Wang Anshi, rewards and punishments were the same as ritual education, and were both necessary means of governance. In this regard, Wang is an active and promising Confucian, which can be called a utilitarian Confucian. Liu Ze adheres to the routine of Confucian enlightenment, and can be called the Confucian of enlightenment.
5. Sex and Reason
In addition to the above, the Book of Disciples also discusses many of the core propositions in Confucianism in the late Renzong Dynasty, and records the debates on these propositions between Liu Chang and Ouyang Xiu and Wang Anshi, showing the pluralistic and complex aspects, conflicts and tensions in the revival of Confucianism. For example, the theory of sex and related sexual theories, theories of life.
Below the Han Dynasty, Confucianism focused on the sparseness of chapters and sentences, as well as the etiquette and institutions related to social order, and the internal human nature problems were less involved. Under the stimulation of Buddhism, ancient scholars such as Han Yu and Li Ao of the Middle Tang Dynasty wrote articles such as "Original Nature" and "Book of Restoration", which re-incorporated this issue into the vision of Confucianism. However, although the revival of Confucianism in the Northern Song Dynasty can be traced back to the Middle Tang Dynasty Ancient Literature Movement, the Confucians Fan Zhongyan, Sun Fu, Shi Jie, Li Qian, etc. lacked interest in human nature, and their study of scriptures mainly focused on reinterpreting Confucian classics, seeking a basis for criticizing and changing the social and political order, of which Ouyang Xiu was a representative. In view of the rising trend of argument before and after the celebration of the calendar, Ouyang Xiu, who pays attention to common sense, clearly opposes it. Taking the Analects and other classics as an example, he pointed out that sexual beings are "not the anxieties of scholars, but what saints rarely say", and whether sexual is good or evil, scholars need to cultivate themselves and cultivate virtue. The theories of sexual goodness and evil are "post-Confucian partial theories" and "useless empty words" [86].
This shelving of the question of human nature was widely questioned by scholars in the Jiayou Dynasty: "Ouyang Wenzhonggong's "Reply to Li Yi's Book of Sex"... The official of the Linjie Jidu official said to Him: "Sex, the place of the scholar should be the first, and the words of the saints." I know that Uncle Yong died and the slanderer of the hereafter, and he is here to write. [87] The Book of Disciples records Liu Chang's response to Ouyang Xiu:
Uncle Yong said: "Although the scholar is not verbal, he can also." ”
Liu Ziyi: "Benevolence, sexuality; liturgy, affection." Take human nature as benevolence, just like human nature as liturgy. Inhumans do nothing to be liturgious, and inhumans have nothing to do with benevolence. The basis of benevolence and righteousness of the sex, the basis of the liturgy of the lover. The saints only want the Tao to reach the world, and it is noble. The present nature is in nature and does not say anything, it is to lead its flow and plug its source, and to eat it and cut its roots. ”〔88〕
Uncle Yong asked, "Human nature must be good, but Confucius said that 'the wisdom of the upper and the foolishness of the lower are unswerving', can it be?" ”
Liu Ziyue: "Yes." Foolishness, neither good nor evil, though there are foolish men, do not harm good. The good ones are only respectful and respectful. ”〔89〕
As for Ouyang Xiu's avoidance of speech, Liu Chang did not approve of it. He believes that the moral norms and codes of conduct of scholars are rooted in the inner disposition, and benevolence, righteousness, etiquette, and happiness are in the world, and they have to speak of temperament, otherwise they are saiyuan and root. He then explained Ouyang Xiu's criticism, confusing the two different categories of sex and talent. Wang Anshi and Liu Chang also showed their enthusiasm for sex theory, writing articles such as "Sex Theory", "Temperament", "Sex Theory", "Yang Meng" and so on; but there was also a sharp dispute between him and Liu Chang:
Wang AnShi said: "The sex person Taiji is also, and the lover is also the five elements." The five elements are born in tai chi, and then have an interest. The stakes are not so much so say Tai Chi also. Love is born of sex and then there is good and evil, and good and evil are not so verbal. It is said that the sexual good and the evil are also delusional. ”
Liu Ziyi: "The words of the prince mean that people are asexual. Fu Tai Chi, the one who precedes qi and has nothing, and the human nature also has nothing to do? The words of the saints are also human nature, and the words of existence are also fixed, but are they not words? Is the nameless also ... Those who speak of sex and know that they are asexual are not enough to be clear, and those who are fixed in sex are also confused. Say why not. ”
The prince said: "Love is born of sex, and there is good and evil, and good and evil are not sex." "The chicks are born of the egg, and there are males and females, but the males and females are born before the eggs, and after the chicks?" Males and females are born in eggs, although there is no distinction between male and female in eggs, it cannot be said that eggs are neither male nor female. Goodness is born of sex, and although sex does not move with goodness, how can it be said that sex is not good? If there is no male or female in the egg, sex can be without good. ”〔90〕
The quoted "Wang An Shi Yue", that is, the view of his article "Temperament", holds that good and evil are the fame of love, and human nature has no good or evil to speak of. Liu Chang, on the other hand, believes that good and evil are inherent in human nature, and "nothing" cannot be said. In fact, although Liu and Wang's theories of sex are opposed, neither of them has formed a unified understanding of this issue. Wang Anshi first agreed with Mencius's theory of sexual goodness, then pointed out that sex cannot be said to be good and evil, and then advocated that sex is mixed with good and evil. [91] Liu Chang objected to the theory of sexual goodness: "Mencius said that 'human nature is good', 'human nature can be Yao Shun', Mencius can be said to be exaggerated. He inherited Han Yu's Sex Three Pin Theory and transformed it into the Sex Nine Pin Theory. But it is also said: "Mo is good for sex, and man's learning seeks to make the most of his nature." [92] "Human nature is good, but it is impossible to know it." [93] "Man is good in nature and thinks he is evil, and his feelings are right and he thinks he is evil." [94] This shows that Liu and Wang have not yet formed a rigorous and consistent logical system with regard to the theory of sex, and have not been able to integrate the theories of coherence with the concepts of "sex is reason", "nature of destiny", and "nature of temperament" as the second course.
The relationship between Literature and Taoism was another central issue in the revival of Confucianism. Celebratory Confucians generally believe that the text of the Li Li obscures the subtle meaning of the saint and hinders people's understanding of the way of the saint. In order to understand the way of the saints, it is necessary to replace the ancient text with the ancient text. By the time of jiayou, stylistic innovation had been completed, and the problems of literature were gradually diluted. But the differences among scholars about the understanding of the Tao are deepening. Does the way of the saints refer only to external ethical codes and codes of conduct such as benevolence and righteousness, or is it closely related to the way of nature? What is the relationship between the Way of Heaven and Man? The above questions mark the deep evolution of the revival of Confucianism, which is also discussed in the Book of Disciples:
Or: "Benevolence, righteousness, and wisdom are not as complete as the Tao." ”
Liu Ziyue: "Spring, summer, autumn and winter, those who are different from the heavens are also thought of as time; gold, wood, water and fire, and those who are not from the earth are also thought to be used." If the heavens are not used from time to time, then there is no way to know its greatness. The so-called Taoist, the name of GuRen Yi Li Zhi. Benevolence, righteousness, wisdom, and wisdom, ann use the Tao? ”〔95〕
The way of heaven is constant, and the way of man is impermanent. Impermanence, so there should be constant also. The way of heaven does nothing, and the way of man does something. There is action, so there should be no action also. The way of heaven does not speak, and the way of man speaks. There are words, so there should be no words. The way of heaven is invisible, and the way of man is tangible. Tangible, so should be intangible also. 〔96〕
Han Yu proposed in the "Original Tao": "Fraternity is benevolence, what is appropriate is righteousness, and what is right is the Tao, which is enough for oneself, and what is not outside is virtue." [97] In this way, it draws a clear line with the abstract and mysterious Buddha and the old ontological way. During the Northern Song Dynasty to the Hehe and Jiayou periods, this theory was sharply questioned by the Buddhist Qi song. [98] Liu Chang used the analogies of heaven and earth, the four hours, and the five elements to expound that the Tao is indeed in the name of benevolence, righteousness, courtesy, and wisdom, and showed his insistence on this position. However, in the face of the concept of "the whole of the Tao" covering the essence of all things, the origin and humanity, it is necessary to make another distinction between the Heavenly Dao and humanity, and use "should" to establish the relationship between the two, so as to avoid the absolute separation of the Middle Tang Dynasty and the Heavenly Heaven and the Humanity. Wang Anshi accepted the concept of "the completeness of the Tao" as a way to integrate Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, and the Hundred Schools of Thought, seeing them as one corner of each of them, showing more ambitious academic ambitions. 〔99〕
Abstract propositions such as heavenly reason, moderation, sincerity, benevolence, and the discernment of the sages have always been regarded as forbidden by theologians, and are discussed in the Book of Disciples. In particular, the emphasis on poor theory echoes Wang Anshi, showing the overall trend of the evolution of Confucianism in the Jiayou Dynasty:
Liu Ziyue: "The fortune of heaven and earth, one movement and one stillness, four hours of cold and heat, one in and one retreat." All things are born and die, and they are destroyed together. The merits of the emperors, one rises and one declines. Variations, one out and one. This is all true of the natural person also. But the saints are poor. ”〔100〕
The book is therefore far away, and the book may not be fully believed, and the faith is reasonable; the words are close, and the words are not necessarily listened to, and the listening is reasonable. Therefore, the believer is not confused by the book, and the listener is not confused by words. 〔101〕
And the word "Tianli", which Cheng Hao boasted of "being considerate of oneself", also appears in the Book of Disciples to illustrate the importance of morality:
The one who is born depends on the Tao, the one who sees the heart, the one who acts according to the eye, the natural one who is this heavenly reason. If one knows what is to be seen and does not know how to be born, then one is born outside the way. He who is born of the Tao is also born of the Tao, and he who is not born of the Tao is also. Those who are born without the Tao, who walk without looking, are fortunate not to fall into the pit valley. 〔102〕
Between Liu Chang and Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi, there seems to be no trace of cross-communication theory. The above coincidence shows that while continuing the discussion of the political system and political order in Qingli Confucianism, Jiayou Confucianism began to pay more and more attention to abstract issues such as heavenly tao and human nature, trying to seek a transcendent cosmic ontological basis for Confucian ethical behavior, values and even political systems, and to seek a more solid foundation for the social and political order. It is not only external and transcendent, but also rooted in human nature and has an intrinsic foundation. Confucianism increasingly explores the ontological and mental levels.
Afterword
In summary, a number of the discussions in the Book of Disciples do show the difference between Liu Chang and Wang Anshi's academic thought. The author summarizes this difference as the opposition between the two models of confucian confucianism and utilitarian confucianism in the revival of Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. The former pays attention to moral indoctrination, opposes utilitarianism, and also opposes the government's use of criminal rewards and punishments to promote active and effective government. While not abolishing moral indoctrination, the latter also pays attention to the law, distinguishes between two different concepts of righteousness and interests, and emphasizes the position of state administration. Siku Guanchen believes that the theme of the "Disciple Record" is to criticize Wang Xue, not to be ignorant, but to commit the mistake of the times, and to misplace the confrontation and conflict between the Confucian thoughts of the Renzong Jiayou Dynasty in the context of the old and new party struggles. To be precise, it was not the struggle between the Xining Change and the old and new parties that contributed to the criticism of Wang Xue in the "Book of Disciples", but the confrontation between the Confucian thought that emphasized social autonomy and the indoctrination of liturgy presented in the "Book of Disciples" and Wang Anshi's active and promising Confucian thought, which to some extent aggravated the division and conflict caused by the change of law in the Class of Beginners and Doctors of the Xining Reform Law.
The pluralistic pattern of Confucianism presented in the "Book of Disciples" is mutually superficial to the tolerant and obedient political atmosphere of the Renzong Jiayou Dynasty. However, after Emperor Shenzong ascended the throne, with the establishment of the imperial court's goal of "great achievements", this diversification of academic thought became an obstacle to the court's vigorous promotion of change. The so-called "scholarship is not one, one person is one righteousness, ten people are ten righteous, the imperial court wants to do something, there are different opinions, and Mo Ken accepts it" [103]. Differences within Confucianism turned into a struggle of political opinions, and different academic views began to provide arguments for different political views. Pluralism has become a problem that Shenzong and Wang Anshi must face when promoting change.
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Past · recommend
Liu Chengguo's interpretation: The Collected Works of Wang Anshi was published
Liu Chengguo: The Rise and Fall of the Song Dynasty's Zunyang Ideology
Liu Chengguo's "Long Compilation of Wang Anshi's Chronology" was published
A Song Dynasty History Research Information I
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