On January 17, 1926, a group of Chinese young people who were working and studying in Europe came to Moscow, the capital of the Soviet Union, and a group of 17 people in total would enter the Moscow Oriental University under the leadership of the Moscow branch of the Communist Party of China.
This group of young people are all in their 20s, and they are flourishing, led by Deng Xiaoping. For political necessity, he was registered with a new name before entering the University of the East, Chinese named Deng Xixian and the Soviet name Dozolov.
Deng Xiaoping had been working and studying in France before that, when he was 16 years old, he joined the revolution early. By 1925, at the age of 21, Deng Xiaoping had become head of the Ccp's Brigade in France, leading the revolutionary activities of progressive youth in France.
Later persecuted by the French government, Deng Xiaoping was organized and arranged in the Soviet Union in January 1926 with Fu Zhong, Ren Zhuoxuan and others, as well as comrades from the European Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Chinese Communist Youth League.
After the school completed the enrollment procedures and new identity for Deng Xiaoping, Deng Xiaoping was assigned to the seventh class. The students in this class were terrible, and many big figures, including Deng Xiaoping, came out later.
Who are the more famous people in the seventh class? In addition to the Deng Xiaoping we know well, there were Fu Zhong, Li Zhuoran, Gu Zhenggang, Gu Zhengding, Deng Wenyi, as well as Wang Jingwei's nephew and his secretary and Yu Youren's son-in-law Qu Wu.
Because this class was full of talents and gathered important members of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party who were in school at that time, it was called the "theoretician class". Because Deng Xiaoping had rich revolutionary experience and was very eloquent in debates (often in debates, he used to argue with other students, nicknamed "Little Steel Cannon"), he was quickly elected by his classmates as the leader of the seventh class of party groups.
Chiang Ching-kuo was arranged by Chiang Kai-shek to study in the Soviet Union in 1925, and also studied at Sun Yat-sen University, but he was not in the same class as Deng Xiaoping, but because they also sent students to China, their private exchanges were very frequent.
Although Deng Xiaoping was in a different class from Chiang Ching-kuo, he was assigned to a regimental group and was the leader of Chiang Ching-kuo's regimental group. When standing in line, because both of them are not tall, they always choose to stand shoulder to shoulder together.
At that time, Chiang Ching-kuo did not have as many "twists and turns" as he went to Taiwan later, and among the Chinese students studying in this class of Sun Yat-sen University, Chiang Ching-kuo was the youngest, and his classmates regarded him as a little brother.
Probably born in the rich, at this time Jiang Chingguo was like a small child, very lively and naughty in front of his classmates, walking and jumping, loving to talk and sing, like a carefree happy bird.
He also often wore a jacket-style worker's uniform, liked to wear a duck-tongue hat, and his skin was tanned, and his classmates often ridiculed him, saying that he was a child laborer and gave him a nickname called "worker".
Because the young Chiang Ching-kuo was going abroad for the first time, he was very curious and fresh about everything, especially for the story of a "scholar brother" like Deng Xiaoping who had rich revolutionary experience, and he liked to accompany them to the lakeside, park and other places opposite the school to chat and walk with them, and to get rid of a "curious baby" alive.
At that time, Chiang Ching-kuo often followed Deng Xiaoping and called him "big brother" and "senior scholar", asking Deng Xiaoping to tell him the stories of the legendary and thrilling revolutionary struggles when he was working and studying in France.
Deng Xiaoping, perhaps nostalgic for his five years of revolutionary experience in France, often wore a large Blue and White scarf in the style of a French worker even after coming to Moscow.
Once Chiang Ching-kuo couldn't help himself and asked Deng Xiaoping why he always surrounded such a big blue and white towel? Deng Xiaoping told him: In order to get living expenses, international students in France often have to work as cleaners, picking up horse dung is the most profitable, working for enough a week a day, and French cleaners like to wear such a big scarf.
In school, students often held debates, and Deng Xiaoping, who was nicknamed "Little Steel Cannon" among his classmates at that time, was often in an undefeated position in debate due to his in-depth study and research of Marxist-Leninist theory in school, coupled with five years of revolutionary practice in France.
However, sometimes when debating with the right-wing students of the Kuomintang such as Deng Wenyi, Gu Zhengding, and Gu Zhenggang, it was necessary to go through a fierce debate to distinguish between the superior and the inferior, and sometimes even the debate was difficult to distinguish, and Chiang Ching-kuo often chose to side with Deng Xiaoping.
This made Gu Zhengding, Deng Wenyi, and others very annoyed, and often questioned Chiang Ching-kuo: "Jingguo, do you eat the kuomintang's meal or the communist's meal?" Chiang Ching-kuo replied without hesitation: "I am eating Soviet food!" ”
Two years after Sun Yat-sen University in the Soviet Union, Deng Xiaoping returned from his studies in the Soviet Union and threw himself into the revolutionary struggle at home. It has played a huge role in the agrarian revolution, the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the War of Liberation, and has established outstanding meritorious achievements.
After the founding of New China, Deng Xiaoping served as the first secretary of the Southwest Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, leading the political power building, social transformation, and economic restoration in the southwest region of our country, which played a vital role in the social stability of the southwest region and made the economic construction in the southwest region sound and colorful.
In August 1952, Deng Xiaoping came to Beijing from Chongqing and was appointed vice premier of the State Council by the Central People's Government, and also served as deputy director of the Financial and Economic Committee and minister of finance, mainly responsible for the financial work of New China.
Chiang Ching-kuo, on the other hand, continued to study in the Soviet Union after Deng Xiaoping returned to China to participate in the revolution, but due to the influence of the "April 12" counter-revolutionary coup launched by his father Chiang Kai-shek, he was sent to a mine by the Soviet Union for labor reform.
From October 1925, when he went to the Soviet Union to study, until the official outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in China in 1937, Chiang Ching-kuo stayed in the Soviet Union for 12 years.
In order to raise his son, after Chiang Ching-kuo returned to China, Chiang Kai-shek successively sent him to Jiangxi to serve as the director of the special office in Ganzhou, and later in 1939 arranged for him to serve as the inspector of the fourth administrative region of Jiangxi, the commander of district security, the commander of air defense, and the member of the Jiangxi provincial government.
Chiang Ching-kuo did not accomplish anything during this period, and it can be said that except for some affairs, his political achievements were basically zero, but he learned how to mix in the political circles.
In 1944, Chiang Kai-shek appointed Chiang Ching-kuo as the chief of education of the Central Cadre School of the Three Youth Leagues, and then participated in the 100,000-strong youth campaign initiated by Chiang Kai-shek and served as the director of the General Political Department of the Youth Army, effectively imitating the momentum of Chiang Kai-shek's various means at the Whampoa Military Academy.
After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Chiang Ching-kuo served as the diplomatic commissioner of the Kuomintang's northeast camp, but he always grasped the young military power of the Three Youth League.
In 1949, the Kuomintang government under Chiang Kai-shek's dictatorship was expelled from the mainland by the People's Liberation Army, and in January, Chiang Ching-kuo followed Chiang Kai-shek from Chengdu to Taiwan.
For nearly 30 years since then, Chiang Ching-kuo has successively served in Taiwan as director of the Kuomintang's Taiwan Provincial Party Department, director of the General Political Department of the "Ministry of National Defense," minister of the "Ministry of National Defense," and president of the Executive Yuan.
In 1973, Deng Xiaoping made a comeback again and participated in the leadership of the Central Committee as vice premier of the State Council and member of the Politburo of the Central Committee. Subsequently, he also served as a member of the Central Military Commission and participated in the leadership of the Central Military Commission. Although Deng Xiaoping was not a top leader during this period, he had already stood at the forefront of leading China's party, government, and army.
In 1973, when Zhou Enlai entrusted most of the foreign-related affairs of New China to Deng Xiaoping, Deng Xiaoping, a great man of the generation who was very sensitive to changes in the situation, quickly announced to the outside world that "Beijing is ready to negotiate reunification directly with Taipei" and stressed that "at this stage, priority is given to completing reunification through peace."
In order to accurately convey the Chinese government's proposal to the ears of Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo, who were in power in Taiwan, Deng Xiaoping and others arranged for the heavyweight Kuomintang elderly kuomintang veterans who were stranded on the mainland by the former Kuomintang to bring the message sent by the Chinese government to them through public, semi-public, or private channels.
However, at this time, Chiang Kai-shek was already bedridden and dying, and he was simply unable to deal with these important issues, and Chiang Ching-kuo, as a filial son, did not dare to deal with them without Chiang Kai-shek's explanation when his father had not yet "returned to heaven."
In an interview with a Reporter from The New York Times, Chiang Ching-kuo told reporters: "Contact with the Communist Party is suicidal, and we are not so stupid." ”
That is, starting around 1973, Deng Xiaoping and his old classmate Chiang Ching-kuo began a 15-year-long "secret war" on the Taiwan issue. At the beginning, the mainland continued to show goodwill, but because Chiang Kai-shek was still alive, the Taiwan side always chose to ignore Chinese mainland's proposal.
However, this did not make the "senior" Deng Xiaoping impatient, but continued to release the mainland's "goodwill" to Taiwan, hoping that the "little brother" Chiang Ching-kuo would understand the mainland's sincerity.
On the other hand, taking into account that the level of armament in the Taiwan region at that time had a certain advantage over the mainland, the PLA also made full military arrangements in Fujian and other coastal areas to prevent Taiwan's Kuomintang from sending small units from the sea to harass the mainland militarily.
In April 1975, Chiang Kai-shek, who had been expelled from the mainland by the People's Liberation Army, died in depression, and his long-designated successor, Chiang Ching-kuo, was elected by the Kuomintang as Taiwan's second "president", and an inauguration ceremony was held in May 1978, from which Taiwan began the Chiang Ching-kuo era.
At this time, Deng Xiaoping had already held the post of a member of the Politburo Standing Committee in the party, and also held the post of the Central Military Commission, and had an absolute say in China's social reform.
In fact, in 1975, due to the weakening of Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong' physical functions, they had already deliberately cultivated Deng Xiaoping as their successor, which can be clearly seen in the conversations of the two great men when they met outsiders.
Zhou Enlai said at the last time he received foreign guests:
The Communist Party of China, which has been cultivated by Mao Zedong Thought for more than half a century, has many capable and capable leaders, and now the First Vice Premier has fully assumed responsibility. Comrade Deng Xiaoping is very talented, and you can fully believe that he will continue to implement our party's internal and external policies.
In the same month, when Mao Zedong received foreign guests, he also said: Now the poorest people in the world are not you, but us. We have 800 million people, we now have a leadership crisis, the prime minister is not in good health, and Ye Jianying is not in good health. I'm 82 years old and I'm sick too. Finally, Chairman Mao pointed his finger at Deng Xiaoping and said, "He is the only one who is strong." ”
Subsequently, after a brief mistake, Deng Xiaoping was officially recognized, accepted and supported by the vast number of cadres inside and outside the party in 1978, and although he did not formally assume the highest leading position of the party and the state, at this time he had actually formed a leading collective of the party Central Committee with Deng Xiaoping as the core.
In 1978, Deng Xiaoping dealt a heavy blow to Chiang Ching-kuo's "little brother" who had always held a policy of "no contact." After many rounds of consultations and the efforts of important leaders of Deng Xiaoping and other countries, The two countries formally signed the Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between China and the United States on December 1, 1978.
However, it was not until the evening of December 15, 12 hours before the announcement of the signing of the Sino-US Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between China and the United States, that Chiang Ching-kuo received a phone call from the US Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the "Republic of China." Chiang Ching-kuo had to get up from bed at three o'clock in the morning to answer Ambassador An's call, and he had to endure anger and extreme disappointment in the United States the whole time.
The news of the formal establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States was officially announced, and Taiwan, which is extremely dependent on the United States, suddenly fell into a little panic, the price of the New Taiwan dollar fell sharply against the US dollar, and the Taipei stock market fell by about 10%. At the same time, Deng Xiaoping and the CCP were in full swing, and the whole world was reporting on it.
In order to express their sincerity in conducting peace talks with Chiang Ching-kuo, Deng Xiaoping and other CPC Central Committees issued a "Letter to Taiwan Compatriots" in January 1979, ordering the People's Liberation Army, which had been shelling Kinmen, to stop its military campaign to shell Kinmen and take the initiative to show goodwill to Taiwan.
On the same day, Liao Chengzhi, who was the head of Beijing's Taiwan Affairs Office, also issued an open letter to Chiang Ching-kuo, in which he proposed with an extremely sincere attitude that the third cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party be initiated, and he was willing to go to Taiwan as a representative of the Chinese Communists to hold talks with Chiang Ching-kuo.
However, at this time, Chiang Ching-kuo, as the supreme leader of the Taiwan region, was very alert to Deng Xiaoping's huge peace offensive and directly refused Liao Chengzhi's visit.
In an interview with the media, Chiang Ching-kuo even described the Communist Party's proposal to resume cross-strait dialogue as "old bottles of new wine" and declared in public: "Chinese people spurn communism, but Taiwan's success has inspired people to aspire to a free, democratic, and prosperous way of life." ”
On the surface, Chiang Ching-kuo was very resistant to Deng Xiaoping's peace offensive this time, but privately, Chiang Ching-kuo also relaxed The "three no-contacts" principle that Taiwan has been practicing since Chiang Kai-shek and recognized the importance of resuming cross-strait exchanges.
Chiang Ching-kuo also believes that:
Beijing is now eagerly encouraging the expansion of economic, social, and cultural exchanges between the two sides of the strait, and in the long run, the benefits for Taiwan will inevitably outweigh the disadvantages. If the people on both sides of the strait travel and trade exchanges develop prudently, it will certainly enhance Taiwan's image and influence throughout China.
It can be seen from Chiang Ching-kuo's viewpoint on resuming cross-strait exchanges that Deng Xiaoping's peace offensive has already played a role, and Chiang Ching-kuo is willing to cooperate with the CPC's proposal to resume cross-strait exchanges.
At the same time, when Talking with important personnel stranded on the mainland by Japan and the former Kuomintang, Deng Xiaoping repeatedly proposed that they should bring words to Chiang Ching-kuo, hoping that Chiang Ching-kuo would have the same ideas as himself, that he would be able to resolve the Taiwan issue in his lifetime, and that he would "do something good for future generations."
In a conversation with Chen Shubai, a former Kuomintang veteran, Deng Xiaoping was obviously a little worried about the long delay in resolving the Taiwan issue, saying: "You can talk to Chiang Ching-kuo, because if our current generation does not solve the problem, it will be more difficult for the next generation to solve this problem. ”
The words of Deng Xiaoping, the "senior scholar," obviously reached the ears of chiang ching-kuo, the "little brother," and with the active promotion of the two men, a new stage of cross-strait communication and exchanges was opened.
But Americans clearly did not want to see a unified and prosperous China, and in April 1979, U.S. President Jimmy Carter signed the Taiwan Relations Act, pouring cold water on the warming mainland's relations with Taiwan.
However, after entering 1981, cross-strait relations gradually recovered, deng Xiaoping once again "showed overtures" to Chiang Ching-kuo, and the central authorities directly ordered the Party Committee of Xikou, Zhejiang, where Chiang Ching-kuo's ancestral home was located, to repair the Fenghao House and the graves of Chiang Ching-kuo's mother and grandmother, and to take photos for people to secretly send to Chiang Ching-kuo. Deng Xiaoping, who had been in contact with Chiang Ching-kuo for a long time, clearly knew that he was a "great filial piety."
In September 1981, Chairman Ye Jianying formally proposed and elaborated the "Ye Jiu Tiao" on taiwan's return and peaceful reunification, which was actually a summary and summary of Deng Xiaoping's internal speech.
In November 1982, the year after the "Ye Jiu Tiao" was proposed, Deng Xiaoping put forward the phrase "two systems in one country" when meeting with visiting guests, that is, the 1.0 version of "one country, two systems". In 1984, when Deng Xiaoping met with Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom, Deng Xiaoping formally proposed "one country, two systems" and pointed out that "the concept of 'one country, two systems' began with the Taiwan issue." ”
As Deng Xiaoping and Chiang Ching-kuo, the two leaders of the mainland and Taiwan, became more and more enthusiastic about the Taiwan issue, and seeing the sincerity of the CHINESE Communist Government in taiwan under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, Chiang Ching-kuo believed that it was basically mature for the two sides of the strait to hold negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party to resolve the Taiwan issue, so Chiang Ching-kuo found Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew as an intermediary.
Lee Kuan Yew and Chiang Ching-kuo were very confrontational; because they were also the regional leaders of the "Four Asian Tigers," the two had very good relations; Lee Kuan Yew had visited Taiwan a lot of times and had a very good understanding of the situation in Taiwan.
More importantly, Lee Kuan Yew also visited Chinese mainland many times and had in-depth exchanges with Deng Xiaoping, who also sent a message to Chiang Ching-kuo through Lee Kuan Yew, "Greetings to my classmates in Moscow.", so Lee Kuan Yew knows Taiwan and the mainland very well. At the same time, China has also sent representatives to Visit Singapore for reciprocal visits on several occasions.
In response, in 1983, Chiang Ching-kuo privately pointed out that the People's Republic of China would grow stronger and stronger as a result of Deng Xiaoping's push for economic reforms and pragmatic diplomacy. If Taiwan and the mainland can be combined, China's future will certainly have a great future.
In the summer of 1986, Lee Kuan Yew visited Taiwan again, and during the conversation, Chiang Ching-kuo had clearly told Lee Kuan Yew that he had the latest ideas and overall plans for transforming Taiwan's political system.
It can be seen from this that under the active impetus of Deng Xiaoping, Chiang Ching-kuo has basically made the idea of settling the Taiwan issue through peaceful negotiations with the mainland, and the foundation for Taiwan's peaceful recovery has basically matured.
By 1987, under the arrangement of Chiang Ching-kuo, the supreme leader of the Kuomintang, the Taiwan region, in addition to opening up the party ban and reporting the ban, also fully opened up the residents of the island to travel to the mainland, basically completely subverting the "anti-communist, anti-communist" policy of chiang kai-shek's period.
As the number of island residents visiting relatives in the mainland areas is increasing, some people within the Kuomintang have raised their voices of doubt, but Chiang Ching-kuo told them: "There is no need to worry." Visiting the mainland will enable the People of Taiwan to understand the situation on the mainland, and the people on the mainland will also be able to understand the situation in Taiwan. Such a change is actually part of Chiang Ching-kuo's strategy to encourage evolution within the mainland.
At the beginning of 1988, Chiang Ching-kuo set out to end the ban on the newspaper industry's "restriction on certificates" and "restrictions on publications." Under this impetus, in just a few days, more than 200 new publications have been registered with the governing authorities, and more than 60 political groups have applied to register as political parties.
On January 12, just as Ma Ying-jeou was telling Chiang Ching-kuo the good news that his draft of "Ending the Political Process of MainlandErs Controlling Taiwan" had been passed, Chiang Ching-kuo, who was already seriously ill, suddenly died on the afternoon of 13 January.
When news of Chiang Ching-kuo's death reached Beijing, Deng Xiaoping immediately convened an enlarged politburo meeting to discuss the adverse impact of Chiang Ching-kuo's death on the settlement of the Taiwan issue.
After listening to the Taiwan Affairs Office's report to the Taiwan Affairs Group, Deng Xiaoping said that if Chiang Ching-kuo remained alive, "China's reunification would not be as difficult and complicated as it is now." The Kuomintang and the Communist Party have had two experiences of cooperation in the past, and I do not believe that there will be no third cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. ”
"Unfortunately, Jingguo died too early." This was Deng Xiaoping's regretful lament for Chiang Ching-kuo's sudden death.
If Chiang Ching-kuo had lived for two more years, judging from the situation in Taiwan and the mainland at that time, perhaps within a few years Deng Xiaoping and Chiang Ching-kuo would have pushed forward the fulfillment of the heavy task of China's reunification.