Gui Hua
(Professor, China Rural Governance Research Center, Wuhan University)
At different times, governments at all levels have carried out low-cost work under the leadership of the party, which is an important guarantee for ensuring the smooth progress of the cause. However, in recent years, there has been a trend of high energy consumption at all levels of work. The governance of high energy consumption not only shows that the normal work needs to consume more resources, but also has a variety of unnecessary work additions in addition to the normal work, which makes the cost of the governance system inflated.
Take grassroots work as an example for analysis.
First, the performance of grassroots high energy consumption governance
Manifestation 1: Formalism and the phenomenon of "serious coping" at the grassroots level brought about by it
The operation of modern section-level organization contains formal components, such as the regularization of the operation mode, the proceduralization of the operation process, and the regulation of the transaction resolution method. Formalization, standardization, and regularization are inevitable for the operation of complex governance systems. However, when these formalizing factors exceed the necessary limits and become interference with the work itself, it becomes formalism.
Formalism has many manifestations at the grassroots level. There are two ways to deal with these formalized requirements at the grassroots level:
The first is "coping", that is, completing formalized work through superficial methods such as going through the motions, forwarding documents, and taking photos and leaving traces. The essence of these "coping" behaviors is perfunctory, and they use formalism to deal with formalism.
The second is to "deal with it seriously". That is to say, after some localities have dealt with the formalist demands issued by their superiors, they know that they are unreasonable, but they also invest a lot of manpower and material resources to complete them, turning "coping" into "seriously coping". "Coping" also costs resources, and "coping seriously" causes resource consumption.
The most typical "serious coping" is that the work is done less, but the publicity is invested a lot, and the initiative is created, and the PPT is very beautiful. It is said that the PPT of the report work has become the most important business quality at the grassroots level. Some regions and departments have begun to spend money to buy PPT production business and project packaging business from "third parties".
Performance 2: High standards and strict requirements and the "suspended involution" brought by them
Obviously, work at all levels is busy at the moment. In fact, it's not just the grassroots government departments that are busy, but almost all units related to administration or public utilities are busy. For example, schools. For example, the primary and secondary schools exposed on the Internet have undertaken a lot of administrative work outside of teaching, and various evaluations in colleges and universities are also assigned.
At the township level, the townships in the eastern region have been relatively busy. This is because the eastern region has taken on more development tasks in the past few decades of urbanization and industrialization. Townships and towns in the central and western regions have had an easier time working for a period after the abolition of agricultural taxes, but in recent years the work in townships and towns in the central and western regions has also become busy. Among them, the busiest work during the poverty alleviation period. In a certain place in central China, I met a young cadre who had served as the director of the township poverty alleviation office, who often worked overtime during the poverty alleviation period, sometimes lived in the township for several months and did not return home, and finally divorced his wife.
The urgent work of poverty alleviation and epidemic prevention and control has basically ended, but the townships and towns have begun to face other central tasks. Including the improvement of human settlements, the improvement of cultivated land from agriculture to non-grain, the management of safe production, the ban on straw burning, the verification and reclamation of sanitary patches, the restoration of winter fallow fields, fire prevention publicity, and so on.
At present, the busyness of townships and towns is mainly caused by the downward pressure of work tasks from the top down; not only is there more and more work under pressure from the higher levels, but also the higher departments have put forward high requirements for each work, and a considerable part of the work is directly completed by the organization department or the discipline inspection department, and almost all the work is accompanied by assessment, supervision, and accountability. More and more work tasks, with higher and higher work requirements, make the township not only busy, but mainly busy. However, much of this work, which is mainly related to the busy work, does not proceed from the reality of the masses at the grassroots level.
When the grassroots work is busy mainly to complete the tasks of the higher authorities and respond to the high standard requirements of the superiors, and this high standard of requirements is out of touch with the actual situation, the busyness of the grassroots level has nothing to do with the masses, although such high standards and strict requirements make the grassroots work busy, but it is floating on the social demand, that is, there is a "suspended involution".
Performance 3: Negative behavior of cadres accompanied by administrative activism
With the use and upgrading of various management technologies, such as the refinement of assessment indicators, the normalization of cross-level supervision and unannounced visits, and the strictness of post-event accountability, the administrative orders between the upper and lower levels at the grassroots level have become smoother. A few years ago, I saw that a set of evaluation system for the work status of cadres was being implemented in a certain place, and a large Internet company provided technical services.
The main function of this system is to enter the work assigned by each county into the system, decompose it according to the process and links, specific to each department and each person, and each node of each work is clearly set. From the start to the completion of a job, to the final satisfaction assessment, it is clearly displayed in the system. The convergence of these different nodes constitutes the completion of each function of each department, and also converges into the completion of the work of each cadre. Finally, through very complex algorithms and workflow settings, the evaluation of the real-time work status of each cadre is formed, that is, the cadre work index.
Theoretically speaking, through this system, the principal leaders at the county level can clearly understand the "status" of the work of each township, each unit, and even each cadre. The leaders of each department and each township can also know the work status of each cadre in real time. This is a 24-hour, all-weather, full-coverage, full-process work detection system, and it is also a set of cadre supervision system.
This kind of technical system, which manages the individual and every moment, will make the administrative system extremely "active".
From the perspective of the operation of the system, more and more administrative tasks have been issued, reflecting that the grassroots government is deeply involved in the grassroots social order and the lives of farmers.
Within the administrative system, after the work was issued, the internal assessment and supervision of the system also followed, and the grassroots cadres, especially the townships and towns, assumed the "responsibility for the bottom line" in almost all social affairs. In the entire administrative system, there is a phenomenon of "mismatch between power and responsibility" at the grassroots level of townships and towns at the end, that is, there are many responsibilities, many things, and few powers and resources. Townships and towns are required to assume "thorough responsibility" and "territorial responsibility", but in many cases, townships and towns are unable to do so.
In order to supervise the completion of the work at any cost in the townships and towns, it is also in order to clarify the responsibilities in advance, and some departments take supervision and accountability after the task is issued. Higher-level departments try to strengthen top-down management and supervision to require the grassroots to complete various "bottom-up responsibilities" that are "impossible to complete".
This kind of high demand and strong management eventually translated into pressure from individual rural cadres. As the township cadres said: "A lot of work will be held accountable by the county, and it will be held accountable if it is not completed, and it will be held accountable if it is not completed well, and it will be held accountable for problems that arise, and it will be responsible for life after things are done." ”
A highly active system and administration will put tremendous pressure on the grassroots cadres who are concentrated. In this context, there are two manifestations of rural cadres: one is that they do not bear the main responsibility, do not touch the contradictions, and avoid the real urgent, difficult and dangerous work, which is also the active marginalization or "lying flat" shown in many grassroots cadres. On the other hand, rural cadres who bear the main responsibilities invest a lot of energy and resources in order to complete the tasks of their superiors, and they are often passive in their work, and they lack inner enthusiasm for many work behaviors.
Performance 4: The objectification and passivity of the masses brought about by active policies
I once went to a certain place to investigate, and after a large amount of policy investment in poverty alleviation, the local rural infrastructure conditions have been greatly improved, and the rural households included in the poverty alleviation have also enjoyed many assistance policies. What is strange is that after the poverty alleviation process, the relationship between rural cadres and farmers seems to have become more estranged, and the ability to organize and mobilize at the village level seems to be declining. Moreover, this situation becomes more prominent in the key villages of poverty alleviation.
For example, when it snowed heavily before the Spring Festival of a certain year, in order to facilitate the masses to visit their relatives for the New Year, the village cadres called on the villagers to come out to clear the snow, but many farmers did not respond, not only did no one sweep the snow on the public roads in the village, but also did not clean the snow in front of many farmers' doors. During the interview, the village cadres sighed: "In the past, it was said that everyone swept the snow in front of the door, but now the snow in front of the door is not swept anymore." The village officials explained that the peasants were waiting for the government to sweep it.
The peasants called for not moving, and the township or village was worried about the occurrence of safety accidents, and worried that the people would seek "compensation" from the village in case of falling and being injured, so they collectively spent money to hire bulldozers to clear the snow.
Village officials also gave other examples. For example, after heavy rains in summer, cracks appeared in some farmers' houses, and village cadres not only took the initiative to investigate, but also urged villagers to repair them in time. Some villagers themselves feel out of the way or are reluctant to repair it, and the village has to find a way to help restore it. Over time, some farmers took the initiative to take pictures in the WeChat group @ village cadres whenever there was water in front of the door or cracks in their houses, asking if there was a relevant solution policy.
In recent years, the state has invested a lot of resources in rural areas, and various policies to support agriculture and benefit farmers have brought about an improvement in the appearance of rural areas. However, these positive policies have brought about changes in the relationship between cadres and the masses.
From the point of view, the direct cause of the contradictions in the implementation of the policy in many key poverty alleviation villages is that in many areas, poor households were determined according to the task indicators issued by the higher authorities in the early stage. In a local survey, the proportion of poor households in key poverty alleviation villages is about three times that of non-key villages. From a practical point of view, the basic conditions, cultural conditions, and resource endowments of different villages in the same township are very similar, and there is not much absolute difference between villages.
During the period of poverty alleviation, the county level carried out the overall planning and integration of financial funds, and some villages with little difference in actual conditions were included in the key villages for poverty alleviation, and a lot of resources were invested, and the village construction was tall and complete. The infrastructure of some non-key villages has been backward, and the masses have a lot of opinions.
Specifically within the villages, there are also identification biases in poverty alleviation households. For example, some areas have eliminated some "hard-injured households", while others have defined some rural households as "stable poverty alleviation households".
Because there is no absolute income fault zone between some villages and between peasant households, coupled with the great strength of the policy itself, there is a policy imbalance among the masses, which in turn affects the mentality of the masses.
In recent years, the state has also implemented other policies to benefit farmers. The government provides public services to farmers by administrative means, and some areas use financial funds to create bright spots, with the result that the peasants' mentality is negative brought about by the active implementation of policies, and "cadres do it, and farmers look at it".
Performance 5: "Long-term work is completed in the short term" and the waste of resources it brings
The state promotes rural work from an overall and strategic perspective, such as putting forward the two-cross policy of rural revitalization. Much of the grassroots work is fundamental. After these tasks are transformed by departments, they are communicated downward through the administrative system, and eventually become administrative tasks and work indicators.
For example, agricultural and rural modernization, as part of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way, plays a very important role in promoting social development and maintaining social stability. The state has made long-term arrangements for building China into a great modern socialist country in an all-round way. This kind of strategic requirement also determines the process, long-term, and complexity of agricultural and rural modernization.
However, after the modernization of agriculture and rural areas as a strategic promotion has become a departmental work, it has become an indexed promotion in the development of work at all levels. Some departments have issued standards for the modernization of agriculture and rural areas, stipulating various indices for agriculture, rural areas, and farmers. The problem lies in the fact that the task of modernizing the mainland is not only long and arduous, but also very different from the situation in different parts of the country. For example, the central and western regions, as areas for the flow of people, money, and goods, and the eastern region as areas for the inflow of people, money, and goods, are very different from each other in terms of the "three rural" problems, as well as the key difficulties and contradictions in rural work.
The line departments try to use "one standard to manage to the end" and "one ruler to measure to the end", the essence of which is to replace strategic planning with administrative management, and the result is that the strict standards and index assessment do not match the actual situation at the grassroots level, which disrupts the regularity of the work at the grassroots level.
The strategic plan made by the state, after being transmitted through the work of various departments and reaching the grassroots level, has become a directive and an indicator. Behind the indicators and instructions are accompanied by assessments and rankings. The grassroots level completes all kinds of work according to the benchmark, and the long-term work is short-term, and various forms of "short-term and fast" have appeared at the grass-roots level.
From the grassroots level, we must not only complete all kinds of target tasks, but also make the work results and work process "visible". In the words of the masses, it is to do "work on the nose". For example, the transformation of rural construction into a surface transformation, the concentration of resources to create a landscape demonstration belt along the highway, the packaging of work into a project, the creation of highlights, the creation of experience, etc. This short-term approach to the completion of work has led to a shift in policy objectives and a waste of resources.
Second, the "lock-in" logic of grassroots high-energy consumption governance
In view of the problems of formalism, bureaucracy, and excessive burdens on the grassroots, the central authorities have carried out rectification work. Observations show that some work arrangements for tackling formalism and reducing the burden on the grassroots have become new formal requirements at the grassroots level. The high-energy operation of the grassroots governance system is not only reflected in the consumption of manpower and material resources in the operation process of the system, but also the locking logic. This makes the top-down burden reduction work fall short when it is arranged at the grassroots level.
The grassroots governance system with high energy consumption has the following locking logic:
First, the locking between superiors and subordinates. The staff members in the system are aware of the harm of formalism, and their work is also hindered by formalism. However, when the work came into the hands of specific departments and people, they were involved in the manufacture of formalism. This means that formalism cannot be explained from the subjective intention of the personnel who handle it, but must be analyzed in the operation of the system.
Judging from the actual situation of township and town work, the biggest change at present is that township and town work has mainly become the fulfillment of tasks arranged from a distance. For example, the land management work arranged by the land department, the investigation of dilapidated houses arranged by the housing and construction department, the investigation of potential safety hazards by the emergency department, and the ban on straw burning arranged by the environmental protection department. As a result of these increasing number of higher-level assignments, township and town work has changed from responding to peasants and implementing plans at the same level to implementing long-distance tasks.
In order to implement this kind of long-distance work arrangement, it is necessary to support a complete set of long-distance management system, so that the grassroots can carry out work in accordance with the requirements of the superiors. Therefore, the change in the content of township work has brought about a change in the relationship between the upper and lower levels in the entire system.
In the past, counties were in charge of townships and cities were in charge of counties, but now many localities have begun to implement the direct assessment of counties by the province and the direct assessment of townships by cities. A few years ago, I found in a research in a certain place that for the work of a number of centers, the local government adopted a direct assessment ranking of more than 100 towns and towns in the city. During this period, the work plan for rural revitalization in two provinces was also observed, and both provinces adopted the method of direct assessment of all counties in the province. This kind of cross-level direct examination is a means to strengthen long-distance management.
After all, there will be multiple levels of long-distance assessment, and there will be huge differences between the assessment indicators and the actual situation. The cost of responding to this kind of long-distance assessment at the grassroots level is higher than that of close-range assessment. This is because it is not easy for the long-distance superiors to understand the real situation at the grassroots level, so they put forward higher formal requirements for the work at the grassroots level, and the grassroots level must not only complete the work, but also provide self-proof materials for the completion of the work.
Long-distance management is not only more formal, but also has a negative iterative logic: in the case of the initial assessment indicators are not detailed and the management rules are not strict, the grassroots may take measures to deal with the work arrangement of the superiors, and the perfunctory behavior of the grassroots will stimulate the superiors to put forward higher assessment standards and work requirements, which will make it difficult for the grassroots to cope. In some formalized work, there has been a shift from "really coping" to "seriously coping."
Due to the existence of a larger space for the game between superiors and subordinates in long-distance management, there is a chain reaction of supervision and anti-supervision in the whole process of completing the work. Supervision has to pay costs, and counter-supervision also has to pay costs, and in order to solve the problem of further supervision of anti-supervision, it has caused even greater cost consumption.
In the long-distance management system, because the game space is too large, it will cause more distrust between levels, which also makes it difficult to use "Daxing Survey Research" as a working method.
Second, the locking of the department's work. At present, when various departments put forward work requirements, it is popular to "draw inferences from one example". There are two ways to understand "drawing inferences from one example": the first is to draw lessons and lessons to promote the better development of the next step, and the second is to raise work standards and expand work requirements.
In the whole system, the line departments are set up according to business functions, and the business work is specific work, which is specialized and technical. Party committees and governments at all levels are decision-making organs, and theoretically speaking, operational work should serve the central work arrangements of party committees and governments.
At present, there is a trend of "centralization" of line work and business work at the grassroots level. From the perspective of townships and towns, every line department participates in the assessment, and every business work has a county-level leader, and townships and towns must actively respond to the work arranged by the department.
As a result, township work is driven by the work of numerous departments from the top down. The problem is that departmental work is operational and partial, while townships need to make overall decisions and respond to the actual needs of farmers. The centralization of departmental work has made the functions of party committees and governments "fragmented".
From the perspective of the county-level departments themselves, the work tasks of the county-level departments come from the arrangements at the higher level. At the county level, there is also a trend towards centralization of line work. Taken together, this shows the change in the relationship across the bars.
In the past, the work at all levels was based on blocks, and after the line work was issued, it was necessary to accept the overall arrangements of the township party committees and governments, and the requirements put forward by the line departments would be transformed at all levels. At present, after the centralization of line work, not only the power of some vertically managed line departments has increased, but also those line departments with dual management have the right to command, and there has been a "multiplier effect" in work at all levels.
Use the form of formulas to express the changes in the relationship between the sectors and the surge in the pressure of grassroots work:
Formula A. Block-based working mode: Party committee and government overall planning work = line work÷ multi-level
Formula B. Centralization of line work: grassroots work tasks = multiple lines X multiple levels
At present, the burden on the grassroots is heavy because different departments will compete with each other for grassroots governance resources based on the logic of expanding power or avoiding responsibility, and each department emphasizes the importance of operational work, making the departmental work more and more.
In addition, when the line line is assigned to the task, the subordinate departments have the impulse to float the index, and there is an increase or a requirement to "draw inferences from one another", so that the line work is amplified by the level in the transmission process. In the end, there was a multi-departmental and multi-level mutual reinforcement, which made the burden on the grassroots increase dramatically.
Third, technical means locked. In the survey, it was seen that a set of emergency management systems had been established in a certain place, which could realize the scheduling of the entire system. For example, after a typhoon occurs, unified command is carried out at all levels in the counties and villages along the route according to the route of the typhoon. This emergency system can temporarily dispatch resources and monitor the real-time working status of the grassroots level. Once, before the typhoon was about to arrive in a certain place, the higher-level emergency command found through the camera that there were people swimming in the river, and the grassroots did not evacuate in time, so they sent instructions and notices to the township. Advanced technologies are infiltrating the entire governance system and changing the way work is done at all levels.
There are two forms of infiltration of technical tools represented by information technology into the governance system: the first is to empower grassroots cadres, such as the masses to handle affairs through mobile phone APP, and rural cadres directly audit from the system, without the need for face-to-face solutions, reducing manpower consumption;
The first form of technology reduces the pressure of grassroots work, and the second form of technology increases the pressure of grassroots work. At present, the two forms of technical means are increasing rapidly, put together, the second form of technology application brought by the burden of the increase, far more than the first form of technology application brought by the convenience, so that the overall burden of the grassroots has increased.
The technical means aimed at strengthening supervision have greatly increased the imbalance between the upper and lower levels. Taking information statistics as an example, in the traditional paper office era, the superior department is responsible for summarizing the information reported by the subordinates, and the workload of the superior department is the sum of the subordinate departments in the processing form. Therefore, the higher authorities are cautious about the issuance of each form, and also attach great importance to the seriousness of information filling.
After entering the era of paperless office, it is easy for higher-level departments to make forms through computers, and each form needs to be filled in by the grassroots level. The work of the superior is almost cost-free, while the subordinate consumes energy to collect every piece of information. The use of this kind of technical means makes the form issued by the superior arbitrary, which in turn seriously aggravates the burden on the grassroots.
Judging from the actual situation at the grassroots level, due to the innumerable number of forms that need to be filled in, after receiving the task, the townships and towns will further decompose them to the village level, and after a long time, the village cadres will also lose patience and fill in the forms at will, and the data statistics will become perfunctory.
In general, a large number of technical governance tools are promoted and used by higher authorities. When the higher-level departments promote the means of technical governance, they first start from the convenience of the work at the same level and the strengthening of the power at the same level, and each department is looking for technology suppliers separately, and the systems of each department are incompatible, and all kinds of technical means are aimed at the grassroots, so that the grass-roots work is "trapped in the system".
The means of technical governance must be a formal treatment of work, and in the technical system, all special behaviors based on the actual situation are automatically excluded. The essence of grassroots work, which is tied up by the technical system, is to replace the actual work process with pre-designed indicators and instructions, and replace face-to-face work consultation with machine management, turning grassroots mass work into impersonal procedural interpretation.
Once a technical system is formed, it in turn deprives the person who introduces the technical means of initiative, and as a result, the substitution of means for the goal appears.
Fourth, lock-in between regions. At present, there are two prerequisites for grassroots work:
First, as a result of the development since the beginning of reform and opening up, there has been a tremendous differentiation between different regions on the mainland, and in particular, the eastern region, as an area where people and money have flowed in, and the central and western regions, which have a very different working conditions at the grassroots level.
The second is the top-down modernization of national governance, which has strengthened the implementation of policies, so that grassroots work in various regions is facing similar policy requirements and similar work content. In this way, there is a tension between the identity of national governance and the particularity of the situation at the grassroots level, which is reflected in the policy as the contradiction between strict implementation standards and local conditions at the grassroots level.
On the whole, based on the relatively strong financial resources of the grassroots level, the eastern region has a stronger ability to implement policies and has achieved better completion of various grassroots work indicators. The eastern region has taken the initiative to invest resources to build grassroots work experience and create working methods. These work experiences based on local particularities have been absorbed by the policy and have led to the development of work in the central and western regions.
Taking agricultural policy as an example, although the eastern region does not account for a major proportion of the country's agriculture, and the "three rural" problems are relatively not prominent in the eastern region. However, the eastern region has created a lot of "three rural" work experience for the central and western regions to learn.
In many areas of grassroots work, the eastern region is also facing the pressure of formalism, and the eastern region has responded to the work demands of the higher authorities by increasing financial input, expanding grassroots organizations, hiring third parties, and spending money to purchase services, and has taken seriously some formalized demands, with the result that the grassroots work has been "seriously coped" in many aspects. The formalization work that was conscientiously completed not only consumed the resources of the eastern region, but also used as experience to be learned by other regions, which exacerbated the resource shortage in the central and western regions.
Fifth, "small probability event" locking. One of the important contents of the current grassroots work is to respond to emergencies and prevent and control risks. In addition, in the concept of work, there has been a shift from post-engagement to pre-prevention.
Some areas have innovated the "Fengqiao experience" and built a grid system of "horizontal to the edge and vertical to the bottom" in counties and villages, trying to discover the germination of various risks in time. As a method of social governance, the essence of the "Fengqiao Experience" is to give full play to the power of the masses and society, and encourage bottom-up problem solving, so as to reduce the cost of governance. "Trivial matters do not leave the villages, major matters do not leave the villages, and contradictions are resolved at the grassroots level" refers to giving priority to the masses to solve problems that the masses can solve on their own on the basis of categorizing things and contradictions.
In practice, in some areas, "small matters do not leave the village, major matters do not go out of the township, and contradictions are resolved at the grassroots level" has become "small matters are not allowed to leave the village, major matters are not allowed to go out of the township, and contradictions must be resolved at the grassroots level." This loses the dialectical nature of the "Fengqiao experience" and turns the "Fengqiao experience" into formalism and mechanism.
In the process of modernizing the governance system and governance capacity, the grassroots society is undergoing rapid changes, and various frictions and contradictions are bound to exist. If the mechanical regulations "small things are not allowed to go out of the village, and major things are not allowed to go out of the village", not only will the original meaning of the "Fengqiao experience" be lost, but also cause the contradictions at the grassroots level to be artificially covered up and seal the social safety valve.
From the perspective of the grassroots work itself, it is not only impossible to completely eliminate the existing social friction by preventing risks only from the form, but also greatly increase the cost of social governance. For example, the phenomenon of primary and secondary school students not being able to rest between classes that was discussed by the public some time ago is largely related to the risk prevention pressure borne by schools.
The pressure of risk prevention makes the grassroots work tedious and mediocre, and the heart is tired.
3. "Reduce energy consumption" for the governance system
To break the high energy consumption of grassroots governance, it is not enough to target the phenomenon, the key is to break the high energy consumption lock of the grassroots governance system. You can start with the following:
First, reduce the general rough work issuance, and adopt hierarchical and classified governance.
Taking the "three rural" work as an example, some key work involving safety and stability should strengthen top-down overall management. There are also some work that belongs to professional work, specific work, or work in the field of daily life of the masses, and this kind of work should adopt a work method that is mainly based on the grassroots. The state has put forward major policy guidelines, and the grassroots units have explored work methods adapted to local conditions, and the work method of "one pole to the end" has been adopted as little as possible, and the assessment indicators should be coarse rather than detailed, and the grass-roots cadres should be supervised after the fact, so as to truly implement the fault-tolerant and error-correcting mechanism.
Second, reasonably locate the goals of rural work and distinguish between long-term work and short-term work.
On the whole, after a period of investment in the policy of benefiting farmers, the current rural outlook has been greatly improved, and the contradictions at the grassroots level are mainly daily frictional contradictions. In this context, rural work should be distinguished between long-term and short-term work, so as to avoid overheating of the system at the grassroots level. Among them, the long-term work should be done slowly, continuously, and for a long time, and the short-term work should be done simply, reducing the overweight, reducing the global ranking assessment, and reducing waste.
Third, return to the line of work positioning, reduce the centralization of departmental work.
The centralization of departmental work has led to the emergence of "generalization of central work" at the grassroots level. There are many line departments, work leading groups, comprehensive assessments and special assessments that the grassroots have to face, and the generalization of the central work makes the work lose its focus. It is necessary to straighten out the relationship between various departments and departments, give play to the overall planning function of party committees and governments at all levels, and turn the work of departments into professional support. At the township level, it is necessary to achieve "whistle-blowing in townships and reporting to departments" rather than "whistle-blowing in departments and reporting to townships and towns".
Fourth, distinguish the nature of small probability events and grasp the overall situation of rural society.
Generally speaking, the current contradictions in the countryside are mainly concentrated in the trivial areas of the people's daily life. Such contradictions can be encouraged by the masses to resolve themselves. Avoid grassroots work being kidnapped by "small probability events". After the occurrence of some contradictions, it is necessary to conduct scientific research and judgment to distinguish whether they are accidental incidents or tendencies of problems, and then adopt different rational methods for handling incidents of different natures.
Fifth, we should rationally treat the creation of grassroots work and avoid unnecessary formalism.
In various assessments, innovation and creation are generally a plus, so the grassroots have invested a lot of resources to create and strive for excellence. In fact, real work experience must be derived from responding to the needs of the masses, and too much attention to creation will not produce good working methods. As the saying goes, "articles come from nature and are obtained by clever hands", all departments at all levels really proceed from their own work and strive to "be the best themselves", and they will continue to produce all kinds of useful work experience. These work experiences have been summed up and then implemented on a pilot basis, and they have become a scientific decision-making method that returns from practice to practice. The creation of work that is divorced from the masses and practice is a manifestation of formalism, and points should be subtracted rather than added in the work evaluation.
Sixth, reduce the requirements for simplification and truly reduce the burden on the grassroots
The goal is to reduce the burden itself, and not to directly link the reduction of the burden with the activation of grassroots cadres and officials to start a business. It has been observed that the heavy burden is the direct cause of inhibiting the enthusiasm of grassroots cadres. Only when the burden on the grassroots is truly reduced will it be possible for the grassroots to radiate endogenous enthusiasm. In other words, it is not possible to reduce the burden while at the same time putting forward more work requirements. Burden reduction is an end in itself. Only by reducing the burden itself as the goal of reducing the burden can we truly reduce the burden.
2024.1.29, Gui Hua