Li Shenming: During the collapse of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev and others accepted huge bribes from the United States

The response of the CPSU to the strategy of Westernization and division of the Western world

Li Shenming

In 1988, former U.S. President Richard Nixon published a book called 1999: Victory Without a Fight. In his book, he bluntly wrote: "What the Soviets sought was victory without a fight. ...... We should also strive for victory without a fight. "The Soviets were determined to achieve their goal of building a communist world. We are unwavering in our determination to achieve the goal of a free world." did not wait for the arrival of 1999 'in the late 80s and early 90s of the 20th century' the CPSU was defeated without a fight.

From the moment of Soviet power, 'the hostile forces of the West have tried to strangle it in its cradle.' But under the leadership of Lenin, the Russian Communists led the people of all nationalities in a heroic struggle, overcame numerous difficulties and tests, and defended the world's first people's power led by the working class. After Lenin's death, 'Stalin led the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the people of all nationalities to continue to advance on the road of socialism,' withstood severe tests, including the all-out attack of the German fascists, and kept the banner of socialism flying high in the Soviet Union.

Seeing that it was no longer possible to defeat the powerful Soviet Union by force, the West turned to a strategy of "peaceful evolution." The term "peaceful evolution" was first coined by George Kennan, the U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, in July 1947, when he predicted that a strategy of peaceful evolution would eventually lead to the collapse of Soviet power.

After Stalin's death in 1953, "the anti-communist forces in the West stepped up their strategy of "peaceful evolution" against the Soviet Union in accordance with the new situation that emerged after Khrushchev came to power, and sought to westernize and divide the Soviet Union. After Nixon came to power, he pursued "balance-of-power diplomacy" and "tried to infiltrate the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries ideologically" and confronted the ideology of Marxism by preaching Western values such as freedom, democracy, and human rights centered on personal interests.

US President Ronald Reagan proposed that in the struggle between the two different social systems, capitalism and socialism, "the ultimate decisive factor is not nuclear bombs and rockets," but a contest of wills and ideas. He claimed that "Marxism should be thrown into the dustbin of history."

After Gorbachev came to power, he vigorously advocated the so-called "new thinking in international politics." He declared: "The survival of mankind is above all else", emphasizing that "the interests of all mankind are above all else". The Soviet Union and the United States "had no choice but to realize the great essence of coexistence." This has fundamentally obliterated the ironclad fact that there is still a serious struggle between socialism and capitalism and between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie on an international scale. His political statements were soon conveyed to Western society.

Seeing that the time had come, the Western anti-communist forces launched an all-out offensive of "peaceful evolution" against the Soviet Union. In the face of the West's "peaceful evolution" offensive, Gorbachev, as general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, "opened the door to the country" and pandered to it.

The first means used by the United States and Western countries to carry out their strategy of Westernization and division of the Soviet Union was to carry out large-scale ideological infiltration by 'using the mass media'.

The United States set up large radio stations in Western Europe, "Radio Free Europe" and "Radio Libre", which were aimed at the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries. "Disseminating information about major events in the international arena and in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe" in six languages on a daily basis to promote the "achievements", lifestyles and values of Western society. The BBC and Deutsche Radio also broadcast daily in 40 and 35 languages respectively. All four large radio stations were tasked with inculcating Western ideology into the countries of Soviet Eastern Europe. The focus of Western ideological infiltration is to 'deny the revolutionary history of the CPSU), to infinitely exaggerate the social problems existing in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, to 'incite the discontent of the people', and to direct this discontent at the Communist Party and the socialist system.

The CIA also generously funded research institutes to devise a "Harvard Plan" designed to defeat the Soviet Union's long-standing feelings toward Lenin, including Stalin, and to "fill the press, radio, television, and film with works against Lenin and Stalin," and to develop implementation steps to try to get Russians to accept the burial of Lenin's body. They also praised Gorbachev's "new thinking" with ulterior motives, "supported his efforts to weaken and abolish the party's leadership and the reform of the socialist system," and seized the opportunity to preach the so-called "good life" of the West and the superiority of the capitalist system.

During the Cold War, Alan Dulles, the former director of the US Central Intelligence Agency, confidently declared that "if we teach the young people of the Soviet Union to sing our songs and dance to them," we will sooner or later teach them to think the way we need them to think." The Western world took great care to influence the Soviet Union with its way of life and consumption, especially among young people.

In the face of this propaganda offensive, Gorbachev not only lost his vigilance and did not educate the Soviet people in patriotism, but encouraged the people to accept the influence of the West. At a Politburo meeting in August 1985, he said: "Soviets must have direct contact with foreigners. Don't be afraid'...... Some people will see 'The World is Big' in all its colors. "In December 1988, 'the Soviet Union ceased interference with a number of Western radio stations that had previously been regarded as reactionary stations' and decided to allocate 4 million foreign rubles to 'import newspapers and periodicals from 20 Western countries' for public sale in the country. This further fueled the public opinion offensive of the West against the Soviet Union.

As the CPSU opened its doors to the offensive of Western ideology, the abandonment of socialism reached a climax in Soviet society around 1990. According to a national poll, 32 percent of respondents believed to follow the example of the United States when asked what path the Soviet Union had chosen to move forward; 17% chose Germany; 11% are bullish on Sweden. Many political forces have decided to take the road of so-called "complete revolution" and "turn their backs on the "other shore" of socialism and step into the "other shore" of capitalism. This is in line with the definition of "the most effective propaganda" in the US National Security Council's directive: "the target of the propaganda follows the direction you have specified, but he thinks that the direction is his own choosing".

The second means used by the United States and Western countries to implement the strategy of Westernization and division of the Soviet Union was to use economic, trade, and technical assistance to induce the reform of the Soviet Union to develop in the direction desired by the West.

Since World War II, the United States has been using the Paris Coordinating Committee, which was secretly established in November 1949, to impose blockades, embargoes, and trade restrictions on socialist countries as a means of inducing them to make political concessions. Western countries saw that Gorbachev's "reforms" in the Soviet Union were in line with their own requirements, so they expressed their support and were willing to provide assistance. Gorbachev also pinned his hopes for the success of the "perestroika" on Western handouts.

Beginning in 1989, Gorbachev carried out a "fundamental reform" of the political system, which quickly led to social unrest and ethnic conflicts, and the economic situation deteriorated. He became more flustered, and he groveled and intensified his begging to the west. The West took advantage of this "good opportunity" to 'put forward all kinds of harsh additional conditions' and stepped up the implementation of the strategy of "peaceful evolution" against the Soviet Union.

In May 1991, Gorbachev sent economist Yavlinsky to the United States to work with experts from Harvard University to draw up a "Harvard Plan," which stipulated that the West would provide $300 to $50 billion a year to the Soviet Union, and that the Soviet Union would carry out "marketization," "privatization," complete "democratization," and allow self-determination for all nationalities. The plan also provided for the coordination of 'Western aid with Soviet reforms' every six months. According to the saying of the West at that time, it was "more aid for big reforms", "less aid for small reforms", and "no aid without reform." However, 'Western aid is only a "bait". Former U.S. President Richard Nixon said at the time: "The key strategic interest of the United States is not to save Moscow economically,' but to destroy the communist system in the Soviet Union." And that's exactly what happened.

On July 16, 1991, Gorbachev came to London, England, with documents including the "Harvard Plan" to meet with the heads of seven Western countries, and asked for huge assistance. But the result was a great disappointment to him: 'The seven Western countries did not promise any money to aid the Soviet Union. Despite this, Gorbachev still followed the "Harvard Plan" and "made the reform of the Soviet Union follow the direction of the West" and embarked on the "road of no return." As a result, Gorbachev won the "reputation" of the "great reformer" bestowed by the West, "became the darling of public opinion there", and won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1990.

The bourgeois monopolies of the United States, Britain, Germany, and other Western countries also gave Gorbachev a large amount of cash in various forms such as "manuscript fees." His aide Borkin recalled that "shortly after he came to power, Goe received many bonuses, prizes, and manuscript fees from the West," and that he soon had $1 million in his personal account. Later, 'his wife Raisa's first book was published in the United States,' and the United States paid her $3 million for the manuscript.

The hype and bribery of the West was one of the driving forces behind Gorbachev's complete betrayal of the cause of socialism in the Soviet Union. As early as December 1918, Lenin, in his "Speech at the Third Congress of Workers' Cooperatives," pointed out that Wilson and his ilk in the United States "had so many dollars" that they could ...... the whole of Russia so much so that the whole world bought it." Lenin also pointed out that 'bribery is the crux of the whole problem.'

The third means used by the United States and Western countries to carry out the strategy of Westernization and division of the Soviet Union was to use the so-called "human rights" issue to interfere in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union and to support and nurture opposition forces within Soviet society.

For many years, the United States and Western countries have been using the so-called "human rights" issue to attack and slander the socialist system and "trample on the rights of citizens in the communist world." The US Government has even more closely integrated "human rights diplomacy" with ideological and political infiltration, and has unscrupulously used the so-called human rights and other issues to exert pressure on socialist countries.

After the signing of the Helsinki Agreement in 1975, "Western countries used the terms of the agreement" to give support to the Soviet "dissidents" in many ways. This support can be material and monetary, as well as "honorary" and so-called "moral".

Soon after Carter came to power in 1977, he met with Solzhenitsyn, the author of the book "The Gulag Archipelago"; He also personally sent a letter to Sakharov, the most prominent dissident in the Soviet Union, stating that the United States "will continue to fulfill its firm promise to promote human rights abroad."

In April 1979, the United States traded two Soviet spies it had arrested for Ginsburg and five other dissidents, in order to show solidarity and encourage the emergence of more so-called dissidents in the Soviet Union. In December of the same year, the Carter administration held a so-called "Human Rights Week" to "exert pressure on the Soviet Union" and cheer on Soviet dissidents. In 1983, the U.S. Congress passed the Grants for Democracy Act.

In 1989, Congress allocated $25 million to the National Foundation for Democracy alone. The funds were mainly used to "develop democracy" and support the opposition in socialist countries, especially in the USSR. The West used ideological infiltration and the "human rights" offensive and invested huge sums of money to "support those who were dissatisfied with the CPSU", to help them establish various non-governmental organizations, to finance them to publish various publications propagating bourgeois liberalization, and to encourage them to wage a struggle for power against the CPSU, to provide them with political asylum.

In the early 80s' dissident activity in the USSR gradually declined. But with the advance of Gorbachev's policy of "openness" and "democratization", informal organizations and various publications promoting bourgeois liberalization sprung up. Gorbachev completely succumbed to the "human rights" offensive and pressure of the United States.

The most typical example of this is the restoration of the most famous dissident, Sakharov. Sakharov was the "father of the hydrogen bomb" in the Soviet Union, but with the support and funding of the West, he "fought hard against the socialist system", often made anti-communist speeches, and openly established a so-called "defense of human rights" organization in the Soviet Union. At the beginning of 1980 he was forcibly relocated by the Soviet authorities to the city of Gorky. But on December 16, 1986, 'Gorbachev personally called him back to Moscow to encourage him to engage in political activities' and arranged for him two houses and a dacha. Subsequently, the Soviet authorities pardoned and released 140 other dissidents 'at his request'. In March 1989, 'Sakharov's election as a Soviet People's Deputy failed', and Gorbachev immediately added a seat to the USSR Academy of Sciences, helping him to be elected. Later' he became one of the leaders of the "inter-regional group of parliamentarians" in the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, which strongly opposed the CPSU. He strongly advocated the revision of Article 6 of the Constitution of the Soviet Union, which provided for the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Soviet society, and personally drafted the Constitution, abolishing the word "socialism" from the name of the former Soviet Union. In December 1989, 'Sakharov died of illness', and Gorbachev expressed infinite grief 'and claimed that it was a "great loss". As a result of Gorbachev's "clear" position and attitude, the more dissident and larger dissident movements in the Soviet Union were quickly made public and legitimized.

In the face of the political opposition, which emerged as an informal organization, the CPSU allowed and indulged the rampant offensive of anti-communist and anti-socialist forces. In June 1988, Gorbachev said at the 19th National Congress of the CPSU that "the rapid increase in non-governmental organizations of all kinds is a "distinctive feature" of the reform, "an outstanding manifestation of the people's initiative spirit", and that it deserves strong support. On 18 July 1989, at another meeting, he said, 'the purpose of these NGOs is "positive", "it is "objectively compatible with the purpose of reform", and "it should therefore be "in dialogue and collaboration with them". Not only did he allow the formation of a wide range of informal organizations, but he also agreed to form opposition parties on the basis of informal organizations and to introduce a multi-party system, until he allowed the opposition to seize a series of local powers under the banner of "free elections".

On December 28, 1987, an editorial in Pravda revealed that there were more than 30,000 informal associations in the Soviet Union at that time. By August 1990, it had swelled to 90,000, of which about 500 were political parties and 20 were national. These parties and organizations brazenly preached anti-Soviet and anti-communist views, 'advocating the formation of independent trade unions and the desire to become opposition parties.

Interfering in the national issues of the Soviet Union, destroying ethnic relations in the Soviet Union, and creating turmoil within the Soviet Union were the fourth means used by the United States and Western countries to implement the strategy of Westernizing and dividing the Soviet Union.

In the Soviet Union, there have been a number of national problems that have long been "exacerbated by Gorbachev's "democratization of interethnic relations," which in turn has led to even more serious ethnic antagonism and conflict. Western countries are taking advantage of the fire to loot and deliberately add fuel to the fire.

Soon after the Soviet reform began in 1986, "some American congressmen went to Latvia to sow discord among the Soviet people" and openly declared that the United States had never recognized the Soviet Union's "occupation" of the Baltic states, and that the Baltic people had the right to decide whether to become independent or not.

In the spring of 1989, "when the national separatist activities on the Baltic Sea coast were surging in full swing," the US ambassador to the Soviet Union came forward to meet with representatives of the local separatist forces, to understand their intentions and plans, and to express support for them, thus directly contributing to the "Baltic Route" movement, in which two million people on the Baltic Sea coast held hands, and "greatly strengthened the will and determination of the local separatist forces." During this period, they openly put forward the slogans of "Down with the CPSU" and "Secession from the Soviet Union."

On December 1, 1989, the heads of state of the United States and the Soviet Union met in Malta, and Bush pressured Gorbachev to warn the Soviet Union not to use force against the national movements of the three Baltic countries. Otherwise, 'anti-Soviet sentiment will sweep through the United States.' Bush also met with the leaders of the separatist movements along the Baltic Sea on several occasions to express solidarity and support for them.

In January 1991, when the situation in Lithuania was tense, the United States immediately issued a statement condemning the Soviet army's "provocation," demanding that the Soviet Union "return to negotiations," and "at the same time expressing a tough stance to the Soviet side through various diplomatic channels." Bush himself personally telephoned and sent a secret letter to Gorbachev asking him to fulfill his promise not to use force against the Baltic states, otherwise he would stop aiding the Soviet Union.

Under the pressure of the United States, "Gorbachev, as President of the Soviet Union," ordered on January 30 that the airborne troops and internal affairs troops sent to control the situation in Lithuania be withdrawn from Lithuania, and at the same time assured the Americans that they would "advance the political process on the road of upholding the Constitution" and that they would be willing to engage in dialogue with the Baltic separatist forces. The central power of the USSR has since lost control of the three republics. The success of the separatist forces of the three Baltic states 'toppled the dominoes of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The fifth and most lethal means of the Westernization and division strategy of the United States and Western countries against the Soviet Union was to do everything possible to support the rebel forces within the CPSU and to vigorously support the gravediggers of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet power.

As early as the summer of 1987, the US ambassador to the Soviet Union, 'before Yeltsin and Gorbachev clashed,' had already made contact with Yeltsin, and his anti-communist and anti-socialist "frankness" "made a strong impression on the American ambassador," and the United States immediately made him a key object of focus and 'fully supported him in all his rebellions against the Central Committee of the CPSU, against the Union regime, and against the CPSU and the Soviet Union.

After Yeltsin was expelled from the Politburo after his open clash with Gorbachev, the United States took every opportunity to maintain closer contact with him.

In 1989 Yeltsin was elected People's Deputies of the USSR and entered the Supreme Soviet. When Yeltsin visited the United States in September of that year, the US side made an exception to receive this "unofficial figure" on an "unofficial visit" and arranged for the president, vice president, secretary of state, former President Ronald Reagan, and many other dignitaries to meet with him. After Yeltsin returned home, he intensified his anti-communist activities. On the one hand, they sought to revise the constitution outside the party to abolish the leadership of the CPSU, and on the other hand, they led the "democratic program" within the party to "try" to completely transform the "CPSU" and seize the leadership of the CPSU. The United States, on the other hand, "persuaded Gorbachev and Yeltsin to make peace" and "pushed the two to "join hands and cooperate" and "directly intervened in the political struggle in the Soviet Union."

In June 1991, Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation, and the United States immediately invited him to visit the United States, and gave the uninaugurated leader of the Soviet local regime full head of state courtesy. In addition to President Bush's lengthy talks with him, Yeltsin was also met with 'the US Vice President, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of Commerce, the leaders of the Senate and the House of Representatives, the leaders of the All-China Federation of Labour and Industry, the CEOs of some large companies, and the responsible persons of social organizations. Yeltsin reciprocated the favor of the Americans for their acquaintance.

In December 1991, when he conspired with the leaders of Ukraine and Belarus to dissolve the Soviet Union, he "first informed the President of the United States" and obtained the support of the United States. On the eve of the "August 19" incident, Popov, a well-known Soviet oppositionist, told the US ambassador in a note that someone was planning a major conspiracy.

After the August 19 incident, the President of the United States had two telephone conversations with Yeltsin to stabilize his mood and encourage his fighting spirit. The major capitalist countries of the West immediately and unequivocally expressed their support for Yeltsin; Canada's Prime Minister Announces $200 Million Freeze on Soviet Aid 'Accusing the Soviet Union of a possible return to the Cold War; Japan condemned the illegality of the actions of the State Emergency Committee, 'announced the freezing of all aid programs to the Soviet Union; German leaders have expressed their support for Yeltsin's demand for the restoration of constitutional order; The French leader slammed the USSR State Emergency Committee for 'calling a summit meeting of the EC to discuss the situation in the USSR; The World Bank announced the 'suspension of discussions on proposals for technical assistance to the Soviet Union.'

At this time, Gorbachev stood with Yeltsin and jointly dealt with the "State Emergency Committee" that was trying to save the Soviet Union at that time. The CPSU leaders represented by Gorbachev changed their strategy of Westernization and division of Western countries from subservience to pandering, and the internal rebel forces of the CPSU represented by Yeltsin cooperated with the Western hostile forces inside and outside, and the CPSU was in a desperate situation at home and abroad in this war without gunpowder. When Yeltsin stood in front of the barrels of the tanks that came to surround the "White House", the "salute" of the funeral of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Soviet socialism was about to be played.

From its prosperity to its defeat, the CPSU and the Soviet Union from its strength to its destruction, have left a rare historical legacy to the world. The collapse of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the end of the socialist system in the Soviet Union, and the disintegration of the Soviet Union as a unified multi-ethnic state were "complex political events caused by a combination of many factors," including foreign and domestic factors, internal and external factors, historical and practical factors, economic, political, ideological, and cultural factors, and social factors. However, the 'Communist Party of the Soviet Union', as the backbone of the former Soviet state and people, as the steel and iron backbone that once supported the cause of socialism in the Soviet Union, 'its own internal metamorphosis and first rupture' was undoubtedly the most important factor that led to the eventual and rapid collapse of this edifice.

As Russians today reflect on the reasons for the collapse of the Soviet Union, more and more people are turning their attention to the interior of the CPSU. Even the famous Soviet dissident philosopher Alexander Zinoviev, in his recently published book entitled The Tragedy of Russian Communism, analyzed the responsibility for the collapse of the Soviet Union: "The organs of the CPSU, the CPSU as a whole, including the ordinary members of the party, bear the main responsibility for the catastrophe that occurred. "At present, 'world socialism' is undoubtedly still at a low ebb. But shouldn't all the Communists who are indomitable and continue to fight tenaciously for the great cause of socialism and communism think deeply? After more than a decade of turmoil and catastrophe, all walks of life in Russia have begun to reflect.

At the end of 2005, the latest survey results of two well-known neutral public opinion research institutions in Russia showed that 66% of Russians today regret the collapse of the Soviet Union, and 76% believe that the Soviet Union has much to be proud of; 72% and 80% respectively believe that the Gorbachev and Yeltsin periods took a wrong path, and only 1% want to live under Yeltsin.

Since he became president in 2001, Putin has repeatedly instructed that "to put an end to the "chaos" in the field of history textbooks, it is necessary to cultivate a sense of pride in the younger generation of their homeland and its history.

In July 2004, the Russian Ministry of Education republished and published a concise course on the history of the Communist Party of the United States. In recent years, Russia has also published a number of works that fully affirm Stalin's great achievements. V. Karpov's "Generalissimo Stalin" and Yu-Yemenyanov's "Stalin" are very representative.

The statue of Stalin, which was toppled in the 50s of the last century, was re-erected at the turn of the century in some parts of Russia. Recently, there has been a great debate in Russian theoretical circles, most of which have criticized neoliberalism, which has brought untold disasters to Russia, affirming that Marx's legacy is still relevant today.

On December 8, 2004, the Chairman of the Communist Party of Russia Zyuganov, in a long commemorative article published in honor of the 125th anniversary of Stalin's birth, said: "It is a well-established fact that in recent years there has been a growing interest in the reappraisal of Joseph Stalin 'against the backdrop of decay, chaos and crisis in the country'. ”

Zinoviev spent most of his life in ruthless criticism of Stalin and the Soviet Union, and was a member of the Stalin's assassination team in the 30s. In his recent reflections, he said: "The great achievements of the Soviet Union "were due to the Soviet socialist system and the leadership of Stalin", "Stalin's repressive activities in the thirties should be re-evaluated." Of course, 'there are many excesses in it,' but "the establishment of a new social system is often accompanied by a struggle against various forces," and "Stalin's repression" eliminated the actual and latent apostasys.'

Even Solzhenitsyn, who wrote "The Gulag Archipelago" and completely repudiated Stalin, said in reflection: "I have harmed the Russian motherland." Former Ukrainian President Kravchuk, one of the Big Three who personally participated in the signing of the agreement to dismantle the Soviet Union, later said: "If in 1991 'I knew that the country would develop to the state it is today', 'I would rather cut off my own hand' than sign the Belovezh agreement [that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union]." ”

In 2003, during my visit to Russia, I spoke for more than four hours with Medvedev, the historian who wrote the famous "Let History Judge (Stalin)" and wrote the famous "Let History Judge (Stalin)". He fully affirmed Stalin's exploits in six aspects: industrialization of the Soviet Union, collectivization of agriculture, victory in the Great Patriotic War, overall welfare of the people, policy of intellectuals, and cultural revitalization.

When I was talking to an academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, he said bitterly: "It was no one else who sent the USSR to the morgue," but we, the Soviets ourselves. We, the Russians, at the cost of our own painful catastrophe, 'became Jesus' and 'tragically walked to the altar' to declare to the world and history that the 'democratization' and 'privatization' of the Soviet Union was a dead end. Individual superpowers are absolutely not at ease, and other nations must not repeat our mistakes. I'm a member of the CPSU,' and I still have my party card at the bottom of the box. But when the CPSU collapsed, I was also welcoming. The tremendous disasters that have been brought to the country and the nation over the past 10 years or so have made me feel guilty, indebted, and guilty about our country and nation. But we see the brilliant hope of socialism in China." Of course, Russia's revival may still have a long way to go. But we are convinced that the homeland of Leninism and the October Revolution will not remain silent for long. We are also convinced that "with the deepening of the basic contradiction on a global scale, the globalization of production and the international monopoly capital appropriation of the means of production," and with the rare negative teaching material of the collapse of the Soviet Union, "human history will gradually usher in another splendid and colorful spring in the midst of twists and turns and suffering."

(This article is excerpted from "The 20th Anniversary of the Death of the Soviet Party and the Country", Social Sciences Press, October 2013)