The three dimensions of the republican tradition were transmitted to the United States during the colonial period and were newly interpreted in the special American environment. The American Revolution was the first concentrated embodiment of republican traditions in the United States.
Economic disputes between colonies and metropolises were a powerful factor in the birth of the American Revolution: but on the other hand, ideology influenced how colonists viewed these conflicts and what actions they undertaken, which was what distinguishes ideology from general ideas. Had it not been for the republican tradition, the American Revolution might have erupted, but in different forms, on which all intellectual historical interpretations of the American Revolution are based.
Bernard Behring, an early American historian, said: "It is this overwhelming and persuasive view that explains the origin of the American Revolution that continues to circulate among most American leaders and that it gives specific connotations to the events of that era."
By "overwhelming and persuasive opinions," Behring was referring to the Republican tradition of the United States. Before 1763, before the conflict between the colonies and the metropolis had intensified, the colonists felt that British civil liberties were in danger.
So this is because in the eyes of the colonists, the British Parliament, which symbolized civil liberties, was corrupted by two forces. The first is the executive power represented by the British Crown. The British Parliament is a symbol of civil liberties, while the British Crown is a symbol of executive power. For a long time, the British Constitution limited the powers of both sides to their respective limits.
The views of the colonial Anglican priest Moses Mather on the English Constitution represent the general view: "Neither king, noble, nor commoner may be deprived of his rights or property except with the consent of Parliament, and no law or imposition of taxation shall be imposed except when it is absolutely necessary and for the three strata of Parliament to decide for the common good and in the national interest of the country."
However, since the 18th century, the British king has bribed parliamentarians by granting pensions, pensions or entrusting important positions, etc., to make some parliamentarians dependent on themselves. On an individual level, the parliamentarians attached to the king have become corrupt and have no virtue to speak of. At the national level, the subjection of parliament to the king meant that civil liberties were threatened.
The second is the emerging social strata, including bondholders, stockbrokers and interest-takers. Towards the end of the 17th century, a new form of corruption emerged in Britain. John Pocock wrote in The Machiavelli Moment that in the last years of William III's reign, parliament and society were corrupted by bondholders, stockbrokers, and those who lived on their share of the bond, and denouncing this form of corruption became a common phenomenon.
This form of corruption was denounced in publications such as Cato Correspondence and The Craftsman, which were widely circulated in the colonies and had a large readership. When Benjamin Franklin arrived in England in the mid-18th century, he found many British citizens convinced that England had become completely corrupt and degenerate.
Moreover, some colonists who lived in Britain also observed this new form of corruption up close. John Dickinson was studying law in London in 1754 and wrote to his father about a northern town: "A place where brazen and morally corrupt acts sometimes come to mind.
If a man cannot vote as he expects, he will not be allowed to vote, and therefore he will be drunk, and this drunkenness will be consistent with the state of lack of information from relatives and friends until the election is over, and he can no longer cause any trouble. Their vow not to accept bribes was as stern and solemn as the language they chose, but when they got the bribes, almost no one cared what was said, but couldn't help but laugh and cheer. ”
References: Phillipe, D., The German Hansa.Routledge/Thommes Press, 1999.
