Israel is a unique country. It is not only an "imaginary community" composed of nineteenth-century political ideas, but also to some extent derived from the concept of the state and ethnic legends that have been circulated throughout history. And Israel's history since its founding — at the forefront of ethnic and geopolitical conflicts, fighting for its survival through nineteenth-century state competition — has created new myths and national identities. Israel is ambiguous, on the one hand, it has a traditional culture with Judaism at its core, shaping its own identity. But on the other hand, it operates in the modern secular state. It hopes to be among the mainstream of the world, but it has also become the focus of controversy because of the so-called "struggle for survival". How should we understand Israel? The answer may not stop at the complexity of reality, we need to go into history.
The following is an excerpt from the "Epilogue" chapter of Israel: The Birth of a Miracle Nation, authorized by the publisher.
After the publication of Herzl's pamphlet The Jewish State, many critics linked the fate of the Jewish nation to the establishment of a Jewish political entity. These critics argue that the ability of the Jewish nation to exist for thousands of years without such an entity is a virtue worth protecting. Many Jews believe that modern nationalism is a disgraceful relic of a bygone era, a reproduction of tribal (racial) particularism, a theory that has created international tensions and exacerbated ethnic divisions, while at the same time running counter to the idea that history is steadily moving toward a universalist future, that religious, racial or ethnic differences will disappear and that fraternity will prevail in human society. In such a world, Jews could find their right place even if they did not have their own independent state entity. Herzl, however, argues that in the age of nationalism, every nation was fighting against other peoples to gain territory under the sun, not only to achieve political independence, but also to define their national identity. However, there was no place for Jews in the national identity defined by these countries, so Jews had no choice but to enter the arena of nationalist competition and try to make a world for themselves.
Judging from the development of the past century, the course of history seems to be more inclined to justify Herzl's estimation than to those of the universalists who advocate the unity of world fraternity. Indeed, the trend toward globalization, open borders, and waves of migration around the world have weakened national identities, altered them, and even created supranational institutions like the European Union, trying to eliminate the hostility that once caused two world wars and create an inclusive European union. But this transnational trend is also constantly under attack by the forces of particularism, which rejects globalization and the unity of economy and culture. In every economic or political crisis, specialist forces emerge, trying to maintain local identities, unique cultures, and historical memories of a common past. At the same time, separatist groups have emerged and claimed the right to self-determination and undermined the inclusive unity to which they once belonged. For example, the yugoslav peoples fell apart, Czechoslovakia split into two states, several countries emerged from the ruins of the Soviet Empire, even those that never had an independent identity, and the Basques fought tirelessly for autonomy. Europeans are concerned about the growing Islamization of minorities from Islamic countries and settled in Europe, which in itself is a reaction to the tendency of European societies towards unity and loss of indigenous identity. Thus, it seems premature to say that the words cheering the publication of the Jewish State and predicting that nationalism will disappear seem premature.
The establishment of the Jewish state is one of the rare wonders of history. The Jewish people, as a diaspora that has had no political traditions for centuries, have learned how to survive in different environments and systems, but lack a base of strength to survive and succeed in a country far from economic centers and cultural and intellectual resources, in poor conditions. And in the space of half a century, the efforts of the Zionists have gained international recognition by creating national entities, establishing a state that brings together Jewish exiles from all corners of the globe, from nothing to a vibrant democracy, a modern economy, a strong defensive army, and an increasingly prosperous and challenging culture.
Theodore Herzl Founder of Zionism
It is difficult to find a national movement that would have been more unfortunate from the beginning than the Zionist movement, yet today the Zionist movement is considered one of the most successful national movements in history. The Zionist movement not only had to fight against the other nationalist demanders in Palestine, the Palestinians, but it also had to change the Jewish mentality, the Jewish way of thinking about themselves and the world, and to create a different Jewish national identity that not only absorbed religious traditions and elements of Jewish history, but was also deeply rooted in the modern world, using logic and reason and a conviction that faith, individuals and peoples could change destiny and reality. The modernization of the Jewish nation went hand in hand with the realization of Zionism.
The Zionist movement was able to absorb the idealistic elements of the Jewish people — the youth of the Jewish nation — because of the historical connection established between the needs of the Jewish people and the zeitgeist spirit. The struggle of peoples for their freedom, the decline of empires, the emergence of new nations, and the willingness to sacrifice themselves for the good of nations are all important aspects of this zeitgeist. It is also a time when faith can change the world, in which exploitation and injustice will end and the kingdom of heaven will appear on Earth. Before the emergence of a truly tangible Jewish entity in Palestine, the idealism that grew out of hope for a just society and the struggle for national independence provided the impetus for the development of early Zionism. Although these idealists, who are called pioneers (pioneers) in the Zionist dictionary, make up a negligible proportion of the Jews, it is they who create the signs and symbols of Jewish identity and provide living examples of how Jews could survive as a people in the land of Israel. Although most of the members of the Ishuv did not belong to this minority, they all accepted the guiding norms of these pioneers, which provided the legitimacy, the path, and the myth of the founders of the state. It was these Jewish pioneers who set an example of behavior in the process of nation-building, created a dominant culture, and created the main national spirit.
The Revolutions and disasters of the 20th century paved the way for the realization of the Zionist blueprint. World War I, the Bolshevik Revolution and the rise of Nazism transformed the Zionist movement from a movement of a small group of idealists into a mass movement seeking asylum and national identity. It was not the Holocaust that led to the establishment of the Jewish state; despite this catastrophe, the nation was still established. Although the main branch of the Jewish state (which created a great deal of Jewish culture and was the main human resources of the Jews) was cut off due to genocide, the Jewish nation, with a fearless will to survive, was reborn from the ashes, renounced revenge, and gathered the remaining forces to create the Jewish state and society in the land of Israel. The State of Israel has become a symbol of the continued survival of the Jews even after the Great Tribulation, a concise expression of the desire and vitality of an endangered nation to survive. This ability to translate great despair into action to create and rebuild makes Israel a great project for the restoration and reconstruction of the Jewish nation after the Holocaust, both for Jews who choose to continue living outside the home and for those who believe that a nation belonging to the Jewish people is needed.
Jerusalem Image source: vox
The Zionist-Israeli plan has never been fully unanimously endorsed. Before World War II, at the beginning of the movement, like other national independence movements, Zionists were a minority of the Jewish nation; after the establishment of Israel, various Jewish groups living in their homeland in Israel outlined different visions of the future. The socialist vanguard elite that founded Israel envisioned a just and equal society in which the state existed as a guide and guide. The state guides economic development and the construction of the nation and determines the essence of culture, shaping the national spirit in formation. In contrast, Israel's centrists and right-wingers have developed a free and enterprising worldview that encourages minimal state intervention in economic life and promotes Western culture. Until the 1970s, the differences between the two schools of thought appeared to be relatively small in terms of the spiritual and cultural characteristics of the nation in the process of being formed. At the same time, alongside these two visions are the religious beliefs, patriarchal traditions, and national identities that came with Jewish immigrants from those Islamic countries. For them, the main drivers of participation in Zionism are closely linked to the world, legends, and Messianic beliefs of the Torah.
Since the beginnings of the State of Israel, the Zionist revolutionary movement has become normalized, and the vanguard organizational structure that previously supported the country was less important than before, and in the initial stage, there was a serious shortage of materials and a harsh social environment, without which it would not be able to absorb the immigrants and economic and social construction from the Arya movement. Now is the time, as in all Western countries, to coincide with the changing spirit of the Western era, and the End of the Cold War, which was built during and after the Crisis of World War II. With the improvement of living standards and the arrival of consumer culture, it is time to sit in the armchair in front of the TV set and rest. The turning point of 1977 brought about a shift from a pioneering mentality to a center-right worldview, which also attracted Jewish immigrants from Islamic countries who saw socialist elite ideology as repressive and humiliating interference by political bureaucrats in all aspects of their lives. Although the prospects for future socialist development are slowly and unquestionably in decline, this promotes the process of economic growth, corporate innovation, and economic globalization, while at the same time triggering the loss of primitive egalitarianism and social creativity and the dissolution of individual loyalty to the state. By the end of the second millennium, the Israeli state had both advantages and disadvantages that were increasingly similar to those of the Industrialized Nations of the West.
Israel's establishment and presence has been accompanied by conflicts with the Palestinian and Arab worlds. The Jews did not return to an empty wasteland, although it was relatively sparsely populated and before World War I, it was difficult to spot nationalist tendencies. But since the encounter between Palestinians and Jewish nationalism, Palestinians have increased their sense of differences between themselves and Jews and of competing ownership of Palestinian areas. In fact, this encounter is an important factor in the formation of Palestinian national identity. Palestinians consider the country to be their own and are reluctant to share it with those they perceive as external intruders. The Jews also considered themselves owners of the land, and while they were prepared to allow Arabs to live in, they would not support shared ownership. What is ultimately evident is that Zionism is failing in the game between the realization of the Zionist cause and the formation of a Palestinian national identity and the outbreak of violent conflict. In the end, the Jews had to compromise and agree to establish two States in Palestine, Jewish and Arab. However, the Arabs did not agree to renounce their exclusive rights to Palestine and refused to share. Encouraged by the involvement of Arab countries in the conflict, the Arabs believe that the ultimate problem will be resolved by force. But the collapse of Arab society, the defeat of Arab armies in the War of Independence, and the "Day of Disaster" (Nakba) were revolutionary developments that the Arabs never imagined. For the Zionists, this is the moment when Zionism proves its ability to create a nation that can withstand a war of survival.
Arafat and Rabin's historic meeting in 1993. Image source: News week
For the Jews, the relocation or expulsion of the Arabs was an unpredictable but welcome outcome of the war, which did not start a war, which caused them a large number of casualties. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict did not begin with the war of 1948, but in the eyes of the Arabs, it symbolized the Zionism depriving them of their country. The reversal of roles between Jews and Arabs, with Jews becoming the majority and Arabs becoming a minority, is the root of the Palestinian trauma that has always affected the Palestinians. Until 1967, they hoped that the "next round" between Israel and the Arab states would turn back the clock. Since then, especially since the 1973 war, they have been forced to accept the reality of this Israeli life. But at the same time, they never saw it as a legitimate entity in the Middle East. According to the Arabs, Zionism is not a Jewish national movement. For the Arabs, there is no Jewish people, only Jewish religion; Or, to explain less harshly that the Israelites are a people, but the world's Jews are not. Thus, Zionism was not a Jewish liberation movement, but only a form of white colonialism in which a country was stolen from the local population.
The result at this stage is that the Palestinians are prepared to regard Israel's presence in the Middle East as an inalienable fact, but not justify it. As a result, it is difficult for them to reach a consensus on a peace agreement in which Israel demands reciprocity and acceptance of its basic demands: the Arabs renouncing the "right of return" and the myth of the permanence of conflict, recognizing Israel as a Jewish nation-state.
However, israel's defamation in the Middle East has weakened since Sadat's visit to Jerusalem. The Zionist movement has come a long way from its initial moderate development to the recognition and pacification of the Arab League. Despite the suffering and violence on both sides, the land of Israel has not experienced genocide or holocaust in some European countries, not even until the most recent 1990s. Compared with other inter-ethnic conflicts, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict remains limited, even in the light of settlements and Israel's repression of popular uprisings or, on the other hand, suicide terrorism. Since Israel is the stronger party in the conflict, it can be said that the moral restrictions it has imposed on itself in this struggle are commendable.
Since 1967, the occupation of Judia, Samaria and the Gaza Strip has cast a shadow over Israeli society. Polarization between greater Israel's supporters and those who support "territory for peace" has changed Israeli politics. Whereas previously the differences between the left and the right reflected different social perspectives, the indicators of identity in Israeli politics now — doves or hawks — embody different positions about Israel's newly occupied territories. The main elements of such conflicts have circumvented the problems of Israeli society itself. Frustration with the peace process has weakened the Israeli left. The final shift, however, is not to the right, but to the middle. In most of the Israeli public, a new, dispassionate will for peace emerged, but without the messianic zeal of the early 1990s.
Israel: The Birth of a Miracle Nation [in] Anita Shapila / by Hu Hao and Ai Rengui / Translation CITIC Publishing House, April 2022
Observing Israel today as an outsider sees a divided society, a lack of unity in the country, a struggle between various organizations and sectors, and a weakening of organizational cohesion. But from the outside, this view can easily lead to erroneous analysis. Did the assessment that Israeli society was collapsing and that it would take only one last blow to wipe it out prompted Arafat to intensify the intensity of the second Intifada? It turns out that when this unequal society faces dangers from the outside, it summons a strong will, unites, finds common ground, and musters the courage to confront the attackers. Whenever this happens, people make the noise that these qualities of volunteerism and patriotism arise only in times of crisis?
In the first decade of the third millennium, Israel published two books that could serve as a guide to Israel's spiritual chaos. The first was Amos Oz's Tales of Love and Darkness; a few years later, David Grossman's The Woman Hiding from the News followed. From the early days of the Zionist cause, Hebrew literature has been a seismometer, recording the mood and dominant spirit of the movement, as well as its conscience and orientation. In the 1980s, the Great Depression and chaos caused by the loss of values and consensus in Israeli society manifested itself in literary works that depicted the fear of chaos and the pain of losing the public space to which early literature was committed. In the 1990s, this vacuum became the subject of new literature that expressed nothingness.
Editor| Zhu Tianyuan
Proofreading | Fu Chunyi