In the historical compilation of the history of the Xinhai Revolution in the past, there is an "orthodox view of history" centered on Sun Yat-sen. The academic community has deeply reviewed and reflected on this. (1) What this article wants to study is the role and influence of Sun Yat-sen as a "party" in the formation of this view of history, which involves the following questions: First, why did Sun Yat-sen construct the history of the Xinhai Revolution? How did Sun Yat-sen construct the history of the Xinhai Revolution? III. How did Sun Yat-sen's discourse system of the history of the Xinhai Revolution influence the later history compilation of the Xinhai Revolution? Through these questions, we may be able to gain some new understanding of the great revolution that took place a hundred years ago.
One
The history of the study of the history of the Xinhai Revolution is almost as long as the history of the Xinhai Revolution. When the revolution was still in progress and the outcome was still unpredictable, Su Sheng's "History of the Chinese Revolution" was published, (2) this is the earliest history book about the Xinhai Revolution. After the founding of the Republic of China, writings on the theme of the "Xinhai Revolution" continued to emerge. (3) These works or compilations of materials gave rise to the term "Xinhai Revolution" and established the "revolutionary" and "modernity" of the Xinhai Revolution. From the perspective of historiography, it can be regarded as contemporary history at that time.
Sun Yat-sen always attached importance to the role of "history" in the revolution. During the revolutionary years, he paid special attention to digging up resources from "history" to propagate the revolution. After the establishment of the Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen realized that it was necessary to set up a special national history compilation agency to compile the history of the founding of the Republic of China in order to "show off Uchiha and show off the way." (4) However, at that time, when the Republic of China was first established, a hundred industries were yet to be done, and Sun Yat-sen's attention was still on political construction and industrial construction, and compiling a "revolutionary history" was still just an idea that stayed in his mind. After the Second Revolution, Sun Yat-sen began to consciously revise his previous memories and narratives about the revolution. Through his speeches and writings, he gradually constructed a discourse system for the history of the Xinhai Revolution.
What prompted Sun Yat-sen to construct the discourse system of the history of the Xinhai Revolution was his concern that the discourse power of the "revolution" might be lost. After the establishment of the Republic of China, various books and periodicals related to the revolution continued to emerge. Sun Yat-sen believed that allowing such books to circulate might damage the "revolution" and his image as a "revolutionary." In 1915, Chen Chunsheng, the penman of Hong Kong's China Daily, compiled the revolutionary historical relics collected since 1895 into the "Revolutionary History Draft", which was forwarded by Rong Xingqiao, an old comrade of the Xingzhong Association, to ask Sun Yat-sen to print it on his behalf, but Sun Yat-sen refused. Sun Yat-sen believed that "although Chen Junchunsheng has been in charge of writing and politics for a long time, he is still a layman for the revolution, and his collection is inevitable to talk in the streets and alleys, and hang up a thousand leaks, which is not enough to be the historical material of the revolution." (5) It is clear that Chen Chunsheng's revolutionary history is not the revolutionary history that Sun Yat-sen hoped to see. At the beginning of 1919, Cai Yuanpei and Zhang Xiangwen wrote to Sun Yat-sen for compiling the "Prehistory of the Country", proposing to trace the history of the revolution back to the Secret Society of the Qing Dynasty, which was also opposed by Sun Yat-sen. Sun Yat-sen believed that "the secret parties of the Qing Dynasty all originated from the remnants of the late Ming Dynasty, and their main protagonists were overthrowing the Qing Dynasty and supporting the Ming Dynasty." Therefore, although nationalism is very puddy, the internal organization is still autocratic and the class is very strict. Neither republican principles nor civil rights doctrine have been heard of. Its relationship with the republican revolution is shallow, and it seems appropriate to compile it into the history of the Secret Society," rather than in the history of the Republic of China. (6) Sun Yat-sen was reluctant to trace the history of the revolution back to the Secret Hui Party of the Qing Dynasty, apparently aware of the incompatibility of the Party with the "modernity" of the revolution, and he feared that if it were traced back to the Hui Party, it might damage the "modernity" of the Xinhai Revolution as a "revolution". In a later conversation, Sun Yat-sen again emphasized the difference between the revolutionary party and the party, saying, "In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, some of the Ming Dynasty's old organizations, the Heaven and Earth Society, also called Hongmen, were also called the Three Points Society in southern China, and the Yangtze River area was also called the Brotherhood of Elders. His aim was to oppose the Qing Dynasty and restore the Ming Dynasty, to restore the Han nationality, and was originally also a revolutionary party, but they only advocated national revolution, so it was different. Our revolution is a revolutionary party that advocates the Three People's Principles and the Constitution of the Five Powers. ”⑦
It was out of concern that the "revolution" might be "misread" that Sun Yat-sen began to write a discourse system for the history of the Xinhai Revolution. Among them, there are two more influential articles, one is the 8th chapter of "Sun Literature Theory" written in 1919, "There is ambition to achieve success"; the other is the "History of the Chinese Revolution" written in 1923. Sun Yat-sen described his motives for writing in the chapter "Having Ambitions to Accomplish Success", saying: "Since the founding of the Republic of China, there have been no less than thousands of works by literati and scholars from all over the world on the Chinese revolution, and there are many hearsay words, and few people can know the facts of the revolution. From the beginning of the revolution, there is no way to trace it, so many of them are based on the revolutionary causes of the first chapter of "The Troubled Memory of London". The book described in this chapter is very brief, and more than twenty years ago, the success of the revolution was still a question, and although it was in England and Beijing at that time, it was also taboo, so it did not dare to admit that the Xingzhong Association was for the founders, nor did it dare to say that the original purpose of the Xingzhong Association was to overthrow the Manchu Qing. It is hereby amended to supplement the facts also. (8) In the article "History of the Chinese Revolution", he began with yun: "After yu Was born after the Sino-French war, Yu Yi had ambitions for revolution, and B failed to do things in Guangzhou, and the Republic of China was completed." Today, however, the Battle of the Revolution is still not complete. Yu Zhi has been engaged in the revolution for thirty years and seven years, covering the end of the book, listing the facts, and waiting for the history of the revolution. The outline of this article is as stated as left. (9) It can be seen that Sun Yat-sen intends to construct a discourse system of "revolutionary history" in order to establish his right to interpret the discourse of "revolution", and at the same time he hopes that the discourse system he established can become the "dry" of future national history. ⑩
Sun Yat-sen's construction of the history of the Xinhai Revolution was actually an important part of his revolutionary strategy. After the Second Revolution, Sun Yat-sen realized the importance of the firmness of doctrine and the unity of the people's hearts, so he paid special attention to the propaganda of his doctrine, with special emphasis on knowing that it is difficult to do and easy to do. This was an important shift in Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary strategy. Sun Yat-sen's construction of the history of the Xinhai Revolution is obviously closely related to his interpretation of the Three People's Principles, and even it is part of Sun's literary theory. Sun Yat-sen repeatedly stressed that the purpose of his book was to propagate the true revolutionary ideology, correct the errors in the people's thinking, and establish the basis of faith in the Three People's Principles. (11) On the other hand, the failure of the Second Revolution, Yuan Shikai's imperial activities, and the chaos in Chinese politics after the defeat of the imperial system made Sun Yat-sen realize that the revolution had not yet succeeded. To create a true Republic of China, it is still necessary to "continue the revolution". To this end, he needs to construct a discourse system of revolutionary history, so as to emphasize the continuity and legitimacy of the revolution, in order to complete the tasks that the Xinhai Revolution did not complete. As Sun Yat-sen said in 1921, "Although the Republic of China has been around for ten years, it has not actually reached the republican realm, but it has exchanged the right to rule Manchuria into the hands of corrupt bureaucrats and reformists." The government of the North is really not the government of the Republic of China. I am waiting to create a real Republic of China, and I must also make the cause of the Xinhai Revolution a success. But if the revolution is to succeed, it is necessary to consolidate the foundations; the consolidation of the foundation lies in the firmness of doctrine and the unity of the human heart. (12) The construction of the history of the Xinhai Revolution became an important part of Sun Yat-sen's propaganda and cohesion of people's hearts.
Two
Sun Yat-sen's construction of the history of the Xinhai Revolution mainly has the following three aspects. First, with regard to the origin of the revolution, a main line of the Xingzhong Association-League-Kuomintang was established; second, with regard to the success of the Wuchang Uprising, a historical narrative was constructed in which Sun Yat-sen and the success of the Wuchang Uprising were constructed; third, with regard to the defeat of the Xinhai Revolution, a historical narrative of the post-revolutionaries who deviated from Sun Yat-sen's line and led to the defeat of the revolution was constructed.
Regarding the origin of the revolution, Sun Yat-sen wrote in "There is a Desire to Succeed", "Since the year of the defeat of China and France, the determination to overthrow the Qing court and establish the Republic of China began. "From the date of the determination to the time of the establishment of the Alliance, there will be almost a revolution for one person." (13) Here, Sun Yat-sen portrayed himself as a "prophetic and foresighted" revolutionary, denying the narrative of the revolutionary events in the first chapter of The Lost Apocalypse of London, nor mentioning the fact that he went northeast with Lu Hao to Tianjin in June 1894 to write to Li Hongzhang, but deliberately highlighted the scene of his "talking about revolution" with Chen Shaobai, Yu Lie, Yang Heling and others while studying at the Hong Kong Western Medical College, and then detailed the "ten" failures he experienced before the Wuchang Uprising. (14) In the later History of the Chinese Revolution, Sun Yat-sen once again emphasized that he had been interested in revolution since the Sino-French War. Later, he went to Honolulu to establish the Xingzhong Association, "this is the beginning of the founding of the party with revolutionarism, but the comrades are not more than a few dozen ears." Up to Gengzi, with the efforts of comrades, the Yangtze River Association Party and the Two Guangdong and Fujian Associations were initially merged with the Xingzhong Association. The membership is slightly larger, but the so-called people in the forest are still very few. After Gengzi, Manchuria's weakness became more and more exposed, and external troubles became more and more urgent; the soldiers felt indignant when they were worried, and the people in Europe, the United States, and Japan became more and more numerous, and the trend of the interior changing the law and strengthening itself was also surging and unstoppable. Therefore, the people in the shilin used to think that the revolution was a great rebellion, and those who went to the revolution were even slightly aware of the thoughts! As for Yi Wei, Yu Chong went to Europe, and the majority of the students in his place were already in favor of the revolution, so Yu unveiled the Three People's Principles and the Five Powers Constitution that he had embraced in his life as a call, and the Chinese Alliance was established in Israel. As far as Tokyo, Japan, the franchisees of international students, except for those who have no international students in Gansu Province, are all with them. Since then, the Chinese League has become the center of the Chinese revolution. (15) In this way, Sun Yat-sen's determination to revolution to the founding of the Xingzhong Association and the organization of the League became a main line in the development of the Chinese revolution before the Wuchang Uprising.
At the time of the Wuchang Uprising, Sun Yat-sen was in the United States. It was only two days later that he learned from the local newspaper that "Wuchang was occupied by the revolutionaries." He then went to Britain and France to seek diplomatic assistance before returning to Shanghai on December 25. At this time the success of the revolution was a foregone conclusion. In "There Is Ambition to Succeed", Sun Yat-sen described his relationship with the Wuchang Uprising in this way: "Since the Battle of Guangzhou, the provinces have been full of wind and noise, the grass and trees are all soldiers, and the Qing officials are all in a place of panic, especially in Wuchang. Therefore, Rui Li first met with the consul of a certain country and asked him to send troops into Wuhan, and if there was a revolutionary party uprising, he would open fire and bombard. ...... Rui Li sniffed the cannon, fled to Hankou, and asked a certain consul to fire the cannon as promised. In the treaty of Gengzi, a country could not move freely, but held a consular mission meeting. The initial intention was to get a majority vote, that is, to fire an attack to level it. The consuls of various countries had no prejudice against this matter, but the French consul Roche was an old friend and knew the content of the revolution, and on the first day of the Wuchang uprising, he unveiled his name and called him the one who gave the order and attacked. The French consul at the meeting table forcefully said that the revolutionary party of the Sun Yat-sen faction was aimed at reforming politics, and was by no means an unconscious atrocity, and could not be regarded as an example of a boxer and interfered with it. At that time, the consular leader was Russia, and the Russian consul and the French consul took the same attitude, so many countries approved of it. It decided not to interfere, and issued a proclamation declaring neutrality. Rui Li saw that a certain consul had broken his appointment and had nothing to rely on, but fled to Shanghai. As soon as the governor fled and Zhang Biao left, the Qing Dynasty had lost its right to control, and the order was in chaos. ...... According to wuchang's success, it was an accident, and its main cause was to escape in Ruili. (16) Sun Yat-sen's reference to Luo Shi is the French consul in Hankou Hou Yao, (17) Sun Yat-sen did have contacts with Hou Yao before, and on February 9 and May 18, 1905, Hou Yao had two talks with Sun Yat-sen. Hou Yao did realize that "the reform movement of Sun Yat-sen and the revolutionaries represents an important factor in the Chinese question" and that "France, as the neighbor of the southern provinces where the revolutionary movement is surging, has an interest in this movement first and foremost." (18) However, Hou Yao never mentioned in his diplomatic reports the non-interference advocated at the consular council after the Wuchang Uprising, nor was there any record of this matter in the diplomatic documents of the relevant countries. (19) On the contrary, Hou Yao's report after the Wuchang Uprising repeatedly called for the dispatch of additional warships and the readiness to intervene by force. (20) It can be seen that Sun Yat-sen actually established a causal relationship between himself and the success of the Wuchang Uprising by relying on his own "memory" or "imagination".
Regarding the defeat of the Xinhai Revolution, Sun Yat-sen wrote in the article "History of the Chinese Revolution": "The Battle of the Xinhai Revolution ignored the revolutionary strategy, ignored it, and did not do it, so it was fundamentally wrong, the branches were rampant, and the Republic of China had nothing to think about. (21) The revolutionary strategy mentioned by Sun Yat-sen here, of course, includes the three levels of nationality, civil rights, and people's livelihood, and does not have nationalism as the only goal. After the success of the Wuchang Uprising, Zhang Taiyan and other revolutionaries proposed that "the revolutionary army rise up and the revolutionary party disappeared", which caused Sun Yat-sen's strong dissatisfaction. Zhang Taiyan's original intention was to draw a line with the "revolutionary army" and break and eliminate the boundaries between the former revolutionary party and the constitutionalists. He is opposed only to the one-party dictatorship of the revolutionaries, not to abolish the revolution. (22) However, in Sun Yat-sen's view, "the rise of the revolutionary army and the elimination of the revolutionary party" means to cancel the revolution, to resist the revolution, or to not support the Three People's Principles, and the consequence is that the Republic of China is destroyed by bureaucratic warriors, which ultimately leads to the defeat of the revolution. (23) Therefore, in Sun Yat-sen's view, the reason why the revolution succeeded and then failed rapidly was that the revolutionaries deviated from his revolutionary strategy after the success of the revolution.
In short, Sun Yat-sen explained the origin of the revolution, the success of the Wuchang Uprising, and the failure of the Xinhai Revolution by modifying or increasing his memory, thus constructing a discourse system of the history of the Xinhai Revolution centered on Sun Yat-sen.
Three
Sun Yat-sen's interpretation of the Xinhai Revolution and his recounting of the history of the Revolution greatly influenced the history of the Xinhai Revolution for posterity. This influence was not evident until Sun Yat-sen's death. In 1923, the Commercial Press published The History of the Xinhai Revolution written by Du Yaquan. (24) This is probably the earliest complete history of the Xinhai Revolution. Although the book also talks about the origin of the revolution, although it also begins with Sun Yat-sen's founding of the Xingzhong Society, it is not limited to the Xingzhong Society, and the revolutionary deeds of groups such as the Guangfu Society and the Self-Reliant Army are also mentioned. As for Yuan Shikai's replacement of Sun Yat-sen as the provisional president of the Republic of China and the northward migration of the provisional government, this is not regarded as a failure of the revolution, but on the contrary, it is believed that this is the premise of "seeking the happiness of the republic and making China rich and strong".
After Sun Yat-sen's death, the Kuomintang urgently needed to shape and construct Sun Yat-sen's "political image" in order to seek the legitimacy of seizing power and rule. (25) The compilation of the history of the Xinhai Revolution has also become an important way to shape the political image of Sun Yat-sen. An "orthodox" view of the history of the Xinhai Revolution was formed. Write about the source of the organization, with the Xingzhong Association, the Kuomintang as the orthodox; write about the leader, with Sun Yat-sen as the center. Under this main line, revolutionary groups such as the Huaxinghui, the Guangfuhui, and the Nichirenhui were completely marginalized or affiliated. It is worth noting that kuomintang historians basically used Sun Yat-sen's memories and recollections of the revolution to construct the history of the Xinhai Revolution. The "History of the Chinese Revolution" compiled by Pei Hua in 1926 typically embodies this characteristic. The book "Fan Cases" said: "The content of this book is forty years from the time When Dr. Sun Yat-sen initiated the revolution to the death of Mr. Zhongshan in the thirteenth year of the Republic of China. Covering the Chinese revolution, sowing seeds, and sprouting, and pulling strips, and hairing leaves, are all caused by Mr. Zhongshan. Therefore, this book is compiled according to Mr. Nakayama's life's career." At the end of the book, there is Sun Yat-sen's "The Revolution in China" (that is, the "History of the Chinese Revolution" included in the "Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen"), which is actually an expansion of Sun Yat-sen's book "History of the Chinese Revolution". The book describes the origin of the revolution, the success and failure of the revolution, etc., all taken from the relevant remarks of Sun Yat-sen himself. For example, the section on the declaration of neutrality of the countries after the Wuchang Uprising reads: "In the uprising of the initial revolutionary army, the consuls of various countries suspected of being xenophobic, and held a consular group meeting. The French leader Luo Shi, an old friend of sun yat-sen, the leader of the league, on the first day of the Wuchang uprising, unveiled the name of Zhongshan, and called Zhongshan the one who ordered the victim. Roche then forcefully argued at the table that the revolutionary party of Sun Yat-sen's faction aimed at reforming politics, and was by no means an unconscious atrocity, and could not be regarded as an example of the Boxers and interfered. When the leader consul was Russia, the Russian consul and the French consul took the same attitude, so the countries approved of it. At the same time, the military government declared that consuls of various countries and all the lives and property of outsiders in Hankou would be protected by the military government. The Consular Corps recognized the Revolutionary Army as an independent organization and declared its neutrality. (26) Here the author simply changes the first person used in Sun Yat-sen's original text to the third person, replacing it with Sun Yat-sen or Zhongshan.
Sun Yat-sen's view of the history of the Xinhai Revolution not only influenced the Kuomintang historians' narrative of the history of the Xinhai Revolution, but also influenced the history of the Xinhai Revolution compiled by other political factions. In 1934, Zuo Shunsheng, the leader of the Chinese Youth Party, published his History of the Xinhai Revolution. The book was written in January 1931 and is mostly taken from the author's lecture notes on modern Chinese history taught in Fudan and Bactria. His style and views are also greatly influenced by the discourse system of Sun Yat-sen's Xinhai Revolution. The book recounts the history of the revolutionary movement before the Xinhai Dynasty, beginning with the establishment of the Xingzhong Association. The Battle of Zhonghe Yiwei Guangzhou, sun Yat-sen's death in London, the revolutionary activities from Yiwei to Gengzi, the Huizhou Uprising, the establishment of the Chinese League, the Battle of Pingliu, the Battle of Dingweifang town of Nanguan and Qinlian Shangsi, the Battle of Pengshen Hekou, the Xiong Chengji Anqing Revolution, the Battle of Gengzhi Guangzhou New Army, and the Battle of Xinhai Guangzhou on March 29. It is basically based on what Sun Yat-sen called "ten failures". In the book, the Huaxinghui is mentioned only once when talking about the Ma Fuyi Incident in Changsha in 1904, but there is no mention of the Guangfuhui. The main reference books of the book are "Sun Wen's Autobiography" and "The Story of the London Massacre", which contains a section on the relationship between Sun Yat-sen and the Wuchang Uprising, which is also completely taken from Sun Yat-sen's memories, and its text is as follows: "When the revolutionary army was first launched, Rui Li fled to Hankou when he heard the cannon, and asked the consul of a certain country to order the warship to shell and bombard." A certain consul thought that a country could not move freely, but held a consulate meeting, and the consuls of various countries had no prejudices, but the French consul said that the attack of the revolutionary army was at the behest of Sun Yat-sen' clan, and its purpose was to improve politics, which was not comparable to the Boxers, and could not be interfered with. The Russian leaders also agree with this statement. So Rui's plan was not sold. The return of Sun Yat-sen to China and his election as president is also taken from Sun Yat-sen's personal self-statement, which includes: "When the Wuchang Uprising in August, Sun Wenshang was stranded in the United States. Sun Wen thought that he could do his best for the revolution, not on the battlefield, but between the bottles. He felt that at that time, the six great powers that could influence the overall situation of China were the United States, France, Germany, Russia, Japan, and Britain, and that the United States and France were sympathetic to the revolution; Germany and Russia were opposed to the revolution; Japan was sympathetic to the people, while the government was opposed; and the British were sympathetic to the people, and the attitude of the government was not necessarily the same. Therefore, at that time, it was enough to determine the victory or defeat of the Chinese revolution, and it was Britain, and if Britain could approve of the revolution, Japan would not be in trouble. (27) This passage is also basically a change from the first person in Sun Yat-sen's original text to a third person.
Sun Yat-sen's view of the history of the Xinhai Revolution also influenced the Communists' compilation of the history of the Xinhai Revolution. Let's take Li Dingsheng's "Modern Chinese History" as an example. (28) Li Dingsheng has his own unique views on the nature and causes of the Xinhai Revolution, (29) But the narrative of the Xinhai Revolution is still based on the XingzhongHui- the League. For example, when talking about the establishment of the League, Li Dingsheng said, "The revolutionary program of the Xingzhong Association was brought by Sun Wen to the European students after 1905. Sun Wen held meetings in Bruce, Berlin, and Paris successively to expand the organization of the Xingzhong Association, and the number of responders was very small. After Sun Wen's return, the revolutionary parties began to implement alliances, such as Huang Xing and Song Jiaoren, who were willing to cooperate with Sun Wen. This is because there is a revolutionary alliance organization in Tokyo. (30) Here, all narratives are centered on Sun Yat-sen. On the other hand, Li Dingsheng's analysis of the outcome of the Xinhai Revolution also implicitly coincided with Sun Yat-sen's views. Li Dingsheng believes that "although the Xinhai Revolution overthrew the Manchu Qing government, it did not complete the task of the democratic revolution, and the reactionary feudal forces took advantage of the time to counterattack when the bourgeoisie had not yet consolidated its front, thus creating a situation of warlord division in the future." (31) This is the same as sun Yat-sen's statement that after the success of the Xinhai Revolution, the Republic of China was destroyed by bureaucratic warriors, but Li Dingsheng's derivation from it was different from Sun Yat-sen's. Due to the counter-offensive that emphasized the "feudal forces", the rebellion of the constitutionalists and the old bureaucracy against the Qing Dynasty, which was originally crucial to the success of the Wuchang Uprising, was portrayed as a speculative revolutionary activity. (32) This situation is even more evident in the later compilation of the history of the Xinhai Revolution.
In short, the discourse system of the history of the Xinhai Revolution constructed by Sun Yat-sen had a great influence on the historical compilation of the later Xinhai Revolution. Of course, the acceptance of Sun Yat-sen's "revolutionary history" discourse by different political factions is different, depending on their different political needs. It should be recognized that since ancient times there has been a conscious control and manipulation of historiography, even its use and abuse, and that scholars who accept some of these views uncritically risk distorting history. Cleaning up the memories and imaginations of the Xinhai Revolution since the Xinhai Revolution may help us to enter that period of history more realistically.
exegesis:
(1) Related research include Hsieh, Wonston, "China's Historical Compilation of the Xinhai Revolution: A Review and Bibliography", Stanford, Hoover Institution, 1975; Chen Jianhua: "The Modernity of the "Revolution": An Examination of the Discourse of the Chinese Revolution, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2000.
(2) Su Sheng: History of the Chinese Revolution, Shanghai, published in September 1911. The book recounts the revolutionary process from the anti-road wave in Sichuan Province to the fourth day of the first month of September in the Xinhai year. The book's "Examples" say, "The Chinese revolution has existed since ancient times, but in this dynasty it is fierce at this age." There was the revolution in Guangzhou on March 29 and the revolution in Wuchang on August 19, and the anti-road wave in Sichuan Province also had a great relationship with the revolution. This book describes the causes of the revolution one by one, and the August Revolution is the mainstay, so the record is particularly detailed. He also said, "After several weeks of this revolution, the place of response has not been a place, and the people have paid great attention to this matter, so they urgently need to compile and print the first volume, and the recorded events will continue to be compiled and printed until the fourth day of the first month of September. ”
(3) The earliest history book titled xinhai revolution is the "Beginning and End of the Xinhai Revolution" edited by Bohai Shoumin in 1912, which is not a historical work, but was actually compiled from newspaper clippings at that time. In addition, in the first year of the Republic of China, there was also the "Records of Major Events of the Xinhai Revolution" compiled by Cao Mang for the rest of his life, which is also a compilation of historical materials at that time.
(4) Sun Yat-sen: "Submission of Hu Hanmin et al." (March 17, 1912), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 2, Zhonghua Bookstore, 2006, p. 248.
(5) Chen Xiqi, editor-in-chief: The Long Genealogy of Sun Yat-sen, Vol. 1, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1991, p. 964.
(6) Sun Yat-sen: "Letter of Zhang Xiangwen of Cai Yuanpei" (January 14, 1919), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, p. 8.
(7) Sun Yat-sen: "Speech at the Headquarters of the Kuomintang in China in Guangdong" (March 6, 1921), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, pp. 472-473.
(8) Sun Yat-sen: "The Literature of Sun Yat-sen", The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 6, p. 228. In His Book of The Troubles of London, Sun Yat-sen claimed to have joined a group that aimed to peacefully transform China, the Young China Party, which Sun Yat-sen corrected in His Quest to Succeed. Regarding the incident, Feng Free's post-mortem recollection can be used for reference. Feng said that after reading the first chapter of "The Lost In Memory of London", he was "deeply surprised and asked the prime minister for the reason for such wording." The Prime Minister said that the British were the most conservative in nature, and they were known as John Bull. Its constitution claims to be a bloodless peace constitution. If we talk to them about the means of an urgent revolution, the people of the other country will not be happy to hear about it, so they will have to stand by power. He also said, "Since the founding of the Republic of China, there have been many Chinese and foreign scribes who have questioned the prime minister in this way. The prime minister has long wanted to recount the past and correct it according to the facts in order to dispel the doubts of the people. In order to work on state affairs, there is no time to write. Until the seventh year of the Republic of China, when the Guangdong military government was reorganized and went to Shanghai to live idly, he took the time to write a book called "Sun Literature Theory". The first paragraph of chapter VIII of the book declares that it denies the revolutionary causes described in the first chapter of the Book of The Troubles of London and solemnly corrects them." Feng Liberty: "Prime Minister Sun's Amendment to the First Chapter of the London Massacre", Feng Liberty: The History of the Revolution (in Chinese), Nova Press, 2009, pp. 472, 473.
(9) Sun Yat-sen: A History of the Chinese Revolution, The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 7, p. 59.
(10) Sun Yat-sen: "Letter of Zhang Xiangwen of Fu Cai Yuanpei" (January 14, 1919), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, p. 8.
(11) Sun Yat-sen: "Fu Cai BingRuo Letter" (June 18, 1919), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, p. 66; Sun Yat-sen: "Fu Yu Ren Letter" (September 1, 1919), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, p. 106; Sun Yat-sen: "Fu Tang Ji Yao Letter" (September 19, 1919), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, p. 114.
(12) Sun Yat-sen, "Speech at the Inaugural Meeting of the Special Office of the Kuomintang Headquarters in Guangdong, Guangzhou" (January 3, 1921), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, pp. 451-452.
(13) Sun Yat-sen: "The Literature of Sun Yat-sen", The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 6, pp. 228-229.
(14) Sun Yat-sen's "ten failures" are: the Guangzhou Uprising of October 1895, the Huizhou Uprising of October 1900, the Chaozhou Huanggang Uprising of May 1906, the Seven Women's Lake Uprising of Huizhou in June 1907, the Qinzhou Fangcheng Uprising in September 1907, the Zhennanguan Uprising in December 1907, the Qinlian Shangsi Uprising in March 1908, the Yunnan Hekou Uprising in April 1908, the Guangzhou Uprising in February 1910, and the Guangzhou "March 29" Uprising in 1911. Interestingly, the first eight times, Sun Yat-sen called it a "failure of giving", and the last two times called it "the failure of our party".
(15) Sun Yat-sen: A History of the Chinese Revolution (29 January 1923), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 7, pp. 63-64.
(16) Sun Yat-sen: "There is ambition to become successful", The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 6, p. 243. The consul mentioned in the text refers to the German consul in Han. See Chen Xiqi, editor-in-chief: The Long Genealogy of Sun Yat-sen, Vol. 1, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1991, p. 555.
(17) "Roche", formerly known as Ulysse-Raphael Réau, born in 1872, graduated from the École Orientale in Paris, acted as a consul of the Hankou French Consul from 1 October 1910, and was appointed Second Class Consul of Hankou on 22 February 1911, and later promoted to Consul First Class. See Li Shuhua, "The Original Name of Roche in France and His Experiences", Biographical Literature, vol. 15, No. 1, p. 17.
(18) "Conversation with Sun Yat-sen" (February 9, 1905), Edited by Zhang Kaiyuan: A New Compilation of Materials on the History of the Xinhai Revolution (7), Hubei Yangtze River Publishing Group, Hubei People's Publishing House, 2006, p. 3.
(19) Some scholars argue that Roche did not mention in his post-mortem report his advocacy of non-interference, "which is why it illustrates the prudent approach of a deep and sophisticated diplomat, and is sufficient to reflect the embarrassing situation of French friends or sympathy for or assistance to the Chinese revolution." Chen Sanjing: "Sun Yat-sen's Revolution and French Friends," Modern China, vol. 17, p. 46.
(20) "Sir Zhu Erdian to Sir Gray" (October 11, 1911), Zhang Kaiyuan, editor-in-chief: "New Compilation of Materials on the History of the Xinhai Revolution" (8), Hubei Yangtze River Publishing Group and Hubei People's Publishing House, 2006 edition, p. 86; "Labodi to Mr. Chargé d'affaires of the French Legation in China" (November 13, 1911), Zhang Kaiyuan, editor-in-chief: "New Compilation of Materials on the History of the Xinhai Revolution" (7), p. 231.
(21) Sun Yat-sen: A History of the Chinese Revolution, The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 7, p. 66.
(22) See Daniel Zhang: "Revisiting the Rise of the Revolutionary Army and the Elimination of the Revolutionary Party", Lin Qiyan et al., eds., "There is Ambition to Succeed: Sun Yat-sen, the Xinhai Revolution and Modern China" (Part I), Hong Kong Society for Modern Chinese History, 2005, p. 198.
(23) Sun Yat-sen's earliest criticism of "the rise of the revolutionary army and the dissipation of the revolutionary party" was at the end of 1911. On December 30 of that year, Sun presided over an extraordinary meeting of the headquarters of the China League in Shanghai and formulated the "Opinion of the China League Association", which said: "The flow of the cowardly party of our party is sung as the saying 'Revolutionary affairs arise, the revolutionary party disappears', and it is blatantly published in the newspapers, which is most strange." This is not particularly ignorant of the situation of interests and stakes, and it is also the doctrine held by the Association, and it is the words of Confucianism, and there is no value of cantonese. (The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 1, p. 578.) Sun Yat-sen criticized this concept many times. Until the Kuomintang Congress in 1924, Sun Yat-sen still believed that this was the big reason for the failure of the revolution. (Opening Remarks of the First National Congress of the Kuomintang of China (20 January 1924), The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 9, p. 96.) ）
(24) Gao Lao: A History of the Xinhai Revolution, The Commercial Press, 1923. Duaquan's book is based on two articles he published in the Oriental Magazine. See Gao Lao: A Record of revolutionary war, Oriental Magazine, vol. 8, No. 9, issued on September 25, 1912; Gao Lao: A Record of Revolutionary Success, Oriental Magazine, Vol. 8, No. 10, April 1, 1912. Du Yaquan's narrative of the origin of the revolution in this book overlaps with the "narrative" in Su Sheng's "History of the Chinese Revolution" in terms of text, and it is possible that Su Sheng is also Du Yaquan's pen name. Doubts are doubtful here.
(25) For research on how the Kuomintang shaped the political image of Sun Yat-sen, see Pan Guangzhe, "The Historical Formation of the Image of the "Father of the Nation": A Preliminary Investigation," in Proceedings of the 6th Symposium on Sun Yat-sen and Modern China, Taipei: Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall, 2003; Li Gongzhong: "The Cult of Sun Yat-sen and the Political Culture of the Republic of China", Twenty-first Century (Hong Kong), No. 12, 2004; Chen Yunxi, "Legitimacy and the Construction of political symbols of "Sun Yat-sen", Jianghai Academic Journal, No. 2, 2006.
(26) Behua is The Prince Cheng. The book was first published by the Jinxin Book Company in 1926, and the 8th edition was published by the Shanghai Guangming Book Company in 1929. Later, it was included in the 86th volume of the "Continuation of the Series of Historical Materials of Modern China" edited by Shen Yunlong, which was printed by Taipei Wenhai Publishing House. The quotations in this article are based on Shen Yunlong's compilation.
(27) Zuo Shunsheng: A History of the Xinhai Revolution, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1934, pp. 27, 48, 75-76.
(28) Li Dingsheng's "Modern Chinese History" was written in 1933, published by the Shanghai Guangming Book Company in the same year, and issued in the 9th edition in October 1941. The following is based on the Bright Books: Victory Seventh Edition in July 1949.
(29) Li Dingsheng believes that the Xinhai Revolution was a "bourgeois democratic revolution" and that the root of the revolution lies in imperialist aggression. Li Dingsheng: Modern Chinese History, pp. 218, 208.
(30) (31) Li Dingsheng, Modern Chinese History, pp. 211, 203.
(32) Sun Yat-sen's comments on Li Yuanhong are a typical example. Sun Yat-sen has said many times that after the Wuchang Uprising, Li Yuanhong hid under the bed because he was afraid of the revolution, and was later searched out by the revolutionary party and forced to be the governor with a pistol. (See The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 8, pp. 117, 266-267) According to Ju Zheng, there were three theories about Li Zhi's appointment as governor at that time, "It is said that Liu Gengzao led Cai Jimin to Lead his troops to Li Yu and was taken out of his room; there is a person who was abducted from under his bed; and there is also a person who was taken out from his staff.") (See Ju Zheng: Notes of Xinhai (written in the year of Xinhai), eds. Luo Fuhui and Xiao Yi, Ju Zhengwen Collection, p. 45) Sun Yat-sen adopted the second theory. Li Yuanhong was not a revolutionary party, and his appointment as governor was indeed forced to come out. According to himself, "When Hongdang Wuchang was in the ascendant, all the armies under his command were already on defense, and the empty camp was alone, helpless. After the party army expelled Rui Du out of the city, he led a team to Hongying, surrounded and searched, and after Hong changed into plain clothes and hid in the room, when he was sued, he was responsible for righteousness. At that time, the guns were lined up, and in case of disobedience, they immediately turned their heads in a different place, and Hong only had the right to answer. ("Letter from Li Yuanhong to Sa Junmen", in Bohai Shouchen Series: The Beginning and End of the Xinhai Revolution, edited by Shen Yunlong: Series of Historical Materials of Modern China, No. 42, printed by Wenhai Publishing House, Taipei, p. 47.) Li said this in a letter of persuasion to Sa Zhenbing, probably Li wants to use his appearance to dispel Sa's doubts, which should be credible.