Time magazine believes that in 1954, the United States diplomacy achieved a series of achievements, the most important of which was to strengthen the cohesion and strength of the West to deal with the threat of communist expansion. All this is thanks to U.S. Secretary of State Dulles. At that time, many people in the world were confused by Moscow's mild tone, thinking that the Soviet Union really wanted peace. In Europe, the most deceived were feared, for fear that there was no force to stop the expansion of communism, and the only way out was either to adopt a policy of appeasement for coexistence or to wage a nuclear war against the invasion of the Red Army. Dulles attended the Berlin Conference, the first gathering of the four foreign ministers in nearly 5 years. At the conference, Dulles hit the nail on the head, bluntly debunking the true face of Soviet expansionism, unabashedly pointing out that the Western world needs to rely on the retaliatory power of nuclear weapons. Dulles, however, realized that the use of such power was a desperate move, and it would be better to try to regain the Freedom of Action for the Western world to adopt other ways to gather and use their collective power. To this end, he made 8 transatlantic trips in a year, visiting many countries non-stop, traveling 101521 miles, laying the foundation for achieving his purpose.
Dulles
Dulles was the U.S. Secretary of State from 1953 to 1959, the leading architect of U.S. foreign policy during the post-World War II Cold War period, known for advocating the Cold War and pursuing anti-communist policies. Dulles was born in Washington on February 25, 1888. His father, Alan Dulles, was a "liberal" pastor in Watertown, New York. Dulles received a rigorous religious education from an early age. Dulles's maternal grandfather, John Foster, served as secretary of state in harrison's administration from 1892 to 1893. Grandpa and grandson have a very close relationship. Grandpa favored his eldest grandson and personally guided him into the legal and diplomatic circles, making his father's plan to train him to become a priest frustrated.
After finishing high school in Watertown, Dulles studied philosophy and law at Princeton University, the University of Paris, and the University of Washington. When the Hague Peace Conference was held in 1907, his grandfather Foster attended the meeting as a representative of the Qing government in China. Foster traveled with Dulles, who was studying at Princeton University, to serve as secretary of the Chinese delegation, giving him access to some of the most famous politicians of the time in his first diplomatic campaign. During the conference, Dulles used his expertise in both English and French to act as an interpreter for delegations, which made him appreciate the importance of mastering multiple Chinese in international diplomatic activities. So during his university studies, he took the time to live in Spain for a while, learned Spanish, and took advantage of the opportunity to travel to Europe to roughly master German and Italian. After graduating from university, Dulles qualified as a lawyer. In 1911, on the recommendation of his grandfather, he entered the Law Firm of Sullivan-Cromwell in New York. Due to his knowledge of Spanish, Dulles was often sent to Latin America to carry out the firm's legal practice. The following year, Dulles married Janet.
During World War I, Dulles's sister-in-law Lansing became Secretary of State in the Wilson administration, thus setting another example for Dulles. Dulles worked as a lawyer at the U.S. Government's Wartime Trade Bureau. After the war, he participated in the Versailles Peace Conference with a United States delegation led by President Wilson and acted as legal adviser to the Peace Commission for Compensation, showing competence in drawing up the compensation programme.
After returning from Versailles, Dulles returned to the law firm to return to his old business. Due to his outstanding performance at the Versailles Peace Conference, he rose to prominence in the legal profession and soon became a senior partner in the firm. From 1926 he presided over the prestigious law firm until he became a senator in 1949. In the 1920s and 1930s, Dulles served as the legal counsel for the governments of the United States, Germany, Poland, Belgium and other countries, as well as large companies and large banks, and successfully handled many international legal disputes. His law firm represents a number of U.S. companies and banks with business activities in Europe, with offices in Paris and Berlin, so he travels frequently to European countries to examine relations and issues of war and peace while dealing with his lawyers. He has served on the boards of Bank of New York, The American Banknote Corporation, Agrochemical Corporation, the North American Corporation, the Detroit Edison Company, the Canadian International Nickel Company, and the Babcock and Wilcox Companies in the United Kingdom, as well as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Rockefeller Foundation and Chairman of the Carnegie Peace Foundation.
As World War II drew nearer, Dulles became more and more interested in world affairs. Sullivan-Cromwell has become a world-renowned law firm with more than 20 partners, 80 lawyers, and a stenographer, clerk and correspondent. Dulles not only presided over the business, but also spent a lot of time on administrative chores such as frequent break-ups and annual salary adjustments, which annoyed him. In the late 1930s, Dulles became interested in worldwide church peace activities. In 1937, he attended the Paris Conference on Cultural Cooperation, sponsored by the League of Nations, on the question of whether there could be a peaceful change in the world, which was relentlessly moving toward war because of the military expansion of Japan and Germany. He then attended the Conference on Church-State Relations in Oxford, England, and he believed that efforts to create conditions conducive to peace could not be taken without the potential of religious believers to advance morality. Before Hitler's attack on Poland, Dulles published War, Peace, and Change. In his preface to the book, he said that it was the result of his thinking for 20 years since the Peace conference at Versailles. In 1941, Dulles became chairman of the Commission for Just and Lasting Peace, a Christian church organization. He traveled the country to give speeches to promote the purpose of the organization.
In the spring of 1937, Dulles met Dewey, a young and promising lawyer in New York, and asked him to join his law firm. Dewey then served as a special prosecutor in the investigation of the extortion fraud case in New York, showing outstanding talent and winning a national reputation. This prompted Dewey to run for district attorney and easily succeed, beginning his political career. In the years that followed, Dulles and Dewey had frequent contact and became his political partners. In 1940, Dulles helped Dewey secure the Republican presidential nomination, without success. The Republicans elected Wilkie as the presidential candidate, but was defeated by Roosevelt.
When Roosevelt and Churchill published the Atlantic Charter in 1941, Dulles, as a long-time researcher of world affairs, found it to have several shortcomings, especially since it did not consider the creation of a worldwide organization. To that end, through the Commission for Just and Lasting Peace, he launched a campaign to bring the issue to the attention of Congress and the state Governments, which generated a positive response among the public. At that time, because President Wilson had learned unpleasant lessons on the League of Nations and the isolationist sentiment in the United States was still very strong, Roosevelt opposed Churchill's idea of establishing a post-war world organization into the Atlantic Charter. After the propaganda and agitation of Dulles and his committee, and more importantly, the United States has entered the war, and victory is in sight, and American public opinion has been in favor of establishing a world organization to ensure post-war international peace. So Roosevelt asked Secretary of State Hull to draw up plans that would lead to the Dunbarton Oaks Conference and the eventual establishment of the United Nations.
In 1944, the Republican Party elected Dewey as his presidential candidate, and Dulles became a foreign policy adviser to Dewey's campaign. At this time, the Roosevelt administration was preparing for the Dunbarton Oaks Conference to negotiate with Britain and the Soviet Union to establish a post-war world organization. Dewey and Dulles campaigned to denounce the conference in preparation, arguing that it had the flavor of a large country dominating a small country and undermined American democratic traditions. In order for this major diplomatic campaign to be successful, Roosevelt urgently needed the support of "bipartisan" support at home. Dulles was this "bipartisan" believer and advocate who pushed the Republicans and Democrats to unify the understanding that efforts to create a world organization should not be drawn into domestic political struggles. This move was appreciated by Roosevelt and his Secretary of State, Hull, and Dulles was appointed senior U.S. adviser to the United Nations Preparatory Conference in San Francisco, participated in most of the meetings of a series of four-nation meetings between 1945 and 1949, and was appointed as a member of the U.S. Mission to the United Nations.
On July 8, 1949, Dulles filled the vacancy and became a senator. At the same time, he resigned from sullivan-Cromwell lloon and has since ceased to be a partner in the firm. Dulles joined several other Republican senators in the Senate in supporting Democratic President Harry Truman's proposal to ratify the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Dulles filled the term of senators until November. He found himself enjoying being a senator because it gave him a better forum than ever before, and he ran for the next term of senator's defeat by Democratic candidate Lehmann.
President Truman and Secretary of State Acheson generously appointed Dulles as an adviser to the State Department to thank Dulles for his support of their foreign policy. One day, Dulles said to Acheson: "Look at the peace treaty with Japan, the State Department has been discussing for 4 years, to no avail. Why don't you give a person a year to act, to make good terms, and if he doesn't do it as scheduled, even if he fails? Give him a clear goal and enough power to achieve it. Impressed by Dulles's proposal, Acheson soon appointed him to take over the drafting of the peace treaty with Japan, and Later Trudeau sent him as an official representative with the rank of ambassador to handle the matter. Dulles mediated between the parties involved, solved one difficult problem after another, and on the day exactly one year after he was entrusted by President Truman, the signing ceremony of the peace treaty with Japan was held in San Francisco. He fulfilled his promise as scheduled.
In 1950, Dulles published War or Peace, which outlined international developments after the end of World War II and prominently expressed anti-communist beliefs. He bluntly argued that communism must be fought by all available means. "Strength is the key to success in dealing with Soviet leaders. Of course, power includes not only military power, but also economic power and intangible things, such as moral judgment and world opinion that determine what people do and to what extent they do. Two years later, he refined some of the principles in the book and, in an article in Life magazine, proposed "liberation," "deterrence," and other policies against socialist countries. In Dulles's view, some of the previous anti-communist theories not only did not work in the past, but also will not work in the future, so he decided to try his own theory.
Prior to the 1952 presidential campaign, Dulles went to Europe for a long conversation with Eisenhower, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces in Europe, and found that they were extremely consistent in their views on European affairs, especially in their staunchly anti-communist attitudes, and were determined to support Eisenhower's candidacy for president. He drafted the foreign policy section of Eisenhower's campaign platform and then went to the states to give speeches to help Eisenhower rally votes. Eisenhower was elected president after defeating the Democratic presidential candidate, truman, who was devastated by the Korean War. He then asked Dulles to serve as secretary of state. It was the first of the first new Cabinet members Appointed by Eisenhower. Dulles had been looking forward to the position since 1944. In 1948, when public opinion thought that Dewey was definitely going to be elected, he almost tasted the job, and the result was still out of reach. This time Dulles finally got his wish.
Eisenhower took office at the height of McCarthyian abuse. During this sordid period in American history, many innocent Americans feared every day that they would suddenly get caught up in a so-called piece of evidence produced by the endless McCarthy Hearing Society, thus inflicting vicious political persecution on them and labeling them with ties to the Communist Party or pro-Communist hats. Even senior government officials fear encountering the kind of innuendos and lies that are pieced together at any time using certain facts. Eisenhower, because of his great prestige, could not be attacked. Dulles, who has always adhered to the anti-communist stance, will not be attacked. However, they have a moral obligation to help their subordinates, especially when they are wronged. Dulles, however, did not do so, and inspired Eisenhower not to contradict public opinion and to take a policy of letting McCarthy kill himself.
On his first day in office, Dulles sent a personal statement to several state department employees, including the following paragraph: "We are front-line defenders of vital American interests that are being attacked by a political war." And this war, like an open war, has hostile objectives and potential dangers. This danger places a special responsibility on every member of the State Department and the foreign affairs department. It requires us to be competent, disciplined, and absolutely loyal to the policies set by our President and Congress. The offensive word is "absolute loyalty," because State Department workers naturally associate the kind of "loyalty" that McCarthy's perverse reasoning calls for controlled thinking, or risk persecution and loss of work. Subsequently, the State Department appointed a McCarthyite McLeod as the State Department's security officer. This man cooperated with the McCarthy elements in society to deliberately attack the officials of the State Department, causing panic in the State Department, and Dulles allowed it to go. In the cases of some senior officials persecuted by McCarthy, such as the investigation of Davis and others who have an impartial view of China, after a review of their alleged loyalty, whether they can continue to serve, Dulles has to make a final decision. Dulles did not support the persecuted subordinates, either removing them or forcing them to resign. What he did fueled the McCarthyites' arrogance to launch wanton attacks on State Department officials, leaving many officials frustrated and insecure years later. Many people think Dulles is an extremely cruel person.
Dulles was indifferent to the general antipathy of his subordinates, and the thing he kept in mind was to gain Eisenhower's trust. Under the U.S. Constitution, the Cabinet is not a collective responsibility system, and ministers can only be appointed directly by the President. As a result, Dulles remained absolutely loyal to every word and deed of Eisenhower. This loyalty stems both from a shrewd understanding of the U.S. Constitution and as a reciprocal relationship. Dulles was extremely careful not to let anything spoil the relationship. He often went through the president first, that is, every important speech, every major action, every important contact with foreign politicians, let the White House know first. Dulles was careful to keep Eisenhower informed of every world development he thought the president should know about. Eisenhower hated to read long reports, and didn't even touch a document that wasn't written in extreme shortness. Dulles understood this thoroughly, he carefully wrote a summary of the situation, never forgetting to briefly explain the opinions and suggestions of the treatment, and his concise and analytical writing was exactly in line with this need. As a result, the president finally saw the world through Dulles's glasses.
In this case, how much of U.S. foreign policy really belongs to Dulles? And how much belonged to Eisenhower? The answer is that while Dulles was always an advocate, he carefully respected Eisenhower's right to make a final decision. Dulles was well aware that many of his predecessors, including his brother-in-law Lansing, had encountered difficulties because they had ignored the simple motto that the president was the head of the executive. Later, although Dulles always acted according to this proverb and never took any action without the consent of the president, as the intellectual and physical strength of Eisenhower, the oldest president in American history, declined, his influence on actual decision-making became smaller, and Dulles's role in the situation in Washington became greater. Dulles and Eisenhower were very consistent in their political views, especially in their staunchly anti-communist positions, and their personal relationship was very close, so Eisenhower gradually trusted Dulles's loyalty absolutely, and Dulles never let the president down. American columnist Lippmann wrote: "The situation we are in is unique in modern American history. Because no president has ever given him as much power as the secretary of state on the issue of war and peace. This power, though granted by the President, is in fact deeply linked to Dulles personally. It is difficult to separate this power from his personal, and no one else is able to give him this power now. ”
After the end of the Second World War, the Western capitalist countries headed by the United States, without being able to defeat the Soviet Union and other socialist countries by force, began to carry out all hostile acts except war, that is, the "Cold War.". The term "Cold War" was first used by U.S. Senator Baruch during a congressional debate in 1947. In the same year, the British Prime Minister's speech and the US President's State of the Union Address the following year marked the beginning of the implementation of the Cold War policy by the United States and other Western capitalist countries. After Dulles became secretary of state, he vigorously advocated the Cold War policy and used it as a cornerstone of diplomatic activities to propose a series of specific policies.
In the year since his inauguration, Dulles has thrown out three memorable policy statements associated with his name. The first is the "emancipation" policy. This policy gives full play to the ideas of his book War or Peace, advocating that Western countries have an obligation to "liberate" peoples who are "enslaved" under communism. Since there was no response, it was not mentioned soon. The second is the "painful revaluation" policy. This was an attempt to exert influence on the wait-and-see Europeans, especially the leaders of France, Britain, and Germany, to unite against the socialist camp led by the Soviet Union, or else the U.S. foreign policy toward Western Europe would have to make a "painful reappraisal." That is, if Western European countries do not follow the U.S. baton, then the United States will reconsider whether it is still necessary to provide assistance to Western Europe. Nor has this policy yielded much. Because although the Western Europeans were shocked, they knew that the United States could not give up Europe. The third is the policy of "mass retaliation". This was put forward after the defeat of the US war of aggression against Korea, when the United States was forced to admit that it could not win a ground war. Dulles declared that the United States "relies primarily on a vast force of retaliation at the moment, capable of retaliating immediately with the weapons of our choice, where we choose." This policy bets on nuclear weapons. Because the Soviet Union was making rapid progress in the development of nuclear weapons, the United States could not monopolize nuclear weapons, so although Dulles later repeatedly mentioned the policy of large-scale retaliation, it was nothing more than intimidation and blackmail, and never reached the point of seriously approaching the point of being put into practice.
If we want to find one of Dulles's series of policies advocating the Cold War that has a "relatively large impact", it is "war brinkmanship". Dulles declared that the United States "is not afraid to go to the brink of war, but to learn the necessary art of walking to the brink of war without getting involved in it." This is yet another form of war blackmail, and the reason why it has "a relatively great impact" is because the pursuit of this policy has put the United States on the "brink of war" three times and caused a crisis of world war.
The first was the so-called "release of Chiang Kai-shek" in response to the Korean War. After Eisenhower took office, in order to fulfill his campaign promise to end the Korean War as soon as possible, in his first "State of the Union Address" to Congress, he said that he would pursue a "new" foreign policy, that is, "order that the Seventh Fleet can no longer be used to defend Communist China." Previously, the US Seventh Fleet, which was cruising in the Taiwan Strait, not only arbitrarily prevented the liberation of Taiwan by the Chinese People's Liberation Army, but also did not allow the Kuomintang troops entrenched in Taiwan to take military action at will. Eisenhower's so-called "no longer defending Communist China" meant that Chiang Kai-shek's army would try to counterattack the mainland in response to the U.S. war of aggression against Korea. The president didn't use the term "release the cage," which was coined by journalists to depict the president's order. Many Americans and most of the Western allies feared that Chiang Kai-shek would engage in a military adventure with the effect that the United States would have to rescue it, which would lead to World War III. In fact, both Eisenhower and Dulles knew that Chiang Kai-shek's military forces could only carry out some raids, and had no intention of supporting him in his military adventures, but only to exert pressure on the Chinese government to pull its legs out of the quagmire of the Korean War as soon as possible. Later, the American public saw that Chiang Kai-shek's army was not "out of the cage", so they criticized the government for trying to verbally express "positive" when it could not act actively.
The second was to intervene in the War of Resistance against France of the Indochina people. After World War II, France invaded Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos in an attempt to re-establish colonial rule in Indochina. The people of Indochina, with the support of the Chinese people and the peace-loving people of the world, rose up in resistance and won a series of victories. By 1954, France began to recognize that it was going to lose completely in Indochina. This has a significant stake in U.S. Policy in the Far East, because it believes that Indochina's status is like a card in a domino, and if it falls, the rest of Southeast Asia will fall as well. Dulles quickly made the decision to intervene in the United States militarily, planning to unite British and French forces to attack Vietnam's military key areas and cut off China's supply line to Vietnam. Later, because France lost its will to fight, Britain was not willing to enter the war at all, and the United States did not dare to take the risk of entering the war alone, and the joint military action plan failed. Soon, the Vietnamese people achieved a great victory in Dien Bien Phu, and france had to recognize the independence of the three indochina countries at the Geneva Conference. Dulles refused to give up and single-handedly supported the puppet regime of Ngo Dinh Yan in South Vietnam, leaving Vietnam in a state of division for a long time. This later led the United States to another 14-year war of aggression against Vietnam, which ended in complete defeat.
The third was provocation in the Taiwan Strait. Dulles has always adopted a hostile policy towards new China. In 1954, he gathered Britain, France, Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Thailand and Pakistan to sign a military alliance treaty in Manila aimed at containing China, the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, and the following year established the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. Soon, the Chinese People's Liberation Army drove away the Nationalist forces entrenched on yijiangshan islands and Dachen islands and shelled Kinmen. Eisenhower then asked Congress to authorize him to use force to "defend" Taiwan and the Penghu Archipelago, while Dulles ran between the United States and Taiwan to implement his war brinkmanship. In January 1956, the American magazine Life published an article detailing the three "brink of war" and reminded readers of the following words: "Three times on the brink of war, how Dulles gambled to win." Readers immediately criticized Dulles for taking american security at risk, while Stevenson, a former Democratic presidential candidate, accused Dulles of playing "Russian roulette."
1954 was Dulles's most active year in international diplomacy. The Eisenhower administration came to power at a time when Western Europe was in a state of ideological paralysis over the european defense bloc. Weakened France and economically powerful Germany were suspicious of each other, and Britain hesitated to support the military bloc. Therefore, in his inaugural address, Eisenhower specifically called for breaking this deadlock, urging "the enlightened and insightful leaders of Western Europe to embark with new vitality on the realization of the unity of peoples into one" against socialist countries such as the Soviet Union. To this end, Dulles launched a series of diplomatic activities. In January 1954, the foreign ministers of the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and France met in Berlin to discuss the Question of Germany, Austria, and Easing of International Tensions. Dulles joined forces with British Foreign Minister Eden and French Foreign Minister Pidour against Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov, so it was impossible to produce any sincere negotiations. But the fact that the four foreign ministers were able to meet during the Cold War between the East and the West meant that international tensions were showing signs of easing.
The Berlin Conference was fruitless, and Western Europe's hesitation about the concept of a European defense bloc reached its peak, so Dulles crossed the Atlantic several times a year, visited European countries, and tried everything to unite Western Europe. In this regard, he received close cooperation and support from chancellor and foreign minister of the Federal Republic of Germany, Adenauer, while relations with British Foreign Minister Eden remained deadlocked. Dulles's relations with His French diplomatic partners were generally better because he had a pro-French sentiment.
While actively meddling in European and Asian affairs, Dulles did not forget America's backyard, america. In 1951, Abens of Guatemala served as president, pursued an independent foreign policy, refused to participate in the United Nations forces that invaded Korea gathered by the United States, and voted several times in favor of restoring China's legitimate seat at the United Nations. This is something that Dulles cannot tolerate. In August 1954, at the Tenth Conference of American Nations in Caracas, Dulles put pressure on some of the participating countries to adopt a resolution to unite against communist subversive activities in the Americas. Since then, the United States has continued to exert pressure on the Guatemalan government. In June, an armed force invaded Guatemala from Honduras and overthrew The Regime of Albans.
Dulles argued that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization alone was not enough to contain soviet military power, and in 1955 he initiated the establishment of the Baghdad Treaty Organization in Baghdad, with Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Pakistan forming a defense system, with the Participation of the United States as an observer.
In the Suez Canal incident of 1956, Dulles appeared on the Middle East political scene as opposed to the military involvement of his allies, Britain and France. In doing so, he achieved two effects: on the one hand, he could allow the United States to enter the political affairs of the Middle East after the decline of British and French power, and on the other hand, he could resist the growing influence of the Soviet Union in the Middle East.
The second four-year term of the Eisenhower administration began in 1957. Eisenhower did not hesitate to appoint Dulles as Secretary of State. In a special address to Congress on January 5, Eisenhower announced that he would provide economic and military assistance to any Middle Eastern country that requested it, "against armed aggression by any country controlled by international communism in order to consolidate and guarantee the territorial integrity and political independence of the requesting country." This was later called Eisenhowerism. As soon as this doctrine came out, it was strongly attacked by public opinion at home and abroad. Former President Harry Truman said Eisenhower doctrine was "neither powerful nor too late." Stevenson quipped, "The first vacuum that should be filled is not the Middle East, but the State Department." Dulles defended the Eisenhower Doctrine, saying that without U.S. economic and military assistance, the Middle East would be "lost" to the Communists.
Soon, war broke out between Jordan's leftists and Supporters of King Hussein. Dulles, in consultation with the president, announced that the U.S. Sixth Fleet would immediately sail to the eastern Mediterranean and that U.S. troops would parachute into Jordan "in a matter of days." Hussein's supporters thus gained the upper hand. This was Dulles's first implementation of the Eisenhower Doctrine. Later, Dulles used it to successfully influence the universal suffrage in Lebanon and sent troops to Lebanon.
In Dulles's anti-communist theoretical system, the most vicious is the strategy of peaceful evolution against the socialist countries. On January 31, 1959, Dulles stated in his speech: "Determined to work with law and justice as a clear and important alternative to force." In this regard, it is extremely important to recognize that renouncing the use of force in such circumstances does not mean maintaining the status quo, but rather means a peaceful transition. Mao Zedong in China was acutely aware of the seriousness of the problem. He printed and distributed several speeches by Dulles on peaceful evolution, alerting senior cadres of the Chinese Communist Party to their attention. He said: Who is the peaceful transformation? It is to transform our countries, engage in subversive activities, and use peaceful evolution to corrupt us. We must guard against imperialism pinning its hopes for peaceful evolution on our third and fourth generations.
During Dulles' six years as secretary of state, the atmosphere in the State Department has been very depressed. This was not only because Dulles allowed the McCarthyites to persecute his subordinates, but also because the ambassadors he appointed were mostly obedient people who trusted a small think tank and did not inform the State Department of his thoughts and actions in its entirety, which was disastrous for the morale of State Department officials. So, when Dulles had to resign as secretary of state in April 1959 due to cancer, the chaos at the State Department had become a burden on U.S. foreign policy, and it was recognized that it was imperative to take some measures against the situation. Dulles died on May 24, 1959 at walter Reid Army Hospital in Washington.