On 13 January 1988, "Jing Guodi," who was 10 years younger than Chen Lifu, died of illness and was succeeded by Lee Teng-hui as the leader of the Taiwan region. After Li came to power, he first issued a funeral order, sending Chen Lifu, Yan Jiagan, Yu Guohua, Ni Wenya, Lin Yanggang, Kong Decheng, Xue Yue, Zhang Qun, Shen Changhuan, Wu Boxiong, and Hao Baicun as mourners. Chen Lifu's gift to his "Jingguo Brother" was:
Yu private as a brother, Yu Gong as a comrade, a wooden building alone, following Zhi Han Lie, after death;
In the country as the pillar, in the party for the dry city, the beginning of the thousand autumn deeds, with hard work, the people can not forget.
January 30 is the day of Chiang Ching-kuo's Security Ceremony. After completing a series of ceremonies, Chen Lifu, Lee Teng-hui, Yu Guohua, Ni Wenya, Lin Yanggang, Kong Decheng, Huang Zunqiu, and Wang Shijie draped the red flag of the blue sky and the sky on the coffin of the Kuomintang Party, and then sent Chiang Ching-kuo's coffin to the Daxi Mausoleum to be placed. With Chiang Ching-kuo's long-term resting in Daxi, Taiwan society entered the "Lee Teng-hui era."
It is necessary to introduce this Lee Teng-hui here, because he has a lot to do with what Chen Lifu did in his later years.
Lee Teng-hui, whose ancestral home is Yongding, Fujian, was born on January 15, 1923 in Sanzhi Township, Taipei County. His father, Li Jinlong, was a criminal police officer of the Japanese colonists and was a complete little traitor. Lee Teng-hui was born into a family of traitors, received the "imperial democratization" education promoted by Japan in the colonies since childhood, attended the Japanese military academy (Chiba Anti-Aircraft Artillery School), wore Japanese military uniforms, and took the Japanese name "Masao Iwasato" in Japanese.
Lee Teng-hui's youth was precisely the era when Japanese militarism was the most arrogant, and Japanese militarism left a deep imprint on Lee Teng-hui's mind; he and his Japanese students celebrated the "victory" of the Japanese aggressors on the battlefield in China and were not ashamed of being a "subjugated slave" of the Japanese colony, but instead proudly called himself a Japanese "national" for 22 years.
Young Lee Teng-hui
After the victory of the Chinese War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in 1945, Lee Teng-hui returned to National Taiwan University from Kyoto University in Japan to study. After the Chiang Kai-shek clique withdrew from Taiwan in 1949, lee teng-hui's idea of "imperialization" in Japan not only did not correct or change in the slightest, but also further strengthened his anti-China and pro-Japanese and pro-Japanese ideas in the face of the chinese clique and the japanese forces that were united in confrontation with the Chinese mainland.
After receiving education from the Kuomintang at National Taiwan University, Lee Teng-hui went to Cornell University in the United States for further study, and in the United States he accepted the influence of Western anti-China ideology, thus creating Lee Teng-hui's extremely distorted and perverted multiple personalities.
Lee Teng-hui's ugly face has been fully exposed to this day. But readers may ask: Why did Chiang Ching-kuo choose a notorious reactionary like Lee Teng-hui as his successor?
Some people say that Chiang Ching-kuo saw that he "accurately" Lee Teng-hui did not have too much political ambition that he promoted him out of the ordinary, and made him quickly become a rising star in Taiwan's political circles from a doctor of agricultural economics and an agricultural expert.
Although Lee Teng-hui is a figure with a strong anti-China and flattering mentality, he is also a Japanese-style "ninja" and a political chameleon; in the era when Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo ruled Taiwan, Lee Teng-hui buried his political ambitions and distorted political personality deeply in his heart, and he repeatedly stated that his greatest wish was to be a "priest." Therefore, chiang ching-kuo was deceived, and he was promoted all the way from the leader of the Taipei municipal government to the "local leader of Taiwan Province."
In 1984, Chiang Ching-kuo also appointed Lee Teng-hui as the most junior deputy leader in Taiwan, and gradually trained Lee Teng-hui to become his successor.
However, the author believes that the above statement is only one of the reasons; according to the Taiwan side, Chiang Ching-kuo was extremely cautious in employing people, and in addition to adhering to the general principle of "employing people on merit," he attached great importance to the noble and honest character and integrity of morality and ethics, in order to maintain the fine quality of political clarity.
For the appointment, promotion, and promotion of high-level administrative officials, Chiang Ching-kuo has a set of his own usual model, that is, constantly observing, testing, and evaluating, and at different levels, constantly re-observing, re-testing, and re-evaluating, and will only formally announce the appointment after he is satisfied.
In addition to Chiang Ching-kuo's personal attention to examination, these processes also depend on the timely information provided by the personnel administrative departments of the military and government departments as the basis for making a choice. As for the nomination of candidates for vice leadership, the factors to be considered are of course more complex, and they are related to the possible succession of future leadership positions in the Taiwan region, so it is even more necessary to pay more attention to personal boldness and boldness.
The reason why Lee Teng-hui was able to break away from his glory and make his position in Chiang Ching-kuo's mind surpass that of other mesozoic elite figures in Taiwan is as follows:
First, Lee Teng-hui's several administrative policies during his tenure as governor of Taiwan Province have won Chiang Ching-kuo's affirmation and praise. In July 1984, Lee Teng-hui made a provincial political report to the Standing Committee of the Kuomintang Central Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, and after hearing this, Chiang Ching-kuo gave verbal praise on the spot; he also took out a pre-prepared speech and read it out on the spot, expressing deep praise for the construction of provincial government affairs, and gave a good reward to Lee Teng-hui who presided over provincial affairs.
During Lee Teng-hui's tenure as governor of Taiwan Province, Chiang Ching-kuo once made a tour of Taipei's Zhongxing New Village and visited Lee Teng-hui's official residence, where he saw that Lee Teng-hui's official residence was simply furnished and elegantly furnished, showing that his life was very frugal. Lee Teng-hui took out the food to entertain Chiang Ching-kuo, neither mountain treasures and seafood, nor alcohol wine, several plates of home-cooked side dishes, light and delicious, and even more exempt from all etiquette, a meeting, in the coarse tea and light meal, relaxed and pleasant, there is a sense of guest and host, Chiang Ching-kuo is even more satisfied.
Chiang Ching-kuo's nomination of vice leaders also has a particularly important benchmark - the identification with the Chinese nation, that is, the nominee must have a firm sense of nationality.
It is precisely at this point that Lee Teng-hui gave full play to his political chameleon expertise, making it impossible for people to glimpse its true face.
In October 1983, after giving a policy address to the Seventh Taiwan Provincial Public Opinion Organ, Lee Teng-hui accepted the questioning of the provincial government by the public opinion deputies, and when it was the turn of the public opinion representatives other than the Kuomintang (at that time, the Democratic Progressive Party had not yet been established) to jointly inquire, he suddenly raised the issue of Taiwan's relations with China and asked Lee Teng-hui to express his attitude.
Lee Teng-hui could have refused to answer this question on the pretext that this question was beyond the scope of provincial administration, but Lee Teng-hui did not do so, but instead answered with a sonorous and forceful voice: "China's history has not abandoned Taiwan, how can Taiwan break away from China!" "History has proven that this is Lee Teng-hui's fake performance
The next day, when Chiang Ching-kuo read the briefing, he frequently nodded his head and said yes, and Lian said: "Very good! Very good! Lee Teng-hui's performance was less than two months after Chiang Ching-kuo nominated him as vice leader.
On February 14, 1984, Chiang Ching-kuo nominated Lee Teng-hui as a candidate for vice leadership at the Second Plenary Session of the 12th Central Committee of the Kuomintang. Chiang Ching-kuo gave Lee Teng-hui the following introductory remarks at his nomination: "In the fields of culture, education, agriculture, administration, party affairs, and other posts, they are all based on the interests of the people of the country, are loyal, diligent, prudent, upright, and upright, and fully demonstrate the revolutionary aspirations of party members and their sincerity in serving the country." This recommendation shows that Lee Teng-hui's improvisation played a key role.
Lee Teng-hui won Chiang Ching-kuo's nomination by deception, but he made Chiang Ching-kuo ridiculed for "looking at the wrong person."
In January 1988, Chiang Ching-kuo died of illness, and Lee Teng-hui succeeded him as the leader of the Taiwan region. At the beginning of his rise to power, Lee Teng-hui was still in his infancy, and he paid tribute to the disciples of the Kuomintang bigwigs and visited And asked for advice one by one with Song Meiling, Yan Jiajuan, Zhang Qun, and Chen Lifu.
At the beginning of Lee Teng-hui's rise to power, in Chen Lifu's view, Lee did not have the heavy historical burden of Cross-Strait relations as Chiang Ching-kuo, and should be able to let go of his hands and feet, but in fact it was a big mistake.
On July 14, 1988, Chen Lifu and 34 other members of the Kuomintang Central Committee submitted a motion to the first meeting of the 13th Central Committee of the Kuomintang, with the name of the proposal: Cross-strait jointly initiate investment, implement the Father of the Nation Industrial Plan, and build mutual trust.
Chen Lifu's proposal was like a boulder hitting the water, which caused a strong shock on the island of Taiwan, and rumors were spread for a while, and there was a lot of discussion. A few opponents see this as "wishful thinking", while a majority of proponents say its meaning is "extraordinary".
Lee Teng-hui, who is chairman of the Kuomintang, did not take a stand on Chen Lifu's proposal. Lee Teng-hui knew in his heart that if he supported it, it would run counter to the mainland policy he had just formulated, and even more contrary to his own unspeakable wishes for the time being. If you openly oppose it, you are afraid of being labeled as opposing reunification.
Lee Teng-hui's warm-hearted attitude once puzzled people. However, some bold people have put forward this, and Lee Teng-hui's attitude has exposed his tendency to oppose reunification.
Although the proposal of Chen Lifu and others was rejected by the KMT authorities headed by Lee Teng-hui, it still produced major repercussions on both sides of the strait.
Chen Lifu's understanding of Lee Teng-hui's essence has a very long process.
For example, Chiang Ching-kuo successively nominated Xie Dongmin and Lee Teng-hui as vice leaders, and Chen Lifu's opinions were sought in advance. ”
However, after Lee Teng-hui consolidated his power, he began to show his face as a wolf in Zhongshan who was "rampant when he was ambitious," squeezed out the Chiang family's forces, and caused Soong Mei Ling to be defeated and retreated, Jiang Weiguo was squeezed out of the leadership core, and Jiang Xiaowu was forced to abandon his election as a member of the Central Committee. Subsequently, under the banner of implementing Chiang Ching-kuo's innovative line, he constantly purged the opposition, installed cronies and die-hard parties, and carried out substantial revisions and adjustments in domestic and foreign policies.
Lee Teng-hui's actions immediately intensified the contradictions within the KMT.
In March 1990, the "Eighth Session of the First National Congress" of the National Congress will be held on the island of Taiwan to elect the leader and deputy leader of the Taiwan region. Around this general election, the so-called "main faction" of supporting Lee (Deng Hui) in the KMT and the so-called "non-mainstream faction" opposing Lee have launched a fierce contest.
On February 11, 1990, the Kuomintang of China held the 13th Provisional Plenary Session of the Central Committee to elect candidates for the leadership and vice leadership of the Taiwan region. The candidate for the leadership of the Taiwan region was determined before the meeting to be Lee Teng-hui, but the candidates for vice leadership were Lin Yanggang, Li Huan, Jiang Weiguo, Soong Chu-yu, and several others, and from the perspective of provincial nationality and factional balance, Li Huan and Jiang Weiguo had the advantage.
However, at the Provisional Plenary Session, Lee Teng-hui unexpectedly nominated Lee Yuan-tu, who had no influence, as a candidate for vice leadership. Lee Teng-hui's move to stir up people's hearts immediately provoked a backlash from the "non-mainstream faction."
After the provisional plenary session of the Central Committee, veteran party-state elders headed by Teng Jie announced on February 28 that they would jointly nominate Lin Yanggang and Jiang Weiguo as another group of candidates for the leadership of the Taiwan region, and set up a campaign headquarters. Behind Lin and Jiang are Li Huan, Hao Baicun, and other anti-Li "non-mainstream" heavyweights.
In the face of the powerful counterattack launched by the opposition, Lee Teng-hui used various means to disintegrate the opposition forces, and on the other hand, he respectfully asked Chen Lifu, Xie Dongmin, Jiang Yanshi, and eight other KMT bigwigs to mediate in order to put an end to the party struggle.
After the eight big men left the mountains, they did the work of Lin Yanggang and Jiang Weiguo respectively, but Lin and Jiang seemed unmoved and still adhered to the so-called position of "candidate and not campaign." In the end, Lee Teng-hui took out his killer copper, divided and disintegrated between Lin and Chiang Kai-shek, and privately promised Lin Yanggang that he could become the leader of the Taiwan region in the next term.
Lin Yanggang believed it to be true, so on March 10, he unilaterally issued a statement on withdrawing from the Taiwan regional leadership campaign, which made Jiang Weiguo very embarrassed, so he had to fly to the United States on March 16 to avoid the embarrassing election.
On 21 March, after a long period of civil strife, Taiwan's public opinion organs elected Lee Teng-hui as the leader of the Taiwan region and Lee Won-tsu as vice leader, thus ending the electoral struggle.
Chen Lifu and eight other long-retired tycoons played the role of mediators in the turmoil over the Taiwan regional leadership election, and their role attracted the attention of the Taiwan media. Taiwan's "World Tribune" published "Eunuch Sea Sinks and Floats on 'The Great Old Man of the Nation'", and the article wrote in a slightly exaggerated tone:
Last year, there was "chaos" in the domestic political arena, people were panicked, and the political situation was floating, and Lee Teng-hui had to invite out the "eight elders" to suppress the alarm; in addition to Gu Zhenfu, Chen Lifu, Huang Shaogu, Ni Wenya, Li Guoding, Yuan Shouqian, and Jiang Yanshi were all "senior officials." For a while, it has always been regarded as a high power and a weak position, and it can also be said that the "senior government" that is regarded as "pension" and "remuneration" is the most beautiful time.
If there are three treasures in the northeast of the mainland: ginseng, mink, and ula grass, then Taiwan also has three treasures: senior administration, national policy advisers and strategic advisers. These three kinds of "national treasure- level" figures, each of them has a modern Chinese history, and everyone has rolled up a thousand piles of snow in the course of the Republic of China. After several ups and downs in the sea, now they are "the elders of the party and the state." The influence of these big men on the political situation may reflect the Chinese tradition of 'respecting the elderly and respecting the legacy of the sages'.
The naked power struggle between the "mainstream faction" and the "non-mainstream faction" that took place in China last year caused panic among the people, and society was shrouded in a "cloud of sorrow and misery." Fortunately, Lee Teng-hui invited the eight elders who were about to be forgotten by society to "reconcile" and defuse a crisis at an appropriate time. It can be seen that the great elder of the country still plays a decisive role in Taiwan's political arena. ......
In the past period of internal political strife in the Kmt, Lee Teng-hui, when there was no way to do anything, asked the eight elders to come forward to defuse the crisis, and it seems that during lee teng-hui's term of office, he will still reuse "senior administration" to consolidate the leading political power, and the "high power and false power" of "senior administration" in the era of Chiang Kai-shek's father and son will become "high and powerful" in the Lee Teng-hui dynasty.
An article in Taiwan's "World Tribune" saying that "senior administration" will become "high and powerful" in the Lee Teng-hui era is now completely exaggerated. As everyone knows, Lee Teng-hui is a tyrant of a generation who monopolizes power and a politician who is good at playing with power. He asked out eight big guys when he had nothing to do, and once his power was consolidated, he abandoned the big guys like. Chen Lifu and others only gave Lee Teng-hui a helping hand.
Lee Teng-hui's "reform" began with "repairing the law," and centering on "revising the law" has always been the focus of the struggle between various factions on the island of Taiwan.
The so-called "revision of the law" refers to the revision of the so-called "fundamental law" promulgated by the Kuomintang regime on January 1, 1947, because this "law" has been used since the Kuomintang retreated to Taiwan. Lee Teng-hui attempted to transition the "small dynasty" of the two Chiang Kai-shek to Lee Teng-hui's "small dynasty" through "revision of the law." Among them, the so-called method of electing the leader of the Taiwan region is a focal point of contention.
Originally, the election of the chief and vice leaders of the Taiwan region has always been elected by the "NPC deputies," which is an indirect election. In order to implement his concept of "opposing reunification," Lee Teng-hui proposed to change indirect elections to direct elections, with citizens directly electing the leader of the Taiwan region.
Because of the importance of the matter, as soon as this issue was raised, it aroused great concern among the government and the public, and most of the government and the public were inclined to "indirectly elected." Lee Teng-hui began to approve of it, but suddenly changed his mind, and with the resources of the party, government, and army at his disposal, he adopted the tactics of "local encirclement of the central authorities" and "public opinion oppressing the party's will" to exert pressure on the factions opposed to the "direct election."
In this struggle, Chen Lifu resolutely advocated "appointing direct elections." According to a report by Taiwan's "New News" weekly on April 4, 1992: "Although the constitutional war between the directly elected and the appointing faction was temporarily withdrawn from the stage in front of the curtain because the Third Plenum had long ended, behind the scenes of the stage, it was frequent movements and high moves. In particular, Chen Lifu, a kmtack party-state tycoon, sent two sternly worded letters in succession to Lee Teng-hui's move to attract the most attention and was regarded as a counterattack by the gangster faction. ”
On March 6, 1992, Chen Lifu and 11 members of the Kuomintang Central Committee Issued an appeal to the Third Plenary Session of the 13th Central Committee of the Kuomintang to "save the party and the state", denouncing the mistake of not dividing political power and governing power in the Kuomintang's "revision" plan.
After receiving Chen Lifu's letter and proposal to "save the party-state," Lee Teng-hui sent Song Chuyu, secretary general of the Cpc Central Committee, and Jiang Yanshi, secretary general of the official residence, to meet with Chen Lifu and explain the situation to him, but failed to persuade Chen Lifu.
On 25 March, Chen Lifu wrote a letter directly to Lee Teng-hui, strongly criticizing Lee Teng-hui's mistakes, and Chen Lifu also distributed copies of the two letters to the KmT Central Committee Standing Committee.
As for Chen Lifu's bitter appeal, Lee Teng-hui simply ignored it.
At a meeting of the Standing Committee of the Kuomintang Central Committee, some people angrily denounced Lee Teng-hui for "one party to revise the law," "one person to revise the law," and "to revise the law in his name and destroy the law in fact."
Lee Teng-hui and Song Chu-yu
Another group issued a public statement saying that Lee Teng-hui "flaunted the will of the people and instigated public opinion and local public opinion representatives to express the so-called will of the people.", but in fact he was "above intention" and pretended to be "the will of the people", which was completely playing with the will of the people. ”
What is ridiculous is that Lee Teng-hui insists on "direct election" in the way in which the leaders of the Taiwan region are elected, but in the way in which candidates for regional leaders are elected within the KMT, he stubbornly opposes "direct election of party members" and insists on the election of "party deputies" controlled by him. Obviously, Lee Teng-hui is completely beneficial to himself and to engaging in "opposing reunification," and he advocates taking whatever method he wants.
Chen Lifu's efforts to "protect the party" failed, and he could see Lee Teng-hui's true face more clearly.
Although Chen Lifu's idea of reunification was suppressed by Lee Teng-hui, he still firmly believed that China would always be reunified in the future, and his confidence in China's reunification has never wavered.
On September 5, 1992, a delegation of mainland reporters arrived in Taiwan for a visit, and on September 8 and 9, respectively, they visited Zhang Xueliang and Chen Lifu. Chen Lifu said that if it is necessary for reunification, he is willing to return to the mainland.
In order to carry forward his concept of "opposing reunification," Lee Teng-hui used the authoritarian and dictatorial power in his hands to deliberately divide and bring down the KmT.
As soon as Lee Teng-hui came to power, he went all out to block the influence of the Chiang family on the KMT, and then divided and ruled the KMT's pro-Chiang Chong-chen, and completely destroyed this dominant force of the KMT.
From 1988 to 1993, Lee Teng-hui reorganized the "Executive Yuan" four times and ousted his pro-Chiang Kai-shek's most important minister from power. Lee Teng-hui's ultimate goal was to completely bring down the KMT, so he finally aimed the spearhead of the blow at the powerful factions within the KMT.
In August 1993, during the preparations for the 14th National Congress of the Kuomintang, Lee Teng-hui went all out to suppress the non-mainstream faction and forced the "New KUOMINTANG Connection," a backbone organization of the mesozoic generation of the non-mainstream faction, to break away from the KMT, which was the first split of the KMT after it withdrew from Taiwan.
Zhao Shaokang, leader of the New Kuomintang Liaison
In March 1996, in the taiwan regional leadership election, Lee Teng-hui rebelled and did not hesitate to force Lin Yanggang, Hao Baicun, Chen Lu'an, and others to "violate discipline" and run for election.
In December 1996, Lee Teng-hui again forced Soong Chu-yu, the last powerful figure of "nationality from other provinces", to resign and step down in the name of "Fine Province." In this way, all the Kuomintang elders, important ministers, and powerful figures from other provinces were squeezed out by Lee Teng-hui.
After weakening the KMT's strength base in personnel matters, Lee Teng-hui went all out to "oppose the concept of reunification" and comprehensively shake the KMT's political concept.
In 1994, Lee Teng-hui and The Japanese far-right writer Sima Liaotaro had a conversation in Taipei with ulterior motives, shamelessly beautifying the Japanese militarist colonial rule over Taiwan while calling the Kuomintang regime a "foreign regime." It completely exposed his "anti-unification" features.
In the course of Lee Teng-hui's frenzied pursuit of the concept of "opposing reunification," Chen Lifu, a KMT elder who adhered to the principled stand of "one China," was also attacked by Lee Teng-hui: Not only was Chen Lifu's idea of reunification coldly treated and suppressed by Lee Teng-hui, but he was also given the title of "senior minister." Lee Teng-hui no longer needs the unification figures to give him "capital" or "politics," but what he needs is for "anti-China" elements to support him.
In April 1999, Taiwan's "Financial News" magazine visited Chen Lifu and mentioned this matter, Chen Lifu said with dissatisfaction: "Someone once helped me ask Comrade Denghui why I didn't let Chen Lifu be a 'senior official'?" He said, because I'm often in the United States. In fact, I did not, I went to the United States for no more than three months, every time I took leave, I would come back to cancel the leave. ”
Despite the arrogance on the island of Taiwan, Chen Lifu is still full of confidence in the prospects of China's reunification. He said: "Now is the best moment for China's development, I believe that in not many years, China will become the world's first." ”
On March 18, 2000, Taiwan held the 10th regional leadership election. Because Lee Teng-hui deliberately destroyed the KMT and created divisions over the past 12 years, and "abandoned lian (zhan) and stood up (Chen Shui-bian)" at the crucial moment of the election, the DPP candidates Chen Shui-bian and Annette Lu were finally elected with 39.3 percent of the vote, and independent candidates Soong Chu-yu and Zhang Zhaoxiong, as well as KMT candidates Lien Chan and Xiao Wanchang, were defeated.
Lee Teng-hui committed many acts of injustice, and was also ousted from power by the angry Kuomintang, and Lien Chan became the acting chairman of the Kuomintang.
In September 2000, the Sixth Plenary Session of the 15th Central Committee of the Kuomintang was held in Taipei City, and Chen Lifu, who was more than 100 years old, and Liang Surong, the elder of the Kuomintang, jointly proposed to the congress to carry out the third cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party to prevent the separatist conspiracy from succeeding.
Here it is necessary to introduce another proposal leader, Liang Surong.
Liang Surong, a native of Changtu County, Liaoning Province, was born in 1920 and secretly joined the Chinese Kuomintang in June 1939 while studying at the Law Department of the New Beijing Law and Political University in Puppet Manchuria, and two years later became the secretary of the secret Kuomintang Changchun City Party Department. The public identity is that of the puppet Manchu Changchun District Court and the procurator of the procuratorate. While engaged in underground anti-Japanese work, he was arrested by the Japanese and sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment.
After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression in 1945, Liang Surong served as an executive member and head of the Propaganda Department of the Kuomintang Liaobei Provincial Party Department and a senator of the Liaobei Provincial Senate. He was elected to the Legislature in 1948.
In terms of political faction, Liang Surong belonged to Chen Lifu's C.C. department, and Liang called himself a "small C.C." After going to Taiwan in 1949, Liang Continued to serve as a public opinion representative and professor at soochow University Law School, and in 1970 he went to Japan to study and received a doctorate in law from Meiji University. After returning to Taiwan, Chiang Ching-kuo promoted him to the post of member of the Kuomintang Central Committee and deputy secretary general of the Central Policy Committee, responsible for party-government coordination in the administrative and public opinion departments.
Liang Surong
After Lee Teng-hui came to power, Liang Surong served as "secretary general of the Kuomintang Central Policy Research Association" and head of a public opinion organization.
Liang Surong was a descendant of immigrants from Guannei, a northeastern man with a frank heart and a quick talk, who dared to express his views in the face of great right and wrong. In terms of personal relations, Lee Teng-hui had "favored" him, but Liang Surong was extremely worried about Lee Teng-hui's words and deeds of "opposing reunification."
In order to promote cross-strait reunification, Liang Surong initiated the establishment of the "Association for the Promotion of Peaceful Reunification Across the Taiwan Strait," with himself as its president and Chen Lifu and others as honorary presidents.
From 9 to 11 July 1999, at the "Seminar on Peaceful Reunification" held in Hong Kong, Liang Surong, who was nearly eighty years old, said: "Some people can wait for cross-strait reunification, but I can't wait. "But I must, and will, wait until the day of cross-strait reunification."
In order to actively implement cross-strait political party exchanges and create a new historical opportunity for the third cooperation between the KUOMINTK and the CPC, Chen Lifu and Liang Surong made three specific suggestions: First, Lien Chan led a regiment to personally visit the mainland and issue a statement with our party to advance toward the road of reunification. Second, strengthen cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and carry out political, economic, trade, cultural, sports and other exchange activities. Third, we should actively promote the three links in the shortest period of time, enhance the feelings of the people on both sides of the strait, and reduce hostility.
In October 2000, Chen Lifu was infected with pneumonia and combined with plethoracosis, and was sent to the hospital for treatment, led by President Xie Mingcun and President Cai Changhai of the Affiliated Hospital, to form a medical team to treat Chen Lifu carefully, and after a few days, his condition was controlled and his physical strength gradually recovered.
On November 11 of the same year, the Affiliated Hospital held a garden party for the 20th anniversary of the hospital, Chen Lifu personally visited the venue to greet, but because of this, he contracted wind chills, and on the morning of November 14, a sudden acute myocardial infarction caused severe hydropulmonary hydrops and shock, and the left ventricular function was seriously impaired, and the condition deteriorated again, during which the family members extended to the assistance of Traditional Chinese medicine physicians.
On the afternoon of February 8, 2001, Chen Lifu developed severe heart and lung failure, and the hospital issued a critical illness notice to his family. Chen Lifu, who was in a hospital bed, constantly expressed hope to return to his residence in Taipei as soon as possible, and his family was ready to send the old man home, but that night Chen Lifu fell into a state of dying, with multiple organ failures, and died at 8:40 p.m. that night.
After Chen Lifu's death, Kuomintang Chairman Lien Chan immediately instructed relevant party department personnel to make every effort to assist their families in the funeral. Ding Yuanchao, director of Lien Chan's office, told the outside world that Lien Chan was very sad about Chen Lifu's passing away, chen Lifu was a big man in the party and the state, and he made outstanding contributions to the Kuomintang, and Lien Chan has always respected and respected Chen Lifu for doing things and being a person.
On the afternoon of February 10, Lien Chan personally went to Chen Lifu's apartment on Tianmu Dexing East Road to offer incense to Chen Lifu's spiritual seat, comforted Chen Lifu's family, and once again instructed the party department to fully assist in handling the subsequent funeral matters.
At 10:00 a.m. on April 15, 2001, a ceremony was held at the Jingxing Hall of the Taipei Municipal First Funeral Home, where Lien Chan, chairman of the Kuomintang of China, presided over the ceremony, and after lien chan was presided over, Li Huan and Ma Shuli, chairmen of the presidium of the Kuomintang Central Review Committee, Wu Boxiong, vice chairman of the Kuomintang Central Committee, and Lin Fengzheng, secretary general of the Central Committee, covered the party flag, and the atmosphere was solemn.
Leaders of the Taiwan region, Li Yuantu, Li Huan, Hao Baicun, Xiao Wanchang, Zhang Junxiong, and Song Chuyu went to pay tribute to the mourning. After the public sacrifice, Chen Lifu's coffin was buried in the Chen Cemetery of Guanyin Mountain, Wugu Township, Taipei County.
Chen Lifu died at the age of 102, and although he was not able to see the realization of the reunification of the motherland, the concept of the reunification of the motherland that he adhered to would eventually be realized.
Chen Lifu was born on August 21, 1900, died on February 8, 2001, the real age is 101 years old, and the imaginary age is 102 years old and 103 years old according to different algorithms. The reason why he can live so long is that Chen Lifu has a set of experiences in health care.
One is to pay attention to diet. Chen Lifu has a very light diet, likes to eat green vegetables and tofu, less greasy meat; he has a preference since he was a child, always likes to eat chicken, duck, pig and other brains, but after getting older, Chen Lifu believes that this kind of food contains too high "cholesterol", so he does not eat more, almost two weeks to once a month. During each physical examination, many doctors were amazed at the extremely low cholesterol content in Chen Lifu's blood.
Chen Lifu and his wife Sun Luqing
The second is to strengthen exercise. When living in the United States, Chen Lifu once read an article in huamei daily, saying that "inner eight duanjin" has the function of strengthening the body, after reading this article, Chen Lifu felt very reasonable, and specially ran to the author of the article to study. Since he learned about this sport, Chen Lifu has been doing it every morning for thirty-five years, and has continued to do it.
The third is the law of work and rest. In his later years, Chen Lifu got up at 5:30 a.m. every morning, usually fell asleep at 9:30 p.m. at night, and slept for 8 hours. After waking up, showering, exercising, washing your face, etc. takes about an hour (35 minutes of exercise), and by 6:30, everything is complete. Then have breakfast, after which you start a 5,000-step walk in the garden. There are many flowers and trees in the courtyard, the air is fresh, and strolling through them is quite pleasant and pleasant.
Every day after dinner, watching TV, eating dinner at 6:30 at home, and then watching TV news and other programs while eating; but when inserting advertisements, Chen Lifu took advantage of this gap to walk in the house: from the living room, kitchen, bedroom, pacing back and forth, a total of about 5,000 steps.
If he is not out for a meeting, Chen Lifu will write something at home and do some work such as sorting out the manuscript. Take a nap for an hour or so at noon, then get up and continue working.
The fourth is not to lose your temper. In an interview with reporters in his later years, Chen Lifu said that he had looked back on his life, stayed in a total of 180 units, served as an ordinary staff, but also served as a top leader, deputy, and middle-level cadre, and had never been angry in these units. Even in the early days of Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek pushed the responsibility for the loss of the mainland on Chen Lifu and ordered him to go abroad to reflect, Chen Lifu was not angry, but felt that if he could save the Kuomintang, it would not be a bad thing to leave on his own.
Fifth, the correct concept of wealth. Chen Lifu became fascinated with calligraphy in his later years, and his level became more and more refined, and many people rushed to write banners later. In addition, he wrote a total of 25 books after retiring from politics, totaling 700 to 800 words, and also published articles to various newspapers and magazines, and he could earn more than NT$20 million every year by selling words and writing books.
Although he can make money, Chen Lifu is very open-minded about wealth, and sold his house and car on his 90th birthday, and the money donated to the Lifu Traditional Chinese Medicine Research Foundation. Later, the money Chen Lifu earned by writing was also donated to the foundation, and a total of NT$80 million was donated in the five years before his death.
Chen Lifu also summed up a set of 48 words of "health secrets": nourish the body in diligence, nourish the heart in the quiet. Diet is moderate, living sometimes. When the food is cooked, the water is boiled and the water is boiled. Eat more fruits and vegetables, eat less meat. The head should be cold and the feet should be hot. Contentment is always happy, and there is no need for constant peace.