The independence of Outer Mongolia was the most significant sovereign division in China's modern history. Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang were heavily criticized. What is less well known is that sun yat-sen has been trying to regain outer Mongolia's sovereignty since outer Mongolia's first independence in 1911.
This article will supplement other historical materials on the basis of Li Jikui's article "Sun Yat-sen and the Outer Mongolia Problem". To tell the history of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's efforts to recover Outer Mongolia and his helplessness as the leader of a weak country. May Outer Mongolia return home soon!
Li Jikui, "Sun Yat-sen and the Outer Mongolia Problem", the source of the article is "Social Science Front", No. 1, 1991, pp. 193-200. Professor Li Jikui is a professor in the Department of History of Sun Yat-sen University and participated in the compilation of the "Long Compilation of Sun Yat-sen's Chronology". He is one of the most authoritative experts in the study of Sun Yat-sen in China.
One. Independence of Outer Mongolia, Sun Yat-sen proposed a "republic of five ethnic groups"
On New Year's Day 1912, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China in Nanjing was established. Sun Yat-sen was inaugurated as the interim president. However, earlier on December 28, 1911, the living Buddha of Outer Mongolia, Jebtsundamba, was "proclaimed emperor" and named the country "Great Mongolia". This has triggered an unprecedented crisis on China's frontiers.
In the face of the beginning of the Republic of China, the Qing Emperor has not yet abdicated. Sun Yat-sen was extremely sad and indignant, and in the "Declaration of the Provisional President" issued on the day of the founding of the Republic of China, he openly put forward the idea of a "republic of the five nationalities" as one of the goals of the founding of the Republic of China. To safeguard China's unity and national unity. It also became the core proposition of safeguarding the sovereignty of the frontiers during the future Kuomintang's rule over the mainland. Sun Yat-sen made it clear: "The foundation of the country lies in the people. Hehan, Manchu, Mongolian, Hui, and Tibet are one country, that is, Hehan, Manchu, Mongolian, Hui, and Tibetan tribes are one person. It is the unity of the nation." "Wuhan is the first righteousness, and more than a dozen provinces have become independent. The so-called independence is a separation from the Qing court, a union for the provinces, and the same is true for Mongolia and Tibet. Actions are one, there is no discord, the cardinal is in the center, and the si jingwei is in the fourth solstice. it is the unity of the territory". The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 2, contains the Manifesto of the Provisional President, Zhonghua Bookstore, July 1982, p. 2.
On January 14, 1912, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China issued for the first time an official document on the status of nationalities to Mongolian compatriots, affirming that the Provisional Government is equal to all ethnic groups in the country. The Provisional Law of the Republic of China promulgated on March 11 openly claimed in the form of law that Outer Mongolia was part of Chinese territory, and that the Mongolian nation and other ethnic groups in the country were equal and jointly formed the Chinese nation. It is stipulated that "the sovereignty of the Republic of China belongs to all the people". "The territory of the Republic of China is twenty-two provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, Tibet, and Qinghai." It also stipulates that "each province of senators, Inner Mongolia, Outer Mongolia, and Tibet shall appoint 5 people, and Qinghai shall appoint 1 person, and the method of selection shall be determined by each locality." The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 2, contains the Provisional Law of the Republic of China, Zhonghua Bookstore, July 1982, pp. 220-221.
In order to safeguard the sovereignty of Outer Mongolia. On January 28, 1912, Sun Yat-sen sent a telegram to the Mongol princes in Beijing, Lama Taiji, Gonsanoorbu, Nayantu, Bodisu and others, explaining their "republic of the five ethnic groups" and emphasizing opposition to the independence of Outer Mongolia. They were also invited to send representatives to Nanjing to participate in the state of Affairs. The telegram pointed out that although the form of government is more, the country is still a country, "Han and Mongolia belong to the same species, the original talent of human rights, and it is appropriate to combine with the group to seek happiness together." "And the Russians are ambitious and ready to take advantage of the opportunity, and the situation in Mongolia is particularly difficult. Looking up to your princes and other concerns about the situation, remembering Sangzi, the situation of the country is in danger, the rhetoric is inciting, and the order in the northwest is maintained. Pray for the meaning of the region, inform the Mongolian compatriots, work together, plan a big plan, be stoic and endearing, and do not misunderstand and be angry. On February 23, the prince of the Mongolian Federation in Beijing called Sun Yat-sen and asked him to recommend Yuan Shikai as president. Sun replied immediately, saying that he would give up the presidency and tell him that "the imperial system has been abolished, the five major nationalities are united as the Chinese nation, happiness is endless, and Chinese and foreign countries are celebrating together." The correspondence and telegrams showed Sun Yat-sen's determination to safeguard the sovereignty of Outer Mongolia. The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Vol. 2, Zhonghua Book Company, July 1982, pp. 47-48, p. 89.
Two. The leaders of weak countries were helpless: Sun Yat-sen, Yuan Shikai was powerless to recover Outer Mongolia
Soon, Sun Yat-sen noticed that due to historical reasons, the northern region did not publicize the idea of the five ethnic groups republic. Therefore, when Sun Yat-sen went to Beijing in the autumn of 1912 at the invitation of Yuan Shikai, he focused on promoting the idea of a five-national republic. On August 21, he gave a speech in Yantai, saying that "it is a great honor for 40,000 people today to join the five major ethnic groups of Han, Manchuria, Mongolia and Tibet as free people." On September 3, at the welcome meeting of the Beijing Five-Ethnic Republic and The Northwest Association for the Advancement of the Five Nationalities, it was reiterated that "today, the five ethnic groups are on an equal footing, and the problem of racial inequality is solved, and the issue of political equality is also resolved at the same time, and there will never be any more disputes." If the five major nationalities in the future work together to jointly plan the progress of the country and make China the world's first civilized power, then the responsibility of our five major nationalities will also be borne by the public." Since then, at the welcome meetings such as the Beijing Eight Flags Livelihood Association, and on many occasions such as the welcome meetings for all walks of life in Zhangjiakou, Sun Yat-sen has expounded the principle of the five ethnic groups, emphasized equal cooperation among ethnic groups, and tried his best for the republic.
The settlement of the Outer Mongolia question necessarily involves diplomacy with Russia. On September 5, Sun Yat-sen talked at the beijing state guest house reception that the Mongolian and Tibetan regions and the interior had been at odds in the past, and that the estrangement between them was even worse today than before. When attending the welcome meeting of the Political Reform Conference on Mongolian-Tibetan Reunification in Beijing, he hoped that Mongolia and Tibet would understand "today's Russia" and that "the people will not only not be able to enjoy the interests of the people, but also feel all kinds of pain politically"; "But the Mongolian and Tibetan compatriots do not know this reason at present, and they are provoked by outsiders day by day, which is a variety of wrongful acts." At this time, my generation is in difficulty, and all we must do is to persuade them to understand the truth of the republic and to proceed in unity with our compatriots in the interior in order to share the happiness of the republic." The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 2, Zhonghua Bookstore, July 1982, p. 439,447.
At this time, Yuan Shikai, the prime minister of the Beijing government, sent a telegram to the Mongolian authorities to demand the abolition of "independence", but was refused. The Outer Mongolian authorities also did not accept the central government sending personnel to Kulen for negotiations, and offered to ask the Russian minister to negotiate with the central government as a representative. In this regard, when Sun Yat-sen and Yuan Shikai met in Beijing, they exchanged views on handling the matter, including training troops, moving the capital, and handling mongolian and Tibetan news. Sun Yat-sen said, "The Chinese side is now too busy to control Mongolia. But after a few years, China has become strong and prosperous, and then it will be able to restore its homeland." This shows that Sun and Yuan both believed that the political situation at that time, the central government was really powerless to solve the Problem of Outer Mongolia in the face of a powerful Russia. The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Vol. 2, Zhonghua Book Company, July 1982, pp. 412-414.
Sun Yat-sen's other proposal for the Mongolian issue was the establishment of provinces in Outer Mongolia. In May 1912, he told the press in Guangdong: "It is expected that there will be no major events in Mongolia, and it will be stopped soon." It would be better to convert Mongolia into a province and be equal to the Chinese provinces. Inner Mongolia is in great favour of the republic, while Outer Mongolia is not yet aware of its benefits, and when they understand it, they will absolutely approve of it." It is also said: "They are not well educated, they do not understand this problem easily, but they are gradually different." ”
However, the establishment of a province in Outer Mongolia was only Sun Yi's personal thought. He soon discovered a lack of feasibility. After Sun Yat-sen entered Beijing, he had a deeper understanding of the actual situation in Mongolia and did not repeat the matter. The Mongol princes in Beijing also showed great respect for him. On September 15, Prince Gongsan Norbu of Khalqin spoke at a kuomintang meeting to welcome Sun Yat-sen and others to Beijing, stating that "Mongolia is not opposed to republicanism, because of misunderstandings that the north and south have not yet been reunified, Mr. Sun and Mr. Huang have come north, they have good opinions, and Mongolia has abolished its independence." Sun Yat-sen fully affirmed this, but unfortunately, the Mongol princes in Beijing could not return to the territory, so they could not play a greater role.
Three. Sun Yat-sen attempted to retake Outer Mongolia
In March 1912, Sun Yat-sen resigned as interim president. Served as the national railway inspector, planning to build 200,000 miles of roads. Particular attention is paid to outer Mongolia and other areas with extremely underdeveloped transportation, in the proposed north road, "starting from Qinhuangdao, circumnavigating liaodong, folding into Mongolia, and passing through Outer Mongolia to reach the Wuliang Sea." His Lord is more important for this line than the straight line from Zhangjiakou to Kulun, which is "the main road of solidity, but also the urgent task of breaking the wilderness, the migration of the frontier, the open source of the dredging, all of which are the tail of nature."
Sun Yat-sen believed that "the construction of railways today is the only urgent task at present, and the survival of the Republic of China depends on this move." "At present, Israel is not solidified in defense, Russia is carrying out in Northern Manchuria and Mongolia, Japan is in Southern Manchuria, and Britain is in Tibet. If our troops can protect the frontier, there is no such fact." But China is not without soldiers, but an "enemy of inconvenient transportation." He advocated the early construction of roads to resist the Russian proposal to repair the line from Kyakhta to Zhangjiakou. If the notice is made early, the Du Russians can guarantee our territory under the pretext of being. In addition, he also designed 13 railway lines to Reach Lanzhou, with a center of gravity close to Outer Mongolia, which is particularly valuable in terms of national defense. On October 8, 1912, the Japanese Consul General in Shanghai reported to the Minister of Foreign Affairs that the first trunk line that Sun Yat-sen planned to build was the Mongolian (Ancient) Straight (Subordinate) Line. Prior to this, on September 16, the Minli Bao announced that Huang Xing had proposed the rapid construction of a military railway for Zhengmeng. Unfortunately, these plans could not be implemented, especially after the Song case, all the blueprints were destroyed. Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, Confidential No. 87. Records of the Founding Fathers of the Republic of China (III), p. 2000.
On November 3, 1912, Russia and the Outer Mongolian authorities signed the "Russian-Mongolian Treaty" in Kulun; thereafter, they signed the "Special Article of Commerce" and the "Mining Treaty", which legally reduced Outer Mongolia to a Russian colony. The Chinese government (Beijing government) protested and demanded that the "Covenant" be cancelled; however, instead of allowing it, the Russian side put forward four articles, which were extremely harsh, which caused serious protests from Chinese public opinion. On November 14, Foreign Minister Liang Ruhao resigned on the grounds of a failed representation to Russia over The Mongolian affair. The next day, the Kuomintang headquarters held a staff meeting to discuss the issue of "covenants" and decided to maintain a tough attitude toward Russia.
On December 6 and 7, the Minli Bao published an open letter to the whole country (also known as the "Theory of Conquest of Russia") entitled "Sun Yat-sen's Salvation Strategy". He suggested that the state issue paper money as an intermediary in private transactions to solve financial problems and protect the country by resisting the strong Russia. The open letter pointed out: "Today, the Russians take advantage of the fact that our construction is undecided, the financial panic, and seize us Mongolia. In the case of common sense, I cannot resist. In Russia, the quality of solid knowledge is well-versed, so they are willing to take risks and do not take risks. Everyone in our country knows that the fall of the country is not to resist humiliation and die, but if it is a heroic death if it resists Russia, the whole country is united, and it is not him who is killed." Sun Yat-sen took the first strategy to solve the financial problem first, but he was able to speak of war, and the war must be undefeated, but he was able to make peace. Related to this is the training of troops. He estimated that russia would be difficult to send 500,000 troops in half a year, while China could send 500,000 troops to Outer Mongolia and Northern Manchuria, and after half a year, it would be possible to train 500,000 more. In the first year of the battle, the victory or defeat is unknown, "but in the second year I sent two million troops, and it was expected that I could drive Russia out of the Wilderness of Manchuria and Restore the invasion of the coastal states of Heilongjiang." He also anticipated that the war might be fought for five years, and that the war would lead to the Russian Revolution. By 1916, Sun Yat-sen also said, "Recall that four years ago, because of the Mongolian problem, there were several quarrels with Russia, and Yu once said that he was fighting with Russia, and he could not train five million troops, and those who heard it either thought it was empty talk or thought it was feeless." It is reported that at that time (December 10, 1912), the Beijing government held a meeting to study it, but there were different opinions and could not be resolved. The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, Vol. 2, Zhonghua Bookstore, July 1982, pp. 544-549. Minli Bao, December 13, 1912.
When Sun Yat-sen met with Premier Lu Zhengxiang in Beijing on August 26, 1912, he raised the issue of "liaison diplomacy," and Lu asked him to "go to Japan pro-Japan, the United States and his party, japan, and the United States to recognize (the Republic of China), and all countries can handle it without request." On November 9, Sun Yat-sen sent a secret telegram to Yuan Shikai, believing that "if we are in trouble today, if we do not move the capital quickly, it is urgent to join the japanese", and "if the relocation of the capital is difficult, the joint day will not be tolerated or delayed." He said that at the end of the month, he would go to Japan and ask Yuan to "show the formula beforehand" on "the degree of joint exchange should be as good as it is" and "show the formula first". On November 14, Yuan Shikai replied after consulting with the State Council that it would be easier to make this trip "if you test the intentions of the Japanese government in the name of a private person", and "if you make an alliance, the time is still early." As for the offensive and defensive alliances, the strength and weakness are dwarfed, and it is still difficult to open their mouths." Yuan is asking the Western powers for recognition and loans, and of course will not let Sun Yat-sen engage in United-Japan diplomacy to touch other countries.
However, Sun Yat-sen did not understand Yuan Shikai's intentions, and on November 16, he sent a secret telegram: "The China-Japan Alliance is very promising, and if it takes half a year to 1 year, it can be done." Therefore, the Russian-Mongolian covenant must not be recognized, and when the strongest protest prolongs the question, there will be good results." It is also said, "The actions of Russia and Mongolia, but the first and second good people who are very happy and meritorious, want to take advantage of our lack of preparation to make meritorious achievements, which is not the original intention of the Russian government." Therefore, in this matter, delay is the first solution." However, at that time, Japan had already signed a third secret treaty with Russia, Russia invaded Outer Mongolia, and Japan plundered Inner Mongolia, so it was impossible to make an alliance with China to resist Russia. This shows that Sun Yat-sen does not seem to know much about Japan-Russia relations and foreign affairs, and even openly stated that "the Japan-Russia Entente that has been rumored in recent days is really a fiction and must not be heard." Even if the United Japan resists Russia successfully, it will also "drive Russia and lead Japan" to fuel Japan's ambitions to invade northeast China and Inner Mongolia. It should also be noted that it was in July 1912 that the third secret treaty between Japan and Russia was concluded, and in September of the same year, Britain recognized Russia's monopoly on Outer Mongolia. Only then did the "Russian-Mongolian Entente" come into being. It can be seen that it is difficult to succeed in the war of resistance through diplomatic alliances.
Whether it is the theory of "conquest of Russia", "united Japan to control Russia", "building roads to defend Outer Mongolia", and "establishing provinces in Outer Mongolia" have all failed, we must see that Dr. Sun Yat-sen's position on upholding the national territorial unity and safeguarding the sovereignty of Outer Mongolia is firm. These failures are also inevitable results.
Four. Sun Yat-sen refuses to recognize the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Pact
After the Chinese government rejected the "Russian-Mongolian Entente," under the mediation of France, China and Russia began negotiations. Finally, in November 1913, the Sino-Russian Declaration Document and the exchange of notes were signed, in which although the Russian side recognized China's suzerainty over Outer Mongolia, the note recognized Outer Mongolia as part of China's territory. However, the Chinese side was forced to recognize the autonomy of Outer Mongolia; more importantly, it recognized the "Russian-Mongolian commercial regulations" and "clearly defined the relations between China and Outer Mongolia." This is tantamount to nominally retaining China's "suzerainty" over Mongolia, but recognizing Russia's colonial control and plundering rights over Mongolia.
The Tripartite Kyakhta Conference between China, Russia and Mongolia concluded paragraph 21 of the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente in June 1915. In addition to including the contents of the above-mentioned "Declaration Document", and stipulating that the name of Outer Mongolia's Jebtsundamba Hutuktu Khan is canonized by the President of the Greater Republic of China, China recognizes that the "Outer Mongolia Autonomous Government" has the exclusive right to handle all internal affairs and conclude international treaties and treaties with foreign countries on "autonomous Outer Mongolia" industrial and commercial matters. This was tantamount to reaffirming Russia's colonial status in Outer Mongolia. In addition to nominally having the right to be crowned with the title of Khan of Jebtsundamba Hutuktu of Outer Mongolia and symbolically sending officials and stationing a small number of guards in Kulun, Ulyasutai, Kobdo and Kyakhta, Mongolia, China has basically lost substantial sovereignty and rights over Outer Mongolia.
After that, the central government sent office staff to Kulun, and Outer Mongolia entered the stage of "autonomy" under Russian control. In July 1916, Chen Zhen, an envoy to the capital and chief clerk stationed in Kulun, conducted a canonization ceremony on behalf of the Central Committee; in January of the following year, the representatives of Outer Mongolia went to Beijing to apply for employment. In April, Chen Zhen resigned and was replaced by Chen Yi.
In this regard, on July 17, 1916, Sun Yat-sen delivered a speech in Zhangyuan, Shanghai, saying: "Now suppose that civil rights are based on counties, and there are more than 2,000 counties in our country, and if Mongolia and Tibet can also be gradual, then at least 3,000 counties can be achieved." The civil rights of three thousand counties, the foundation of three thousand stones, and the foundation of the fifty-storey chonglou are not difficult to establish." He still insisted on incorporating Outer Mongolia and Tibet into the entire version of China's modern politics and economic development, so as to build a new China.
In July 1917, he led the fleet south to convene a provisional parliament in Guangzhou, and was called south to 213 members of the Senate, including more than 20 Mongolian members, of the 490 members of the House of Representatives. This shows his firm stand in defending Outer Mongoliaism.
Five. Sun Yat-sen praised Xu Shuzheng's plans to recover Outer Mongolia and build Mongolia
Soon after the outbreak of the Russian Revolution, Chen Yi, a senior official in the Cullen office, agreed with the Authorities of The Autonomous Government of Outer Mongolia to send 1 regiment of troops from the interior to Mongolia, and discussed with the Five Dukes of Outer Mongolia to abolish the "Autonomous Government". That is, there is a consensus to send personnel to Beijing to report to Beijing. At that time, the Anhui clan controlled the Beijing government, and Xu Shuzheng served as the northwest border envoy and the commander-in-chief of the northwest border defense, and he decided to send troops to Kulun. On October 29, 1919, Xu Shuzheng led 4,000 troops from Beijing to Kulun in the name of patrolling the border and inspecting the army. Xu and Chen disagreed, and Xu advocated revoking the original conditions and not having to set the conditions first. Therefore, he petitioned the living Buddha Jebtsundamba for the revocation of autonomy, and the Central Committee announced by explicit decree that all methods should be renegotiated. The Maharaja agreed, but the House opposed. Xu Shuzheng threatened chen bing with the living Buddha Jebtsundamba, replied within a time limit, and deleted the preferential conditions in the original proposal. On November 16, the Outer Mongolian Parliament was forced to give in and agree to petition for the revocation of the autonomy document. On the 22nd, the President explicitly revoked the autonomy of Outer Mongolia and the Sino-Russian-Mongolian Entente. On the first day of the first lunar month in 1920, the canonization ceremony was held for the living Buddha Jebtsundamba Jebtsundamba. Restoration of Outer Mongolia.
On November 24, 1919, after returning to Beijing, Xu Shuzheng sent a telegram to Sun Yat-sen about the revocation of outer Mongolian autonomy, and on the 26th, Sun Dian gave him a high evaluation. The telegram said: "Than to get a call, to know the outside of the blindfold, four internal response." Our country has not had Chen Tang, Ban Chao, Fu Jiezi and his people, deacons built this miracle in the tenth day, to fang ancient people, unknown healing. Since the former Qing Dynasty, the four races have carried two people, and they have been in the country for hundreds of miles. The Outer Mongolia dispute, that is, seven years, once restored, once restored, saw the prosperity of the five ethnic republics. This should be encouraged by the joy of the whole country." In reply to Tang Baoye, he said, "Xu took back Mongolia, and his merits were too much for Fu Jiezi and Chen Tang, and public opinion was indispensable." It can be seen that Sun Yat-sen was excited about Xu Shuzheng's recovery of Outer Mongolia, and later in the "Industrial Plan", he included a grand plan to develop Outer Mongolia and the Tangnu Wuliang Sea. The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 5, Zhonghua Book Company, July 1982, pp. 169, pp. 171, 176-177.
At the end of the First World War in 1918, Sun Yat-sen focused on the post-war world pattern. Determined to develop Chinese industry, he wrote six industrial plans, including transportation, mining, agriculture, irrigation and immigration, among other items.
To develop the Mongolian region, Sun Yat-sen was the first to focus on transportation. In the central railway system he designed, there were the "Oriental Grand Port- Cullen Line" and the "Oriental Grand Port-UriaSutai Line" and their branches to connect the coast, the inland and the frontier, and "the desert and grassland parts through which this line passes can be improved by irrigation fortifications." In the northwest railway system, there are a total of 8 lines starting from the northern port, of which the 2nd line passes through Outer Mongolia to Chita via Dorenor; the 6th line runs through Dorenor to Urumqi, and a line runs in the middle via Kulun to Kyakhta; the 7th line runs a line between Dorenor Urumqi via Ulyasutai to the border; and the 8th line also runs a northwest line between Dorenor Urumqi to the border. He also planned to expand the Northwest Railway system to develop the Mongolian Great Plains, a source of agricultural and pastoral benefits for pastures. This system counts 18 lines, including the Duoyan Norchaktu Line, the Zhangjiakou Kulun Wulianghai Line, the Suiyuan Ulya Sutai Kebu Multi-Line, and the Jingbian Wulianghai Line. Connect outer Mongolia and Wulianghai with the inland.
In 1921, Sun Yat-sen also drafted a "Plan for National Salvation", proposing to emigrate to inner and outer Mongolia and other frontier provinces. The "Industrial Plan" emphasizes that "the colonization of Mongolia's Xinjiang is actually a subsidy for the railway plan, and the cover is interdependent on each other, thinking that the developed are also." He also drew up a method in which land would be bought by the state, organized into farms, loaned to immigrants for a long time, and the capital spent by immigrants would be supplied by the state, repaid in cash or apportioned annually. The right to self-government is granted to the full number of immigrants in the first district, and the immigrants should be trained in democratic politics to run their personal undertakings.
In addition, the Industrial Plan proposes to dredge the canal to connect with northern China, mine mining, and develop irrigation and other undertakings. Although These plans were not implemented during Sun Yat-sen's lifetime, they failed to achieve reunification. However, it can be seen that its blueprint for defending Outer Mongolia and the Tangnu Wuliang Sea is truly an unprecedented ambition.
Six. The Soviet Union instigated the re-independence of Outer Mongolia
Outer Mongolia was restored. But the Russian White Party, which was formed as a result of the Russian Revolution, and other forces actively competed for Ku theory. In August 1920, Enchen, an aide-de-camp of the former Seminov White Bandit Army, was attacked by the Soviet Red Army. From che meng invaded outer Mongolia. At this time, Xu Shuzheng lost power in the struggle against Zhiwan, and the northwest border defense army was abolished. The Beijing government's military might in Outer Mongolia was severely damaged. In the same month, the Beijing government's heavy responsibility Chen Yi temporarily appointed the northwestern envoy (in September he was reappointed as the envoy of Kuwuketang Town), but Chen Bu's strength was limited and it was difficult to make a difference.
Taking advantage of the dissatisfaction of the outer Mongolian princes and upper-class lamas with Xu Shuzheng, Enqin bribed a huge amount of money and promised military aid on the pretext of restoring the power of the outer Mongolian autonomy and the cullen living Buddha Jebtsundamba. Some of the princes even supported Enqin. At 2:00 a.m. on October 26, 1920, Enqin "gathered more than 3,000 Russian and Mongolian people and many heavy artillery" and raided Kulun in three ways at night. The Chinese army in Cullen fought back, killing hundreds of enemy men (including Japanese) and repelling the enemy's first attack. Shortly thereafter, Engchen regrouped in southeastern Cullen to prepare for a repeat offense. On January 8, 1921, more than 3,000 bandits defeated chu Qixiang of the 25th Mixed Brigade in the south of the coal kiln. On February 1, Enqin concentrated more than 5,000 people and attacked Kulun in three ways. The 25th Mixed Brigade Chu Qixiang was powerless to resist, and Chen Yi was also a civilian official and did not understand the military. On February 3, Cullen fell. Zhen fu made Chen Yi go north to Kyakhta. On February 9, Enqin instructed the Cullen Living Buddha Jebtsundamba to declare the independence of Outer Mongolia and proclaim the living Buddha Jebtsundamba the "Emperor of the Great Mongol Empire". Source: "Republic of China Historical Materials Series (Major Events No. 7)", page 13; "Compilation of Materials on Modern Chinese History" compiled by the Institute of Modern History of the Academia Sinica in Taiwan, in "Historical Materials on Sino-Russian Relations. Outer Mongolia, 1921, Yongyu Printing House, 1981 edition, pp. 32-33.
As early as February of the same year, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, supported by Soviet Russia, met in Kyakhta and in March established the Provisional People's Revolutionary Government of Mongolia. On June 14, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Army, supported by the Russian Red Army and the Far Eastern Republican Army. Heavy blows to the Enchen bandit army near Kyakhta. On 16 June, the Russian Communist Party decided to enter Outer Mongolia for the Red Army. On 6 July, the Russian Red Army and the Far Eastern Republic Army, with about 10,000 cavalry and artillerymen, fell back to Cullen. The Enchen bandit army collapsed, and Enchen himself was captured by the Red Army in the territory of Prince Khandan in the northwest of Kulen, and was soon escorted back to Siberia for trial and executed. In July, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Government was established in Kulun. On November 5, the Soviet Union signed 13 articles of the "Russian-Mongolian Treaty of Friendship" in Moscow, in which the signatories referred to each other as "contracting states" and stipulated the reciprocal dispatch of envoys. The Institute of Modern History of the Academia Sinica in Taiwan compiled the Compilation of Materials on Modern Chinese History, which contains the "Historical Materials of Sino-Russian Relations. Outer Mongolia, 1921, Yongyu Printing House, 1981, p. 107.
Because the "Russian-Mongolian Treaty of Friendship" was not published, and because the Beijing government's news on foreign Mongolia was interrupted for a while, nothing was known about it. It was not until he received the report of Shen Chongxun, a member of the Chinese Committee in Chita, that he learned the truth. It is worth noting that before the signing of the "treaty", that is, on October 24, the Russian Plenipotentiary Baezkay set off for China; Marin was already active in China. Apparently a premeditated activity.
Seven. In his later years, Sun Yat-sen insisted on the sovereignty of Outer Mongolia
On May 1, 1922, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs protested to the Soviet representative Bayeskay that he had privately concluded a "treaty" with Outer Mongolia, but the Soviet side ignored it and instead concluded a so-called "property rights agreement" with the new regime in Outer Mongolia on May 31. In July, The Soviet Union reassigned YueFei as plenipotentiary representative to China. Adopt a two-handed policy, that is, on the one hand, actively liaise with the Beijing government, and on the other hand, actively seek cooperation with Sun Yat-sen's southern government. It is an attempt to take advantage of the situation of china's north-south division and seek to expand its interests in China.
On New Year's Day 1923, Sun Yat-sen issued the "Manifesto of the Chinese Kuomintang" stating that it was necessary to unite all nationalities in the country and complete a great Chinese nation. In his letter to Foreign-Mongolian Parliamentarian Ke Xing on January 16, Sun Yat-sen stressed that the "GreatEr China Nation" includes the Mongolian nation, which means: "Mongolia is uneven in politics and religion, the people's wisdom is closed, and it is advisable to pay attention to propaganda and promote culture, so as to realize the fundamental plan of our party to constitute a greater Chinese nation." Soon, Yue Fei went to Shanghai on the pretext of recuperating from illness, held talks with Sun Yat-sen, and issued the "Sun Wen Yue Fei Joint Declaration" on the 26th, of which the fourth article was specially designed for the Outer Mongolia issue. The article reads: "Yue Feijun formally declares to Dr. Sun that the current Russian government will not and never have no intention and purpose in carrying out imperialist policies in Outer Mongolia or separating it from China. Dr. Sun therefore believed that the Russian army did not have to withdraw from Outer Mongolia immediately, because of China's actual interests and necessary calculations, and that the current government in Beijing, China, was unable to prevent the issuance of White Russian conspiracies and resistance against Red Russia after the withdrawal of Russian soldiers, and that the situation was particularly serious than it is now. At present, there is no historical record of whether Viet Fei interpreted the "Russian-Mongolian Treaty of Friendship" when the Declaration was signed. But the Sun Wen Yue Fei Joint Declaration forced the Soviet government to promise not to encroach on China's Outer Mongolia sovereignty, but to temporarily station troops. After the Kuomintang completed the reunification of the north and the south, it would be resolved through diplomacy. The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 7, Zhonghua Bookstore, July 1982, p. 52.
When Borodin arrived in Guangzhou in October 1923, Sun Yat-sen spoke of his desire to control Central China and Outer Mongolia. On October 26, Chiang Kai-shek, head of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's delegation to Moscow, discussed the Issue of Outer Mongolia with Zinchierin, but to no avail. His "Northwest Plan" was "aided by the Soviet Union to establish a military academy military base in Kulun (present-day Ulaanbaatar), Outer Mongolia; train tens of thousands of troops and then march south to unify the country with the southern government army from north to south." Jiang also wanted to take the opportunity to retake Outer Mongolia. But it was rejected by the Soviet leaders.
On November 27, 1923, when Trotsky received all the members of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's delegation, he publicly stated that "the Kuomintang can launch military operations from its own country, not Mongolia", and that "Mongolia wants independence." If you want to establish a united front with it, you should regard it as a brother and say that you do not want to dominate it." This caused dissatisfaction from Chiang Kai-shek, who, after returning to the hotel, publicly declared in the regiment: "Trotsky is deceiving them" and "If Mongolia wants independence, it needs our recognition, not its own recognition." History of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression chiang kai-shek's visit to the Soviet Union in 1923: The Beginning of Fission! 》
It is worth noting that Badanzin, the leader of the Outer Mongolian Democratic Party, accompanied by Tibet's deputy Uleji and Inner Mongolia's deputy Bai Yunti, came to Guangzhou to attend the Kuomintang congress. Under the introduction of Wu and Bai, Batainzeng went to the base camp to meet with Sun Yat-sen, "saying that Outer Mongolia is a part of the territory of the Republic of China, that it is necessary to survive and prosper, that there is no possibility of leaving, that today's independence is forced by the environment, and that it is necessary to come out of this momentary opportunity; if the Kuomintang continues its struggle to overthrow the evil northern warlords and unify the Republic of China by the prime minister, then at any time, I am willing to join forces with Ukraine, and Bai Erjun will lead all the people of Outer Mongolia to cancel independence." Sun Yat-sen praised Bataan.
While in Guangzhou, Batander attended Sun Yat-sen's welcome party on the 20th, and Sun praised him for "coming to Guangdong this time, or wanting Mongolia to unite with China again and create a greater Republic of China." During the banquet, Enkbatu spoke in Mongolian and expressed the hope that the five ethnic groups would unite to form a strong nation. On February 3, Sun Yat-sen gave a speech on nationalism, re-mentioning: "This time our Kuomintang held a congress in Guangzhou, and the Mongols sent representatives to see if our southern government's foreign ideas still use realism (according to Han chauvinism - the introducer). When their deputies arrived, they saw that the political program laid down in our congress was to support weak and small nations, with no imperialist intentions, and they agreed with it, advocating that everyone should be united and become a great power in the East. Republic of China Daily, January 22, 1924. The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen, vol. 9, Zhonghua Bookstore, July 1982, pp. 107, p. 200.
In January 1924, the Kuomintang's "Great Congress" manifesto stipulated "the right of all ethnic groups within China to self-determination", and after victory , "the Republic of China shall be organized freely and uniformly (freely united by all nationalities)". On February 18, Sun Yat-sen sent a letter to the "comrades of the Kuomintang headquarters in Cullen", informing him to send Baiyunti to the commercial office of the party, saying: "This party strives to transform China with the Three People's Principles, and to eliminate the tyranny of imperial capitalism, so that the oppressed nations of the world can be free and happy with Mongolia." All party programs and policies are embodied in the manifesto and need not be trivialized. It is the greatest fortune that comrade Baiyunti was specially dispatched by the Executive Committee of the Party Central Committee to discuss party affairs, and it was for the sake of great luck that we would make sincere contacts and proceed with them." Because of the increasing number of Mongolian and Tibetan sides, Sun Yat-sen appointed Uleji, a former member of the National Assembly and a member of the Tibetan Party, as the base camp advisor and Mongolian interpreter.
On May 31, 1924, the Sino-Russian Agreement on the Outline of the Settlement of Outstanding Cases was signed, and the Soviet Union openly recognized Outer Mongolia as Chinese territory. However, on July 1, Outer Mongolia openly established a state, established the Mongolian People's Republic, and promulgated a constitution, fully following the Soviet model, and achieving substantial independence. On 19 August, Nkebatu stated at the Central Executive Committee: "Kulen declared independence from the puppet government of the North, acted in unison with his party, and did not cooperate with the Russian Communist Party." But it doesn't make any practical sense. In particular, after the Guangzhou Business Group Incident in the same year, Sun Yat-sen was forced to fully implement the policy of "uniting with the Soviet Union and accommodating the Communist Party". Records of the Founding Fathers of the Republic of China (VI), p. 4690. Chronology of the Founding Fathers, vol. II, 1985, p. 1220.
In 1924, the negotiations between Soviet Russia and the Beijing government had made great progress and were on the eve of the normalization of relations. Some of the Communists, who were members of the Kuomintang, openly petitioned the Beijing government and supported the Soviet garrison in Outer Mongolia, which also caused serious dissatisfaction among Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang. In April, in response to Sun Jingya's prosecution of Li Dazhao and others for "recognizing the Beijing government in violation of party discipline," Sun Yat-sen explicitly instructed: "The Central Executive Committee will find out whether there is anything to be done and will decide to do so separately." In response to Zhu Hezhong's criticism of the Shanghai "Republic of China Daily" and "New Youth" and others on the Sino-Soviet treaty and the Outer Mongolia issue, "they were careless in their remarks, provoked right and wrong, and had a great impact on the party." Sun even gave stern instructions to the Central Executive Committee to strictly issue discipline and forbade the arrogance of the party's newspapers. Yang Kuisong: "'Rong Communists', or "Divided Communists" ?—— The Origin and Process of the Kuomintang's Split due to "Rong Communists" in 1925" to Li Yunhan's "Calmly Communists to the Qing Party", pp. 300-302.
At the same time, in order to eliminate dependence on Soviet aid. Sun Yat-sen proposed Greater Asianism. In November 1924, when Sun Yat-sen went north, he deliberately detoured through Yokohama, Japan. For the first time in Japan, "Greater Asianism" was publicly proposed. It is an attempt to form an alliance with the Japanese government to realize the "Sino-Japanese-Soviet alliance", to use Japanese aid to contain Soviet Russia, and to force Japan and Russia to abandon the unequal treaty with China and recover the sovereignty of Outer Mongolia, the Middle East Road, and Taiwan. But on March 12, 1925, Sun Yat-sen died of illness. The Kuomintang soon split into left, center, and right factions.
In summary, in terms of safeguarding the sovereignty of Outer Mongolia. Dr. Sun Yat-sen's attitude has always been firm and persistent, but he is trapped by national strength and dependence on Soviet aid. After all these attempts, they all ended in failure.