<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" > Editor's Note:</h1>
Few people know that during the Xinhai Revolution, there was a movement to restore clothes and crowns. Failure for various reasons has left countless lessons and deep confusion and reflection. After 18 years of practice, this confusion has not been eliminated by the Hanfu Revival Movement that emerged at the beginning of the 21st century, and it has encountered a sharp to fierce conflict of ideas in the "Array of Nothingness". The simple belief of finding our national costume out of love has been subjected to cascading and repeated questioning and torture from beginning to end. This kind of spiritual conflict and confusion is unanswered, and it is up to us to practice, think, collide and polish. At this point, we finally feel the heavy words that "the revolution has not yet succeeded, and comrades still have to work hard." The nature of the "Fu My Han Costume Crown" that the Xinhai Revolution stirred up and refracted in history is different from the nature of the "Hanfu Revival Movement" that we advocate today, and cannot be compared or simply compared. However, the original intention is the same, that is, the simple patriotic feelings from the heart, and the ultimate purpose is for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. More than a hundred years have passed, there are many unfinished businesses, and the crown is a very small part of them, but the sense of mission that naturally grows deep inside is the same. We look back on the footprints of the martyrs and fulfill the unfinished mission of the Xinhai Revolution with the responsibility of young people in the new era. The revival of Hanfu has never been a popularization movement in the history of ancient costumes, let alone a personality subculture in which young people chase beautiful clothes. Standing at the historical height of New China in the 21st century, under the guidance of the lofty spirit of our predecessors, we must grasp the main purpose of "carrying forward the excellent culture of the Chinese nation for 5,000 years", build a solid sense of community for the Chinese nation, complete the historical mission of "inheriting the ancient Hanfu system" and "modernizing traditional culture", and let us re-survive and pass it on forever.
The Death of Yiguan: The "Han Yiguan" in the Political Trend and Practice of the Late Qing Dynasty and the Early Ming Dynasty
(Author: Li Jingheng, Associate Professor, Ph.D. in History, Sichuan Normal University)
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" > [abstract</h1>].
In the late Qing Dynasty, the Xinhai Revolution and the early Ming Dynasty, especially before the imperial restoration, the cultural traditions of the ancient Han nationality were regarded as "national essences" and praised by the entire mainstream discourse.
Before and after the Xinhai Revolution, calls for modern freedom and nation-state were seen as parallel to the reconstruction of the Classical Traditions of the Han Chinese. Reflected in the concept of clothing as an extension of a body culture symbol, the movement to restore the traditional "Han yiguan" is intertwined with the practice of establishing a modern political system and system, and it is not contradictory.
In the activities from the late Qing Dynasty to the Xinhai Revolution, in many cities, from the elite of scholars to ordinary revolutionaries or citizens, there were a certain scale of "Han Yiguan" revival activities.
However, with the occurrence of a series of events such as the early Ming Dynasty, the classical tradition and constitutional practice began to be regarded as a separation, including the "Han Yiguan", all traditional symbols, including the "Han Yiguan", were regarded as the negative legacy of the construction of a modern political system, and the spontaneous movement to rebuild the "Han Yiguan" eventually disappeared with the emergence of new cultural criticism, and was not restored until the beginning of the twenty-first century.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" > keyword:</h1>
Late Qing Dynasty, Early Ming Dynasty, Han Yiguan, Nationalism, Hongxian Imperial System
<h1 class= "pgc-h-arrow-right" >, the meaning and collective memory of "Han Yiguan" before the Xinhai Revolution</h1>
In 1644, the Manchurian military aristocracy entered Shanhaiguan and began the qing's comprehensive conquest and rule over China.
In the third year of Shunzhi (1646), the Qing court authorities issued a shaving order, according to the early Qing Dynasty Ye Mengzhu's "Reading the World Compilation" Volume VIII, the Han chinese who submitted to the Manchurian nobility had to receive shaving and changing clothes. In the early stages of shaving and changing clothes, people after shaving still wrapped small braids in ming dynasty net towels, which still looked like a "hair top", and the change in clothing was not very drastic. However, with the continuous pressure of the Manchurian military aristocracy, the southern Han society gradually completely abolished the Han customs and changed to Manchu clothing, the so-called "hair braided on the top of the money, going up to the net scarf, not obeying the skirt, and not wearing the collar" [1]. This was followed by a massive armed revolt by the Han Chinese and a mass massacre of some Han cities by the Manchurian nobility. The armed conflict continued until the end of the San Francisco War and the collapse of the Zheng regime in Taiwan, when the Manchurian aristocracy truly established effective control over Han society and continued to pursue a policy aimed at establishing a posture of political allegiance by changing the traditional Han costumes and hairstyles.
Some scholars of the New Qing School of Historiography believe that the conquest and domination of the Manchus in the Qing Dynasty is not a simple "Sinicization" in the traditional narrative [2]. As a result of Qing rule, in fact, it also led to the Manchuization of the Han People[3]. Mr. Yu Yingshi, on the other hand, argues that the result of Manchuria's conquest of China itself resulted in "a mixed Manchu-Han culture". This means that the Han Chinese in Qing society were actually in a strange cultural tension. On the one hand, they completed a certain manchu under political pressure and gradually developed into habits, including braiding and shaving their heads. On the other hand, the old Han traditions and cultural psychological structures are preserved and perpetuated, and in some cases may evoke more ancient memories.
According to Mr. Ge Zhaoguang's research, since the Qing Dynasty allowed the Korean kingdom to continue to retain the traditional clothes of the Han people, the appearance of Korean envoys in the early Qing Dynasty always caused the resurrection of the old memories of the Han people. Here, the ancient Han chinese cloak as a symbol can evoke a certain painful memory and sense of identity of the Han people for ethnic identity. Until the Daoguang period, some Han Chinese retained their old memories vaguely and indicated to korean envoys that wearing Manchu costumes and shaving their hair was a last resort.
In fact, throughout the Qing Dynasty, due to the Qing court's promise of "life from death", Han scholars were able to protest against shaving and changing clothes by wearing traditional Han clothes and crowns after death, and displaying traditional clothes through funeral ceremonies held in public spaces, so that the memory of ethnic identity could be continuously transmitted. For example, after Huang Zongxi's death, he was "buried with a deep coat with a scarf"[6], and the deep clothes he wore were the ancient Han crowns dating back to the pre-Qin era. Another Ming remnant, Zhang Luxiang, demanded that after his death, he "die in decay"[7], which was also a mourning garment that had appeared in the pre-Qin period. Some people even pre-built their own crown tombs before they died, and buried their Ming Dynasty crowns. Because "no hair, no crown, no skin, no clothes?" [8] "The diary of Yan Hongkui in the Lü Liuliang case during the Yongzheng period also records that his friend wore white clothes and filial piety for the rest of his life after the death of the Ming Dynasty, without braids. According to Mr. Lü Simian's records, one of his compatriots left a set of Ming Dynasty costumes and asked his descendants to treasure it for generations, and when the Han people were restored, they wore this Han costume crown to sacrifice. Lü Simian thus concluded that "there is no shortage of people who believe in nationalism"[10]. This material shows that the memory of the old ethnic group was indeed passed on through the symbol "Han Yiguan" and continued until the end of the Qing Dynasty.
The most typical example is the record of Mr. Zhang Taiyan, whose family area has long been popular with anti-Manchu ideology, and his father personally told him: "My family has entered the Qing Dynasty for seven or eight generations, and all the people who died were buried in deep clothes." Although I have been given a ministry, I have not tried to be a minister. I am dead, I dare not violate my tutoring, and I do not have the rules of the Qing Dynasty" [11]. He himself, in 1902, when he was in exile in Japan, wore the traditional Han costume of "long clothes and big sleeves", which attracted the attention of passers-by. According to Feng Free's records, zhang Taiyan and Chen Taoyi both wore "Chinese clothes" with "long coats and big sleeves" on this trip, and Taiyan also "hand-cranked lupines" [12]. Zhang Taiyan used his family and personal experience to illustrate the long-lasting memory of the Han scholars before the Xinhai Revolution. In fact, in addition to the Zhang Taiyan family, such examples are also seen in the funerals of the Lu Xun family. In 1904, Lu Xun and Zhou Zuoren's grandfather, Jiefu Gong, died, and a total of thirteen burial robes were worn at the funeral, all of which were ming dynasty costumes. Outside of the Jiangnan region, where anti-Manchu ideas were prevalent, there were similar memories. For example, Xiong Shili in Hubei, watched drama with his father in the countryside at an early age. His father told him that "on the stage are the costumes of the Han Dynasty, and unlike the Qing Dynasty, they cannot wear the clothes of that time now"[14], thus evoking Xiong Shili's anti-Qing memories of his childhood.
From the above examples of the late Qing Dynasty, it can be seen that the symbol of "Han Yiguan" carries more than two hundred years of ethnic historical memory and has been hidden in the psychology of the Han ethnic group before the Xinhai Revolution to varying degrees. Therefore, when the revolutionary discourse aimed at "filling up" in the late Qing Dynasty gradually rose, "restoring the clothes of the Han Dynasty" could become an important mobilization slogan, woven into various inflammatory languages.
This can first be supported by evidence from a memoiristic article by Zhang Shizhao. Zhang Shizhao recalled in the article "Shu 'The Soul of the Yellow Emperor]": "When I was young, I liked to watch Peking Opera, ancient clothes and ancient appearance, into the eyes into joy, into Shanghai, when I saw the iron rooster of Xiao Liansheng, with a Manchurian plume on the field, I immediately pointed out but could not control myself. This true revolutionary idea, for two hundred years, has been hidden in the minds of successive generations of people, and no one has realized it." [15] This reminiscent text confirms that the "Han Yiguan", as a symbol of ethnic memory and even aesthetics, is to some extent hidden in the cultural and psychological structure of the Han people, and once it encounters the revolutionary discourse, it can be smoothly transformed into a realistic political symbol.
Because of this, in the revolutionary propaganda of "Lining up" at the end of the Qing Dynasty, the "Han Yiguan" was endowed with a tragic imagination and transformed into a symbol of political propaganda. Qiu Jin wrote in the poem "Hanging Wu Martyr Fan": "More than two hundred years of Han Sheng's death, bowing his head and wearing a crown of foreign nationalities" [16]. In the second chapter of Zou Rong's Revolutionary Army, it is written: "Oh fu! The Han officials and wei yi swept away the floor; the Tang dynasty clothes and crowns were gone. I caress the clothes I wear, and I feel sorry for my heart. I see the spring official clothes and ornaments in the spring, and I feel sorry for my heart; I see the filial piety clothes and ornaments when I come out of the funeral, and I feel sorry for my heart; when I see the officials traveling, the red and green clothes of the lotus knife, the soap of drinking, I pity the heart. Braided hair! Huff! Open the air robe! Red Top! Asahi! For my crown of Chinese cultural relics? Or do you beat the evil clothes of the nomadic Manchus? My countrymen consider themselves".[17] Zou Rong's writing has a strong emotional color, in his pen, those marginal corners of society occasionally retain a little remnants of the "Han yiguan" to make him feel sorry, he called the manchu imposed on the Han people the "evil clothes" of the nomads, forming a tragic historical imagination, and the symbol of "yiguan" is the focus of the imagination projection.
Similarly, in 1903, the third issue of "Jiangsu" published a novel of unknown authors, "Pain and Pain", in which the character proposed: "Look at the ancient Chinese clothing and hat round neck He Tang" he. Some scholars have interpreted it as follows: "Of course, this is not necessarily the author's sincere admiration for the 'Han official Weiyi', but it can be understood as a realistic strategy for relying on the 'imperial Han memory' to launch a 'caste war'" [18]. In fact, regardless of whether the author sincerely worships the "Han Yiguan" or not, the "Han Yiguan", as an important symbol of the continuation of the ethnic group's identity and historical memory, was given a tragic imagination in the "Paiman" Revolution at the end of the Qing Dynasty and as a propaganda discourse with strong symbolic meaning, which actually played an important political function.
<h1 class= "pgc-h-arrow-right" > second, the "Han Yiguan" discourse and revival movement in the Xinhai Revolution</h1>
Mr. Wang Mingke, a historical anthropologist, once analyzed the function of "clothing": "'Clothing' can be said to be an extension of the 'body' of an individual or a group of people; through this extension, the individual or group emphasizes their own identity, or the distinction between our group and other groups." Thus, clothing can be seen as a cultural body construct".[19] This argument summarizes that clothing is essentially rooted in a culture, a cultural body construction, and functionally has the sociological utility of condensing "us" and distinguishing "them".
Mr. Cai Yuanpei once pointed out that the "fullness" program of the Xinhai Revolution was actually the result of the influence of the modern Western nation-state ideology. He said: "If you are suitable for hearing the theory of Western nationalism, and touching its habit of ancient micro-Confucianism, it is attached to the theory of 'Qiu Manchu'" [20]. Mr. Cai Yuanpei said very clearly that "Qiu Manchu" is precisely a response to Western nationalism, and it is no longer a simple pre-modern function of "expelling the Tartars", but its core has the spiritual essence of modern nationalism.
Therefore, it can be said that the imagination and practice of the "Han Yiguan" of the Xinhai Revolution not only inherits the pre-modern ethnic identity, but also has the characteristics of modern nationalism. The culture behind the "Han Yiguan" is the so-called "national essence", and this symbol can strengthen the national identity of the newborn "Chinese" population, and can also clearly distinguish the Manchu Qing rulers as "others", and combine the actual political game with the historical imagination.
After the outbreak of the revolution, the Military Government of the Great Han in Wuchang, which fired the first shot of the uprising, first carried out the action of restoring the "Han Yiguan". According to the recollections of those who witnessed it, the Wuchang military government at that time "guarded every door of the military palace, the soldiers, wearing robes with round necks and narrow sleeves, wearing a four-legged head, and a hero's knot tied in front of them, holding a long knife or saber with a handle, etc., making people wonder whether these people had just come down from the stage!" [21] It is precisely because the Qing Dynasty still retained the "Han Yiguan" in the costumes,[22] so witnesses who see the "Han Yiguan" army of the military government will feel that these people have come down from the stage.
The revolution continues to develop in depth, and with it there is an interesting phenomenon, and in many areas where the revolution has taken place, the army, the intellectual elite, and the ordinary people seem to have invariably begun the movement to revive the "Han yiguan". In the areas controlled by the Military Government of Wuchang, in addition to the army wearing the "Han Yi Crown", the people also spontaneously raised a movement to revive the YiGuan. At that time, "everyone in Wuchang City was refreshed and full of spirits, and there was indeed a new revolutionary atmosphere." I also saw that there were young people in the middle of the city, dressed in green satin samurai robes, wearing a green satin samurai scarf, with a red velvet flower inserted on the left side of the scarf, and wearing a pair of blue satin thin-soled boots, dressed like Wu Song and Shi Xiu on the stage. I think this is probably the meaning of 'return my Han family's crown'! [23]”
In areas controlled by the military government of northern Shu in Sichuan, some rebel soldiers "wore clothes decorated on the stage and flaunted the market". And the comrades in western Sichuan, "At that time, in order to restore the Han costume, many people dressed strangely. Some are tied into costumes, some have tied hair, some have shawls, and some have long braids for short hair." On November 27, 1911, Sichuan during the Xinhai Revolution declared its independence and established the "Great Han Sichuan Military Government". Some of the Brotherhood members who participated in the overthrow of the Manchu Qing proposed that the Han chinese should be restored. As a result, many people with hair tied in buns, costumes, swords on their waists, and foot boots appeared on the streets of Chengdu at that time. [27] People wearing square scarves, white round necks, and wide-sleeved robes also appeared on pengxian Street near Chengdu.
In addition to Hubei and Sichuan, there has also been a movement to revive the "Han Yiguan" in Hunan. In Changsha during the revolution, teenagers who imitated the martial arts on the stage often appeared in the streets and alleys. Young men who married used the gauze hats of the ancient Han chinese as a dress. It was also suggested to the revolutionary government that the regime reform the issue of clothing.
In the Jiangnan region, which is the most anti-Qing tradition, Qian Xuantong, as an intellectual elite, also personally studied ancient books such as "Etiquette", "Shuyi", and "Family Etiquette", and made a "Deep Clothes and Crown Dress Saying" that expounded the costumes of the ancient Han people. Lu Simian of southern Jiangsu recalled that during the Xinhai Revolution, his townspeople had Han clothing and crowns handed down from the ancestors of the late Ming Dynasty, and ordered their descendants to wear sacrifices after the restoration of the Han people. At that time, this person wore this Ming Dynasty costume to worship his ancestors, and "many people knew about this matter" [30]. It can be seen that the sacrifice of wearing the han clothes and crown in the past did play a role in public display. In addition, Xia Zhenwu, a late Qing dynasty scholar who lived in seclusion in Zhejiang, "tied his hair and crowned a Confucian crown and wore deep clothes after the Xinhai Revolution, as if he were to the ancients".[31] This also shows that the political elite of the former Qing regime, after the revolution, showed a conscious identification with the national or cultural connotation symbolized by the "Han Yi crown".
The above materials prove that the movement to revive the "Han Yiguan" in the Xinhai Revolution was widely distributed, and the participants included the army, citizens, gentry and intellectual elite. Obviously, these events and actions are not accidental coincidences, but an attempt based on the Xinhai Revolution itself to recall historical memory through the tragic symbol of "yiguan" and to call for the construction of a modern nation-state. In the movement to revive the "Han Yiguan", the intellectual elite, including the gentry group, in addition to personally participating, also used newspapers and other media to widely produce and publicize the political discourse of the "Hanyiguan", which echoed with the movement.
For example, on October 28, 1911, minli bao published a manifesto of the headquarters of the Chinese revolution that considered "the middle summer" to be "dressed in liturgy, hanging in all directions, seeing Europe as Greece, and the name has passed". On November 27 of the same year, the "Declaration" printed "Portrait of the Yellow Emperor, the Ancestor of the Han Nationality", with the inscription:"I crown the clothes, use the leather to be stubborn"[33], which is obviously to promote to the reader the concept of restoring the traditional Han "crown clothes". There are also newspaper articles declaring that "the green mountains are unharmed, and the homeland is clothed alone". In Sichuan's "Popular Pictorial", the styles of ancient Han costumes such as "deep clothes" and "Xuanduan" appeared, and as the latest popular styles, images were printed for publicity.
(Sichuan "Popular Pictorial" No. 17, 1912 on the "deep clothes" and "Xuanduan" propaganda)
In addition, a large number of intellectual elites also wrote poems praising the revolution's restoration of "Han guan weiyi". For example, in the first year of the Republic of China, the gentleman Qiu Fengjia wrote a poem after paying homage to the Ming Tomb: "The general northern expedition chased away Hu Chi, and told Xu and Chang to know." The old man with the torn hat and the broken shirt was left behind, and he liked to see Han Weiyi again" [35]. Shen Changzhi, a member of the Southern Society, said in the "Guangfu Zhixi": "Braided hair and beard for three hundred years, do not try to see the Han official Yi again" [36].
Combined with the materials written by these intellectuals, it is not difficult to find that in the political context of the Xinhai Revolution, "Han Yiguan", as a concise political symbol, was given a wide range of meanings, which not only penetrated the memory of history, but also intertwined with the modern nation-state imagination worshipped by the Yellow Emperor. The practice and speech of the "Han Yiguan" from the army, gentry, citizens to the intellectual elite shows the strong vitality of the "restoration of old things" movement.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" > third, imperial events: the rapid transformation of the meaning of "Han yiguan"</h1>
It is worth noting that in the political context of the late Qing Dynasty to the Xinhai Revolution, the traditional Han classical and old culture, including the "Han Yiguan", was regarded as a resource with positive and positive meanings. Mr. Wang Mingke regards clothing as a kind of "cultural body construction", which actually emphasizes the "cultural" background behind the symbol of clothing. For the revolutionary ideological movement, the classical culture of the Han people behind the "Han Yiguan" is positive and positive, and there is no contradiction between these cultural wealth and the establishment of a free and humane modern republic. As stated in the Sixteen-Character Program of the League, there is no contradiction between "restoring China" and "establishing the Republic of China." During this period, no one thought that if a free state were to be established, the prerequisites must be to "overthrow the Confucius Shop" or "burn the line-bound books", and no one thought that wearing the "Han crown" was a supporter of the imperial system.
During this period, the "National Essence Movement" was vigorously developing. According to Mr. Wang Fansen's research, the "national essence movement" in the ideological trend of the late Qing Dynasty to the Xinhai Revolution has two basic characteristics. First, the culture of "Guoxue" is unique to the Han Chinese, and the culture of foreign regimes is not orthodox; second, it opposes the authoritarian system and expresses its identification with democracy.[37] It was in this ideological context that the rebellion against the autocracy of the Manchurian nobility was seen as a necessity for the realization of "freedom." For example, Qiu Jin once wrote in a poem: "The golden armor is draped to fight the hu dog, and the hu nu million turn back." The general laughed and drank the Huanglong Free Wine" [38]. In Qiu Jin's view, rebelling against foreign enslavement and restoring the "Great Han" is a thing that does not contradict the pursuit of modern freedom at all. Feng Yuxiang wrote in his memoirs that after reading books such as "Jiading Tucheng" and "Ten Diaries of Yangzhou", he was greatly shocked and "vowed to take revenge and revenge and restore racial freedom". Here, there is an equivalence between rebellion against the Qing court and the struggle for national freedom in the modern sense. In Zou Rong's "Revolutionary Army", he even shouted "Long live the freedom of forty million compatriots" while chanting "Han officials and prestige, sweeping away the ground; Tang made clothes and crowns, there is no existence."
It is precisely because the restoration of Han traditions and the establishment of modern constitutional ideals are regarded as two sides of the same body, so the "Han Yiguan" also appeared in the revolution of efforts to establish a free republic.
With the peace between the north and the south, the Qing court abdicated, and the state of war basically ended. In the subsequent political activities, the classical Han traditional "Zhonghua", as a kind of heritage, was actually unanimously recognized by the revolutionaries, gentry, and later Hongxian imperial system. An important resource for establishing its own political legitimacy in the Hongxian imperial movement was precisely the "restoration of China", and the climax of this practice was also the large-scale adoption of the "Han yiguan" and "ancient system", which were legal props that continued from the late Qing Dynasty. However, the result of the imperial system also determined the rapid transformation of the meaning of "Han Yiguan" and "National Essence".
In order to fight for its own legitimacy, the Hongxian imperial system insisted on continuing to use the ancient production of "Han yiguan" since the Xinhai Dynasty as a banner. In the "Sacrifice Crown Costume System" promulgated in August 1914, it required "viewing the ancients", and specified in detail the "sacrifice clothes of the Great President" and the "ancient Han sacrifice clothes of various officials of the civil and military forces". Published in the Official Gazette No. 1304 on December 25, 1915, "Promoting Yuan Shikai's Pole Fold with Sun Yujun and Others", it was emphasized: "The great treasure of the saints is re-seen by the grand ceremony of the Han officials." The next day, Yang Du, a supporter of the imperial system, published in the "Declaration" the "Second Letter of Recommendation of the Senate on Behalf of the Legislative Yuan", mentioning: "The head of the Republic of China has a person who has seen the prosperity of the Han official's prestige" [41]. Liu Shipei pointed out in the "Theory of the Retrospection of Monarchy" advocating the Hongxian imperial system that after the Qing Dynasty replaced the Ming Dynasty, "after Yanhuang" there were "the pain of being sent" and "the sorrow of the left". The implication is that the Hongxian Imperial System restored the "Han official weiyi" and therefore had legitimacy.
(The Han traditional handover "first-class clothes" stipulated in the Republic of China's "Sacrifice Crown Uniform System")
It was under this strategy that the traditions of "Han Yiguan" and "National Essence" were tied to the chariot of the imperial system. In 1915, Yuan Shikai ascended to the pole, "Yuan Shi was dressed in the dragon robe of the Chu Under the Red Chu, wore a flat heavenly crown on his head, and sincerely led the wen and military officials who were also dressed in Han costume to perform the Heavenly Ceremony at the Temple of Heaven" [43]. Revolutionaries advocating a modern republican form of government attacked this act, with a poem: "The Ninth Class Zhu Zipin is dressed in crowns, and the long-sleeved high-edged quasi-Han officials" [44] show contempt for the "Han yiguan" of the Hongxian Emperor.
The Hongxian monarchy collapsed soon after, but the effects of this event were far-reaching. Traditional culture and the "Han yiguan" are not only no longer regarded as resources suitable for modern society, but also as a hotbed of authoritarianism. Zhou Yutong objected to bible reading, writing: "In such a strange country, zombies wear ancient clothes and crowns, pretend to be gods, and go to the people to do evil, which is almost a common thing", he also pointed out that the emergence of the imperial system in the Republic of China is caused by traditional culture [45]. In his view, traditional culture is the cause of despotism, and the "ancient clothes crown" of the Han people is no longer a symbol of resistance to authoritarian oppression, but is regarded as a "zombie suit".
Regarding the decline of the "Han Yiguan" in the early Ming Dynasty, Lu Xun once used the Nanshe as an example to provide an explanation: "That is, the Nanshe in the late Qing Dynasty was a literary group advocating revolution, who lamented the suppression of the Han nationality, the fierceness of the angry Manchus, and longed for 'restoring the old things'. But after the founding of the Republic of China, it was silent. I think this is because their ideal is to 'see the Han official Weiyi again' after the revolution, Eguan Bo Belt. This is not the case, so it is boring and does not want to write"[46]. In Lu Xun's view, the loss of Nanshe's ideal of restoring "Han guan weiyi" was caused by the gap between ideals and "facts" after entering the Republic of China, so it felt "tasteless".
Wang Fansen believes that the retreat of the "Han Yiguan" revival movement was due to the anachronism of retro and the strong political motivation of the original retro action, so after the revolution, the retro enthusiasm soon disappeared.[47] However, Wang Fansen's view ignored that after the revolution, retro enthusiasm did not disappear soon, but the Hongxian Imperial System quickly took over the banner of "Han Yiguan" and used it as one of the important bases for confirming its own legitimacy. In fact, if we look at the process from the end of the Qing Dynasty and Xinhai to the Hongxian Empire, it is not difficult to find that the "Han Yiguan" has always been an important symbol of establishing legitimacy, not because of the success of the "full" revolution, which makes the retro out of date. It was precisely the Hongxian monarchy that caused a larger "retro" movement.
Therefore, as to the reasons for the retreat of the "Han Yiguan" movement, Lu Xun's explanation should be closer to the fact, that is, the huge gap between ideals and reality after the revolution. This understanding has also been confirmed by the personal experience of Liu Yazi, a person in the Southern Society. Liu Yazi recalled that the Nanshe in the Xinhai period advocated the "bright blood history" of the Song Dynasty and the Ming Dynasty. However, later, in the early Minchu, he encountered the "Hongxian emperor", and there were many people from the Southern Society who were persuaded to advance. After Hong Xian's defeat, the people of Nanshe were no longer embarrassed to "advocate integrity". Here, the "integrity" advocated by the Xinhai Nanshe Society is precisely the so-called "bright blood history" that inherits the spirit of the Scholars of the Song Dynasty and the Ming Dynasty and takes the world as their own responsibility, and it is precisely the ideal of taking retro as the glorious cause. However, when these spirits and traditions are finally tied to the activities of restoring the imperial system, undermining and deviating from the established constitutional track, the final result can only be to go to destruction together with the Hongxian imperial system, losing its own moral spirit and legitimacy. This is also the fundamental reason why the people of nanshe are no longer embarrassed to "advocate integrity" in the end.
The Hongxian monarchy proved its legitimacy by kissing ancient learning and national essence. The final result is that the ancient science and the national essence are poisoned and jointly move towards destruction. This kind of kiss, Mr. Yu Yingshi called it "the kiss of death". According to Xinhai's ideals, the "new China" after the revolution should be liberal, constitutional, and republican in politics, and culturally it should be Eguan Bo Belt, Han Guan Wei Yi, and Li Le Xing. However, the reality is assassination, imperialism, unconstitutionality, the destruction of procedural justice, contempt for the Parliament and the Constitution, and the abduction of "Han guan Weiyi" on the emperor's chariot. As a result, the following logic was born: ancient cultures such as "national essence", including the "Han Yiguan", were all toxins and enemies of the republican form of government. In order to build and consolidate a free form of government, the prerequisite should be to first destroy China's traditional culture and cut off its meridians, that is, the so-called "bottom of the pot."
There are two good examples of this transformation. During the Xinhai Revolution, Qian Xuantong personally made "deep clothes" and wore them to work in an attempt to restore the "big Han clothes". However, "in 1916, when he discovered that Yuan Shikai used traditional culture to restore the imperial system, and thus discovered the state of Chinese society that was 'sinking into progress', he also found the negative effect of 'preserving the essence of the country', and its transformation was inevitable." Qian Xuantong's transformation from an intellectual who praised the "essence of the country" and called for the restoration of the "Han yiguan" to a radical anti-traditionalist was stimulated by the Hongxian imperial system. Looking at Wu Yu in Sichuan, in July 1913, the republic had been established for a year and a half, and Wu Yu was still immersed in the joy of "the official ceremony of the Han Dynasty and the cultural relics of Fu shenzhou[50]". Two years later, in July 1915, he wrote "The Theory of the Family System as the Basis of Absolutism", attacking Confucianism and saying that "although he was ridiculed for 'deviantism', he did not sympathize!" [51] This article, published in the 1917 Issue of New Youth, also reflects that the Hongxian Imperial System stimulated a fundamental change in the symbolic meaning of the "Han Crown".
After this, the preservation of the "national essence" and the struggle for freedom are no longer two sides of the same body, but have become hostile relations, and the "Han Yiguan" is also regarded as a "zombie suit", waiting to be thrown into the toilet together with the line-bound book. After that, the calls for "total Westernization" and "abolition of Chinese characters" have been called out.
< h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" > concluding remarks</h1>
Mr. Qin Hui once wrote a story called "Jing Ke Thorn Confucius": Jing Ke originally wanted to stab the King of Qin, but he was shocked by the majesty of the Qin court and did not dare to stab Qin. In the blink of an eye, he held a dagger and stabbed Confucius like a chaotic stab, while piercing the hole, while criticizing the "inferior roots are deep and deep". Today, it seems that the idea of "cultural determinism" is also the logic of "Jing Ke stabbing Confucius". The emergence of the Hongxian imperial system also led to the transformation of the mainstream trend of thought in the intellectual circles from "hedgehog" to "prickly hole". In the social context and trend of thought in contemporary China, we have gained more understanding and recognition by reflecting on and walking out of the radical historical view with anti-tradition as the main tone. The revival of ancient learning and ancient rites not only does not constitute an obstacle to cultivating modern society, but has a positive significance for the construction of social communities and the cultivation of public order and good customs. In this context, the re-emergence of various "crowns" including Confucian scarves, crowns, deep clothes, Genduan, and sacrificial clothes should be given a positive evaluation from the perspective of an ideological history. In the ashes of the death of the crown, there is also the hope of rebirth in the fire.
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