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preface
The Bechuanaland border is only 170 miles from Johannesburg and can be reached in three or four days on horseback. Choosing a base on the Rhodesian border, 400 miles away, was too far for a predatory expedition.
Rhodes wrote to Beit in London in August: "[Bechuanaland] protection is essential. I assure you that if we get it, all problems will be solved. As a last resort, if that fails, go to Chamberlain. You are more persuasive than most, and it may be too late next year to show him that Britain's full standing in southern Africa depends on it. He added: "I've heard that Chamberlain was a tough man and a visionary who could dedicate Africa to Britain if he took a step forward." ”
Once a radical member of Gladstone's cabinet and a wealthy businessman, Chamberlain has crossed the political spectrum to become an ardent imperialist in Lord Salisbury's conservative and Unionist coalition government. Everyone calls him "Joey the Strong-Worded". Like Rhodes, he considered the British "race" to be the greatest of all the dominant races, but he favored imperial control rather than colonial control. He believed that the Commonwealth of Empires was essential to maintaining Britain's status as a world power and ensuring its economic prosperity.
In 1888, he asked the London Chamber of Commerce: "The British Isles are very populous and crowded. Now those huge dependencies turn to us for protection, and if now they break away from us, then who will believe that the population on the British Isles can live a day? Developing imperial trade became one of his growing concerns. He saw the Transvaal as a thorn in his side, both as an outlier and as a potential threat to British hegemony, an independent country within British interests that was willing to embrace Germany; With its gold reserves and German support, it has the potential to become a major country in southern Africa.
Collaborators meet
In 1895, Chamberlain was nearly sixty years old, and after a decade of wandering the political wasteland, he was eager to make a difference. From 1 August, Chamberlain held a series of meetings with Harris, Earl Grey and other collaborators in Rhodes, who initially insisted on due consideration of all issues, including the rights of the Chief of Tswana. Harris then reported to Rhodes that Chamberlain's attitude was "uncompromising and decisive."
However, when Harris mentioned Rhodes' plan to extend the Bechuanaland Railway to Bulawayo, Chamberlain became more compliant and advised them to use "a piece of land" in Bechuanaland for the construction of the railroad before making long-term plans. According to Harris, Chamberlain "discreetly hinted" to his true motives for discovering Rhodes' eagerness to take control of the Protector: "Rhodes wanted to deploy a police force near the border in Gaberones" to provide assistance "in the event of an uprising in Johannesburg."
According to Harris, Chamberlain immediately objected during this conversation. Chamberlain said: "I said I didn't want to hear any confidential information, I came here in an official capacity. I can only hear information that can be used for official purposes. Earl Grey then intervened, and then went back alone to discuss the matter with Chamberlain. Gray later described the details of this meeting in a letter to Chamberlain dated December 10, 1896: "I have told you privately ... In order to secure for themselves their common rights as free men, the diaspora would soon launch an armed uprising, so it was necessary to deploy an armed force on the Transvaal border in case of emergency. ”
On August 2, 1885, the day after meeting with Chamberlain, Harris and Gray sent a telegram to Rhodes with a similar description of events: We have therefore decided to inform the Secretary of State of the Colonies of all the reasons why we wish to establish a base in Gaberones, and why it is wise to maintain our presence in the Protectorate. The Colonial Secretary wholeheartedly endorsed Rhodes' policies. But instead of changing his decision on the Conservation Domain, he proposed an alternative, and in order to prove that the British South African Company had a legitimate interest, the company should consider applying for a large government land grant in the Conservation Territory in exchange for the railway line extending north.
Batooun refused to cooperate
Another colleague of Rhodes, company director James Maguire, met with Chamberlain on August 13 and thought Chamberlain seemed to like the conspiracy as well. On August 13, Harris telegraphed to Rhodes: "Chamberlain will make every effort to assist, but only if he surrenders the Protectorate, he knows nothing about your plans." He did believe that now Rhodes' ingenuity could overcome any trouble caused by the British government's refusal to hand over the protected territories. ”
Chamberlain later tried to deny that he knew about the conspiracy in advance. However, his friend Earl Grey was adamant about this. Historian Basil Williams wrote in the transcript of the interview with Gray: "Gray said that Chamberlain certainly knew about his intention to intervene in the Transvaal forces. Gray said: "For the honour of the United Kingdom, it should not be made public, just as it was not spoken out by anyone at the time. The biggest difficulty was Harris—it took a lot of effort to shut him up. ”
Harris and Gray went to see Chamberlain again on 20 August, after which Chamberlain sent a telegram to Robinson in Cape Town, instructing him to obtain a piece of Gaberones' land from the Tswana chief Baturne for use by the British South African Company, which Rhodes intended to use as a military base for his invasion of the Transvaal. To Rhodes' anger, Batooun refused to cooperate. Rhodes appealed to two other chiefs in Tswana to persuade them to place the 40 square miles around Pisani Polugo, north of Mefugen, under the jurisdiction of the company.
On October 18, with Chamberlain's consent, Robinson issued an announcement handing over the land to the company. On the same day, he appointed Jensen as Territorial Commissioner. Immediately afterwards, the police force of the British South African Company began moving from Bulawayo towards Pisani. The excuse was that they needed to protect the construction of a new railway from disgruntled indigenous influences. However, there are no railways under construction, and there is no need for their protection.
While these conspiracies were underway, a tariff war broke out between the Transvaal and the Cape over rail fees. For several years, until the completion of the Delagoa Bay Line and the Durban Line, the Cape Line monopolized rail transport to Johannesburg, and in 1895 its share of transport was still 85%, but it was declining. To increase its share, the Cape government began to weaken the other two lines.
The Transvaal retaliated by tripling the toll for the 51-mile stretch between the Vaal River and Johannesburg. To circumvent these costs, the Cape government arranged for the cargo to be unloaded at the Vaar border and transported to Johannesburg by ox cart at competitive prices. On October 1, Kruger fought back, closing the ferry and banning the oxcart traffic line that crossed the Vaal during dry periods. The Cape government appealed to Chamberlain. Chamberlain issued an ultimatum to Kruger to withdraw the proclamation and ordered British troops to divert from the Cape to India.
Kruger conceded
On November 7, Kruger relented and reagreed to allow the carriage to cross the Vaal River. The so-called "ferry crisis" has increased discontent on both sides and heightened tensions on all sides. It also provided further reason for Rhodes to advance his plot. In Johannesburg, the main topic of conversation was when the "revolution" would come. James Blythe wrote: "There is talk of uprisings everywhere, in dark corners, in clubs where everyone eats lunch, and in the intermission of theatrical performances, there is little else to talk about." "Most people think an uprising is imminent.
However, despite the rage of popular resentment in Johannesburg and the criticism of the Kruger government in the press, there seems to be little enthusiasm for the uprising. Times reporter Capt. Francis Younghepong reported in December that "the inhabitants of Johannesburg are not a group of easily instigated, rebellious and quarrelsome. They are people who make money. Rebellion and making money cannot be carried out at the same time. "Ordinary miners, enterprise workers, and clerks are paid very much, and although they are willing to agitate for reform, they do not have the idea of revolting.
Younghusband said: "None of them want to see the British flag raised here, none of them want to see the current republic wiped out." There is no indication that there was a commotion among the Transvaal diaspora in that direction. No one wanted to drive away the Boers. In a letter to Beit and Waldher in London, Lionel Phillips put it bluntly: "I don't think there are really many people who take it seriously about suffrage. "Within the Rand masters, opinions are also very divided.
Barney Barnato has always tried to be friendly with Kruger and happily chatted with Kruger on the balcony in front of his home during his visit to Pretoria. Robinson argued that sentiment against Krueger was artificially inflamed, that diaspora grievances were exaggerated, and that any attempt to stage a coup was doomed to failure. German entrepreneurs Adolf Gortz, Georg Alb and Sigismund Neumann also opposed the coup.
In November, Rhodes discussed plans with two key figures in Johannesburg, National League leader Charles Leonard and Lionel Phillips, president of the Chamber of Mining and Mining, who had traveled to Cape Town to figure out Rhodes' exact goals. Leonard preferred a "reformed republic." He wanted Rhodes to guarantee that the Union Jack would not be used as a symbol of the uprising and that the Transvaal would not be forced to join the Union. Rhodes seemed to agree.
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Cecil Rhodes and the early economic modernization of South Africa[J]. WANG Jinsheng. Issues in History Teaching, 2012(02)
A brief discussion on the South African War (1899-1902)[J]. CHENG Qun. Military Historical Research, 2006(01)