The geographical research discourse of the Chu Ci is centered on Qu Yuan's expulsion from Northern Han and the controversy over Lingyang

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Summary: If you go deeper into all aspects of the study of Chu Ci, it can be said that various issues are endlessly debated, and the same is true of the geographical study of Chu Ci. From the Han Dynasty to the present, the geographical research of the Chu Ci has generally changed from rough to refined, and it is concentrated in the controversy between Qu Yuan's exile and exile, especially the exile of Northern Han and Lingyang. Qu Yuan's exile was constantly clarified in the debate, and many non-geographical factors in the geographical study of Chu Ci were also presented. As a literary text, for a long time, chu ci's geographical research has mostly been influenced by political ethics and academic trends, and the study of its literary geographical characteristics has yet to be deepened.

Keywords: Chu Ci Geography Hanbei Lingyang Jiangnan

As a representative of southern Chinese literature in the pre-Qin period, Qu Yuan's life, political fate and his works have attracted the attention of posterity for more than two thousand years. Due to the lack of historical materials of Qu Yuanping, the open reading of texts, and the study of Qu Yuan and his works, it can be said that there are many different opinions and different opinions. As far as the region where Qu Yuan composed his poetry and the route of Qu Yuan's exile are concerned, because they are often related to Qu Yuan's political fate of neglecting or releasing or relocating, the views of various schools of thought are different, and there are differences in the same, there are similarities in differences, and everyone is different in speech, almost to the point of being unable to clean up. Regarding the summary of the issue of Qu Yuan's exile, the sage Shi Xian has made many expositions, such as Mr. Zhou Jianzhong's "Evidence of Qu Yuan's Banishment Problem" and "Qu Yuan's "Exile in Jiangnan" Examination", which, from the perspective of summarizing the viewpoints, has made a detailed sorting out of qu Yuan's exile, the number of times, the research status of the banishment route, and the viewpoints of various families. From a geographical point of view, this paper intends to briefly sort out the historical process of the geographical research of "Chu Ci" for more than two thousand years, and focus on qu Yuan's expulsion to Northern Han and Lingyang controversies, and reveal the profound influence of non-geographical factors such as political ethics and academic trends on the geographical research of "Chu Ci" through the perspective of the focus of the geographical research controversy of "Chu Ci".

01 The Historical Process of Geographical Research in Chu Ci

The study of the geography of chu ci begins with the interpretation of place names. From the perspective of toponymy, there are changes and differences between ancient and modern place names, forming the phenomenon of multiple places in one place, and also having the characteristics of place names migrating with people and forming multiple places. These factors have brought certain difficulties to future generations in studying geographical names. Therefore, the empirical study of geographical names occupies an important position in geographical research. Successive dynasties have also had such problems in the interpretation and empirical study of place names in the Chu Ci, especially in Qu Yuan's works, and there are great differences.

Wang Yi of the Eastern Han Dynasty, a native of Yicheng, Nan Commandery (present-day Yicheng, Hubei), belonged to the Chu people of Chu from the geographical point of view of the Warring States. He composed chapters and sentences for the "Chu Ci", focusing on establishing the image of Qu Yuan's loyal and loyal vassals, and the interpretation of the place names in the "Chu Ci" was not very clear. In many places, it is simply said that it is a place name, a water name, and a mountain name, such as the sentence "South of Jiyuan Xiang" in "Leaving Sorrows", Wang's note: "Yuan, Xiang, water name also." "The specific geographical location of the geographical name is not indicated. From the perspective of place name interpretation, Hong Xingzu's "Supplementary Notes on Chu Ci" is the most detailed, such as the interpretation of water names and place names such as Yuanxiang and Kunlun, and the citation of geographical books such as the Classic of Mountains and Seas, the Water Classic, and Fang Zhiru's "Jingxiang Record", which make the interpretation of place names in the "Chu Ci" clearer. As quoted above from the "Departure from the Troubles", "Jiyuan Xiang South of the Expedition", Hong's supplementary note is: "The Classic of Mountains and Seas Cloud: Xiangshui out of the emperor Shun's burial in the east, into the cave court. Yuanshui flows out of xiang county in the west of the city, east of the river, and in the middle of the cave court. "Later Han Zhi": Wuling County has Linyuan County, south of Yuanshui, the water source comes out of Mu mu and Lan County, to the county boundary is divided into Five Streams. Yangshuo Mountain, Lingling County, Xiangshui out. "Water Classic" Cloud: Yuanshui bet on the cave court, and the party will be in the river. "Xiangshui Chronicle" Yun: Xiangshui is from Yangshuo, then it is a boat, and when it reaches the cave court, the sun and moon are in and out of it. Hong shi quoted the geographical documents of the Classic of Mountains and Seas, the Book of Han and geography, and the Xiangshui Chronicle, and specifically indicated the source flow of the Yuan and Xiangshui flows. It can be said that the supplementary annotation to the place names of the Chu Ci is the most important aspect of Hong Xingzu's Chu Ci Supplement. Geographical documents such as the Classic of Mountains and Seas are important references for Hong Xingzu's interpretation of place names in Wang Yi's Chu Ci Zhangju. The Northern Song Dynasty Huang Bosiyan's book "Chu Ci" (Chu Ci) "Shu Chu Language, Chu Sheng, Ji Chu Di, Chu Chu Wu, so it can be called 'Chu Ci'." Ruo, Only, Qiang, 谇, 蹇, 侘, 侘, Chu language also; Sudden setback and tragic, or rhyme or no, Chu Shengye; Yuan, Xiang, Jiang, Li, Xiumen, Xiashou, Chu Di also; Lan, 茝, 荃, medicine, 蕙, 若, 苹, 蘅者, Chu Wu also. He is all like this, so he takes the name of Chu", with special emphasis on the Chu characteristics of the works of "Chu Ci". However, in addition to "Ji Chu Di" in the Chu Ci, there are also a series of non-Chu place names such as Fu Yan and Kunlun. In this regard, Hong Xingzu also has a relatively adequate supplement. For example, the destination of "Leaving Sorrow" is Kunlun twice. Wang Yi occasionally quoted the Huainan Zi to explain, and Hong Shi quoted in detail the Classic of Mountains and Seas, the Biography of Mu Tianzi, the Water Classic, the Huainan Zi, the Ten Continents, the Yu Benji, the Hetu Kuodi Ji, the Erya, the Divine Anomaly, the Boya, and the Naturalist Chronicle, etc., and made a more systematic supplement to the place names, water names, and kunlun compositions involved in the Kunlun region of the "Departure from Sorrows". Although Zhu Xi's commentary on the Chu Ci was dissatisfied with the commentaries of Wang Yi and Hong Xingzu, he said that the second book "has been detailed between the famous objects and the exhortations." In the Ming Dynasty Wang Yu's "Commentary on the Collection of Chu Ci" (Chu Ci Ji Xie) explains "Yuan and Xiang", he completely quotes Hong's supplementary notes, and yun "Although contained in this Supplementary Notes, although there is no reference to the meaning of the text, it must not be known."

Since Zhu Xi, in the interpretation of place names in the Chu Ci (Chu Ci) that "has no regard for the meaning of the text", most of them have followed the Hong's theory. However, on the basis of examination, new views have emerged on the basis of examination of place names involving "Wenyi", most of which focus on the investigation of Qu Yuan's exile and exile route, and this investigation is closely related to Qu Yuanping and political experience, and is related to the empirical study of place names in the Chu Ci. The study of Qu Yuan's exile is diverse. Mr. Zhou Jianzhong's article "On qu yuan's "exile" issue", after making a detailed sorting out and summarizing of the heresies on qu yuan's "exile" from the Han dynasty to the present, believes that Qu Yuan's life can be divided into three stages, namely, serving in the capital of Yingdu, being slandered, and being neglected; living in northern Han for a period of time; and being exiled to Jiangnan. I have experienced a life course of neglect and relocation. This kind of induction is more accessible. In Qu Yuan's life, there were three places in Yingdu, Hanbei and Jiangnan, one was still in Yingdu, one was placed in Hanbei, and one was moved to Jiangnan, and the three places had great significance on his life path. From a regional point of view, before the Song Dynasty, the understanding of qu yuan's exile in the Chu Ci was concentrated in the Yuanxiang area of Jiangnan. The earliest person involved in Qu Yuan's exile in the two Han Dynasties was Jia Yi in the early years of the Western Han Dynasty. Jia Yi was a native of Luoyang, and his connection with Qu Yuan was mainly due to his exile as The Prince of Changsha (177 BC). The "History of Qu Yuan Jia Sheng Lie" says: "Jia Yi resigned from the past, smelled the dampness of Changsha, thought that he could not live long, and went away with who, and he did not feel comfortable." and crossing the Xiangshui River, in order to endow Qu Yuan. The opening chapter of his "Hanging Qu Yuanfu" is cloudy, "Jointly inherit jiahui xi, and sin Changsha." Sideways smell Qu Yuanxi, self-indulgent Miluo. Make a toast to Xiang Liu Xi, honor Mr. Hang". Sima Qian was another person in the Western Han Dynasty who visited Qu Yuan's self-sinking place after Jia Yi. Sima Qianyun: "Yu read "Leaving sorrow", "Heavenly Question", "Summoning Souls", "Mourning Yin", and mourning Qizhi. Suitable for Changsha, Guan Quyuan was immersed in the abyss, and he did not hesitate to weep, and wanted to see him as a person. Sima Qian's joint transmission of Qu Yuan and Jia Yi highlights the similarity of the political experiences that Qu Jia and Jia did not meet, and also pins on Sima Qian's personal political feelings, so that the Xiangjiang and Miluo at Qu Yuan's Shenjiang River, because of Jia Yi's hanging and his own lamentations and weeping, have become the place of emotional sustenance of those who have not met in later generations, a space symbol of generations of acquaintances. Wang Yi's Chu Ci Zhang sentences, inheriting the Western Han Dynasty's expression of Qu Yuan's political experience, believe that Qu Yuan was neglected to compose "Leaving Sorrows" when he was king of Huai, and moved between Yuanxiang and Xiang in Jiangnan during the reign of King Xiang, and that works such as "Nine Chapters" and "Nine Songs" were written when Qu Yuan was moved to Jiangnan. In addition to Jia Yi, Sima Qian, and Wang Yi, the Western Han Dynasty's Dongfang Shuo, Huan Kuan, Yang Xiong, Liu Xiang, and the Eastern Han Dynasty's Ban Gu and Ying Shao also believed that Qu Yuan was exiled in southern Chu or Jiangnan Yuanxiang. This view did not change much until the Song Dynasty, except that Zhu Xi's "Notes on the Collection of Chu Ci" said that the "Nine Chapters" were not written at one time and one place, and the later generations studied the collection, ordering, time, place, and falsification of the "Nine Chapters". With the further development of the discussion of Qu Yuanping in later generations, the study of the geography of chu ci has also deepened. It is mainly manifested in: first, the emphasis on the "Northern Han" region; second, on the comprehensive investigation of Qu Yuan's route and place of exile to Jiangnan, and its focus is centered on the controversy of "Lingyang".

02 Northern Han – The Controversy Over Qu Yuan's Northern Release

The Nine Chapters of Meditations" Yun "there are birds from the south to the north of Han", Wang Yi notes: "Qu Yuan said that he was born in chu guoye." Although it is easy to water and soil, Zhi bu revolution also. Wang Yishi "Nan" is "self-proclaimed birth to the Chu Kingdom", and Hanbei does not directly explain it. Hong Xingzu only made supplementary notes on the "Han" of "Han" in "Han", that is, "Han Shui", citing the "Yu Gong", "Zhou Li", "Water Classic" and "Classic of Mountains and Seas" to divide the source and flow of Han Water. Zhu Xiben's kings Yi believed that "Qu was born in the Chu Gorge and was in Yan Yin, and was gathered in northern Han from the south" . Zhu said that he was first questioned by Wang Yao, who said: "This chapter is about the land of the south and the move to the north of Han, and the so-called foreigners below refer to the north of Han. Yan Yin is the capital of the king of Chu, where the Zongmiao temple is located, and he has come to serve in his country, how can it be said that he is an exotic place? Its non-is also judged. Lin Yunming also thought that Zhu said inappropriately: "If the old note is originally from the Chu Gorge, but because of Du Shi's "The Most Capable Passage", it is said that the mountain has Qu Yuan's house sentence, I don't know that although Shaoling was in Kuizhou on that day, qu Yuan's house was in Guizhou Prefecture, and when Guizhou was in the Spring and Autumn Period, it was also the hometown of The Chu Zi Kingdom, because of the whole Chu, it is not said that there is Qu Yuan's house in the Capital of Kui Prefecture. Yingdu is also Jingzhou, born in Ying and Shi in Ying, what is the south of the hu? Zhu Xi's statement was very far-fetched, so there were few people who inherited his statement in later generations. It can also be seen that the Connection between the Han and Song Dynasties has not yet paid sufficient attention to the connection between "Northern Han" and Qu Yuan's exile.

Associating "Northern Han" with Qu Yuan's residence is generally believed to have begun with Wang Fuzhi. In fact, the use of "Hanbei" as the site where Qu Yuan was relocated should begin with Wang Yu in the Ming Dynasty. Wang Yu noted: "Nan, refers to Ying Du also." Hanbei refers to the place where it was moved at that time. The place where Qu Yuan moved, in the south of Yanyin, the north of Jianghan? "However, it is worth noting that in the Chu Ci Supplement, the "Reflections" are listed after the "Lamentations", and Wang Yanni is arranged in this order, and because he believes that the "Sorrows" were written in the twenty-first year of the reign of King Xiang of Qi, he believes that the "Reflections" was also written twenty-one years after the King of Xiang of Qi." The fact that "Northern Han" was the place where Qu Yuan moved was different from the Han and Song dynasties that Qu Yuan moved to Jiangnan when he was the King of Xiang. But Wang's theory opened up the importance of the relationship between "Northern Han" and Qu Yuan's exile in later generations.

Like Zhu Xi, Qing Lin Yunming believed that the "Nine Chapters" were not written at one time and one place, and clearly pointed out: "Wang Yi said that Qu Yuan was placed in the wilderness of Jiangnan, thinking of the king and remembering the country, and was extremely worried, so he rewrote the "Nine Chapters", as if the "Nine Chapters" were also composed by the wilderness of Jiangnan. Hereby examine it in his literature, such as the "Recitation of Pity", but after the king of Huai saw the neglect, he was offended by his words, but he did not let go. The second is "Si Meiren" and "Si Si", which is the offense of jinyan, and king Huai put it aside, calling the capital of Zhaodu the southbound, calling the courtiers the southerners, and placing them in the north of Han. The specific geographical location of "Hanbei" is explained as follows: "Hanbei borders Shangyong, and the Han River flows out of the Mountain of Lingzuka, in Ningqiang County, Hanzhong Province, Shangyong is Shiquan County, and in the seventeenth year of king Huai, it was taken by Qin, while Hanbei belonged to Chu. Si Qin will Chu Huang Thorn, fu and Chu Shangyong. In the ninth year of Xiang, Chu was defeated for Qin, and cut off Yong Hanbei and Qin, so the "Si Meiren" chapter also refers to the Western Kuma of the Tomb, with the body in the north of Han, citing the former Han Shui's self-emergence, Yu is in the high ear, if you don't lift the mountain, there is no source to push it, then the original migration is doubtful. Lin Yunming, based on the situation of the western territory of Chu at the time of King Huai and Emperor Xiang of Chu, believed that Qu Yuan's release of Hanbei was at the time of King Huai, and that "Hanbei" referred to the area bordering Shangyong (in present-day southwestern Zhushan County, Hubei).

Wang Fuzhi's "Chu Ci Ji Shi" believes that the sentence "There are birds from the south and the south from the north of Han" is "to recount that king Huai did not use current events, when Chu Shang was in the capital, in Hannan." Originally, he did not need to go to the country and retreated to northern Han." Wang Fuzhi was confined to Qu Yuan's exile to Jiangnan during his lifetime, and the "Nine Chapters" were all written when Qu Yuan exiled Jiangnan, so although Yun Quyuan retired to Hanbei when he was king of Huai, he still believes that "Thinking" was written when he was king of Xiang, and the retreat to Northern Han when King Huai was involved in "Thinking" is a "recounting" of Qu Yuan's relocation to Jiangnan. Wang Fuzhi's use of "recounting" bridges the contradiction between Qu Yuan's retreat to Northern Han when King Huai was king and the Nine Chapters, which were all written when King Xiang moved to Jiangnan.

Among the above three theories, there is no doubt that Lin Yunming's "Reflections" was written when Qu Yuan was released to live in northern Han when he was the King of Huai, so jiang ji, Dai Zhen, You Guoen, Jiang Liangfu, Ma Maoyuan, Hu Nianyi, Jin Kaicheng, and Zhao Kuifu all adopted this statement. For the specific geographical location of "Hanbei", each family has the same and different. In addition to the views of Wang Yu and Lin Yunming, Jiang Ji believed that Hanbei "is the land of Yun and Xiang." Originally moved here from the capital of Ying, the birds of Judah from the south to the north also." The land of Yun and Xiang was in the area from Yun County to Xiangyang in the northwest of present-day Hubei Province. Mr. Zhao Kuifu said, "Qu Yuan was released to Hanbei in the 245th year of king Huai of Chu, and its land was Hanbei Yunmeng during the Spring and Autumn Warring States period, and in the north of the lower reaches of the Han River, the present-day counties of Zhongxiang, Jingshan, Tianmen, Yingcheng, Yunmeng, and Hanchuan." The old thought that those who were in the area around Yunxiang or north of Xiangfan were mistaken, let alone in the land of the Qin State", and put forward a new view of the specific location of Northern Han.

However, unlike Qu Yuan's view of letting go of Hanbei, there is also a view that the "bird" of "there is a bird from the south" refers to the king of Chuhuai, and "laiji Hanbei" refers to the king of Chuhuai entering Qin to hanbei, rather than Qu Yuan releasing himself to live in hanbei. This theory began with Yao Nai, whose "Reflections" notes: "The king of Huai entered Qin, crossed the Han and went north, so he had a bird and was sad that he looked south and could not oppose it." Therefore, although exiled, he cared for the Chu kingdom, cherished the king, and did not forget to oppose him. According to Yao Nai, Qu Yuan was exiled to Jiangnan during the reign of King Huai of Chu, and his "Lamentation" section notes: "When The King of Sorrow was suspicious of King Huai, he released Qu Zi to Jiangnan, and in present-day Raoxin, Jiangxi, located east of Ying, when he was also written as "Sorrowful Yin". It is between Chenxiang and Xiang, in the south of Ying, when he composed "Wading the River". Therefore, he believes that the "Hanbei" in "Thinking" is the Hanbei that King Huai passed through when he entered Qin, rather than the place where Qu Yuan was exiled. This theory was inherited by Ma Qichang, Rao Zongyi, Yu Shengwu and others, and each family made new corrections on the basis of Yao's statement. For example, Mr. Yu Shengwu made a specific analysis of the sentence "There are birds from the south to gather in the north of Han" from four aspects, "the first three series of words and sentences under this article (referring to "thinking about" and "chaotic yue" (according to: referring to "exotic", "its", "Zhuo", "Shen", etc.) made a specific analysis to clarify the original meaning and actual situation; the fourth system summarized whether it was found in the "Chu Ci" The geography and famous objects of the mountains and rivers, compared with the north of Han and the vicinity of the Great River or the south of the river", and linked to the two routes of the boat and car of the Ejun Qijie, which were excavated. It is judged that the passage "There are birds from the south to the north of Han" below the 'advocate' is Qu Yuan's assumption that King Huai will stay in Qin, rather than Qu Yuan's self-description of the process of being relocated. Mr. Yu's four supplementary certificates further improved Yao's theory. Mr. Zhao Kuifu's article "Qu Yuan's Questioning and New Evidence of Exile from Hanbei" forcefully refuted Yao Nai and Yu's provincial Wuzhi Qu Yuan's theory that "Hanbei" was not released, and put forward new evidence for Qu Yuan's expulsion of "Hanbei".

Qu Yuan's release or retirement to Hanbei also sparked a debate in the geography of the Chu Ci in the 20th century, represented by Qian Mu, You Guo'en, and Rao Zongyi. Qian Mu's "Pre-Qin Sons' Chronicle" and "Examination of Place Names of Chu Ci", with Qu Yuan's release in Northern Han as the center of the theory, boldly inferred, saying: "The "History of Qu Yuan" is a section of the Xiang King's anger to move Qu Yuan, the text is intermittent, and it is quite suspicious. Then Qu Yuan's pawn, which is fixed in the world of the King of Xiang, is not something that can be judged specifically according to ShiWen. Now that Qu Yuan is said to have lived in northern Han, and all the names of Dongting Yuanyuan in the Chu Ci are in northern Han, then the xiang king moved to jiangnan section, and there is no root in the matter. Qu Yuan's pawn, or long before King Huai entered Qin, was inherently possible. Mr. Qian denied the reliability of Sima Qian's "Records of History" and made two points worth noting: First, he made a northward migration of the southern place names involved in Qu Yuan's works, that is, "all the names of Dongting Yuanyuan sung in the Chu Ci were in northern Han"; second, Qu Yuan died before King Huai entered Qin, and it was absolutely impossible to move to Jiangnan during the reign of King Xiang. Qian Mu's article was published in the Journal of Tsinghua in July 1934, and it had a great response in the academic circles for a while. In May 1936, Mr. You Guoen wrote an article entitled "On Qu Yuan's Death and the Geography of Chu Ci", which refuted Qian Muzhi's statement, and the second part of the article, "The Yuanxiang Dongting In the Chu Ci Is Broken in jiangnan zheng", said: "Nearly Mr. Qian Mu wrote the article "Chu Ci Geographical Name Examination", which vigorously distinguished that the waters of the Yuanxiang Dongting were in the territory of the present-day Hubei in the north of the river, which means the release of Qu Zi, and did not taste Jiangnan ye, saying that it was very strange. Contempt for stealing is not true. May the righteousness of logging be followed, and discuss it with the wise. In 1940, Mr. Rao Zongyi wrote the book "Chu Ci Geographical Examination", which quoted historical materials in detail and also refuted Qian Muzhi's theory. However, he adopted Yao Naizhi's theory of "Hanbei" in "Thinking". His "Chu Ci Geography Examination And Self-Introduction" said: "Those who came to speak of the Chu Ci often mistakenly used Qu Yuan to live in northern Han, and this theory was advocated by Wang Chuanshan, and posterity believed it a lot. There are four things that kaochi said to be a witness. First, in the passage "Reflections", "There are birds from the south to gather in the north of Han", that is, Qu Yuanju lives in northern Han. I don't know 'Bird Set Hanbei', naito Huai wang will Qin Wuguan, cross the Han and go north, not Qu Yuan said that he was also. Rao also criticized You Guoen's qu yuan for being released from Hanbei when he was king of Huai. He also examined "Beigu, that is, BoGuye of Qidi" according to the sentence "Low Wandering Yiyu, Subei Guxi" in the "Tuosi", saying that "when the King of Huai entered Qin, he used the language of 'SuBeigu' to prove it, and he was in Qiye at the original time, looking at the "Tuosi" text "Shi Pei Shu Xi", "The road is far away, and there is no medium", "Dao Si Zuo', then the original or summoned, from Qi will return to Yingye", "and by seeing that the "Nine Chapters" are not works that have moved south" and "through the nine chapters" are not works that have moved south." Mr. Rao made an interpretation of the "HanBei" in the "Thinking of The Drawn", and combined with the examination of the "Northern Gu" in the "Ponder", he believes that the "Ponder" was written when Qu Yuan was envoyed to the State of Qi. The controversy caused by Qian Mu's views above continued in the subsequent geographical study of the Chu Ci. The ancient historian Shi Quan's "New Exploration of Ancient Jingchu Geography and Self-Introduction" said that "on the basis of the research of predecessors (mainly Qian Mu), after meticulous investigation, he put forward his own views", and on the basis of Qian Mu's research, he made a diachronic study of the migration of Jingchu place names from north to south. Mr. Zhao Kuifu's article "Qu Yuan's Theory of Not Expulsing Hanbei Questions and The New Evidence of Exile to Northern Han" not only forcefully refutes Yao Nai and Yu's Provincial Wuzhi Qu Yuan's theory of not releasing "Hanbei", but also refutes Rao's new theory that "Thinking" was written on the mission to the State of Qi.

In summary, we can see that from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the present, the study of the "Hanbei" that appears in the "Reflections" and the place of creation has undergone a process of understanding from vagueness and contradiction to a relatively clear understanding. Although there are still differences between various theories about when qu yuan was in huaiwang or when and why he arrived in northern Han, according to the emotions of Qu Yuan's works and the examination of historical facts, Qu Yuan was released to live in northern Han during the reign of King Huai, which was almost accepted by scholars. Qu Yuan's theory of exile in Northern Han during the reign of King Huai is an important supplement to qu yuan's exile to Jiangnan in the Han and Song dynasties, enriches our understanding of Qu Yuan's political experience, and provides an important landmark of direction for the investigation of Qu Yuan's exile route, which is of great significance in the geographical study of the Chu Ci.

03 Lingyang – A debate about Qu Yuan's eastward and southward migration

As mentioned above, the Han and Song dynasties' understanding of Qu Yuan's exile was limited to the Yuanxiang area in Jiangnan. After the Song Dynasty, with the deepening of the geographical research of "Chu Ci", in addition to the study of "Northern Han", researchers combined Qu Yuan's works, especially the place names involved in "Lamentation" and "Wajiang", to make a detailed examination of the important locations and exile routes of Qu Yuan's migration to Jiangnan, of which the most controversial was "Lingyang".

There are two sentences in the "Lamentations" that refer to "Lingyang" or "Lingyang", one is: "The flood of The Marquis of Lingyang is sloppy, and the soaring is thin." Wang Yi said, "Ling, multiply." Yang Hou, the god of the great waves. Thin, stop also. He repeated the journey of the great waves, and suddenly there was nothing to stop. Another sentence is: "When the Lingyang is in the Xi, the Miao nan is like the yang." Wang Yi noted: "Intended to soar, Dao An Ji also." There is no clear explanation of Lingyang, and from the perspective of "intending to soar", it still undertakes the interpretation of "Yanghou" by "the flood of Lingyang Hou", and regards "Lingyang" as "Yanghou", that is, "the god of great waves". Hong Xingzu adopted the Han people's theory of Ying Shao and Gao Lu and supplemented the origin of the god of Yanghou Dabo. As for the "Lingyang" in the "Danglingyang Zhiyanzhi", it is interpreted as a place name, and Hong Xingzu's note says: "In the former Han Danyang County, there were Lingyang immortals. Lingyang, where Ziming lives. "Adult Endowment" Yun: "Against the great one and from Lingyang." Hong Xingzu did not point out that Wang Yi's note was wrong, but only pointed out that Lingyang was the place where Dou Ziming lived, within danyang county set up in the Western Han Dynasty. Hong shi commented in the sentence "It has not been restored for nine years now": "Qu Ping was reused in the life of King Huai. When Xiang Xiang took the throne, he was placed in Jiangnan'er... Nine years without return, gaizuo at this time has been put nine years also. It can be seen that although the Hong clan regarded Lingyang as a place name solution, they did not regard Lingyang as a relocation station, and second, they did not regard Qu Yuan's exile as an eastward migration. Regarding the differences between Wang Yi and Hong Xingzu on the interpretation of "Lingyang", Zhu Xi did not comment on it, noting: "Lingyang, not detailed. In the interpretation of "nine years without recovery", Hong Xingzu's statement is adopted, and it is believed that "Lamentation" was composed when Qu Yuan moved to Jiangnan when He was king of Xiang. It can be seen that the interpretation of "Lingyang" between the Han and Song dynasties may be different, but there is no objection to the belief that "Lamentation" is the work of Qu Yuan's southward migration during the reign of King Xiang of Qi.

The eastward migration after the Song Dynasty said that it was not associated with "Lingyang" at the beginning. The Ming Dynasty Wang Yu's interpretation of "Lingyang" inherits Wang Yi's great wave of god theory, rejects Hongxingzu's place name theory, and believes that "Hongshi xie qianyang marquis, quoting the huainan" note: 'Yang hou, Lingyang guohou also. Then this Lingyang is also the Marquis of Yang. The Marquis of Yang was also called his lord, and Lingyang was called his national ear. Hong's explanation of this, and the introduction of the immortal Ling Yangzi as saying, is also the disadvantage of asking for it." However, Wang Yi reversed the view that qu yuan had made when qu yuan moved south, and proposed that it was a work written by Qu Yuan when he moved east, and his "lamentation" was solved: "In the twenty-ninth year of [King Qin Zhao], when he was the twenty-first year of King Xiang, he attacked Chu and pulled it out, so he took Yin. Further east to Jinling, thought to be South County. The tomb was burned, and the Xiang King's soldiers scattered and fled, so they did not fight again. The northeast surrendered to Chencheng, and the Jiangling Zhiyin was no longer owned by Chu. Qin also pardoned chu sinners and moved to the east, and Qu Yuan was also in the process of forgiveness of sinners. The cloud of sorrow in the old capital is dead, the defeat and humiliation of the Lord, and the feeling that he has gone to the dwelling place of the eternal, and the eternal ruin of jealousy, the reason for this "Lamentation" is also the work. It is known that Fang Zhongchun moved east, and now it is easy to come to the east, and its migration to the east is undoubted. But after passing through Xiapu, going to dongting, and crossing the river, I don't know if it is actually the east of He Junye. The old note says that Qu Yuan was moved to Jiangnan by the King of Chu, but not also. Wang Yu believes that Qu Yuan was released in the thirteenth year (286 BC) of king Xiang of Qing, and by the time king of Xiang was deposed in the twenty-first year (278 BC), he had long been deposed, and Qin pardoned Chu sinners and moved to the east, and Qu Yuan was also among them. Wang Yu associated the Lamentation with Bai Qi and proposed a new theory that Qu Yuan was a Chu sinner and was moved to the East by Qin.

After Wang, Wang Fuzhi believed that Lingyang was "Xuancheng", that is, present-day Xuanzhou, Anhui, and also held the "Lamentation" as the eastward migration, but his eastward migration was the eastward migration of the Chu king to Chencheng after Bai Qi, and Lingyang was the place through which king Xiang moved east, which had nothing to do with Qu Yuan's exile. Wang Fuzhi said: "Xiang xiang moved to Jiangnan, and its capital was moved to Chen, and it was not originally moved with the same." Looking for the purpose of this article before and after, although Gaiyuan is not used, it can still be related to the politics of the country. The battle to move east was not desired. The slanderers will slander the great plan of the country for the original sin, so they will see it again. Wang Fuzhi believed that king Xiang of Xiang had risen in vain for twenty-one years, and that King Xiang of Xiang had moved the capital to Chen in the east, but Qu Yuan had not moved with him. Qu reason did not agree to move the capital to Chen and was slandered by villains, and re-saw that he was expelled from Jiangnan. The eastward migration process described in the "Lamentations" from the beginning to the "Nine Years Have Not Returned", that is, "Yue Dong Migration, Yue Qi Yang, Yue Xia Fu, Yue Lai Dong, Yue Jiang Jie, Yue Lingyang, Yue Xia Wei Qiu, Yue Liang Dong Men Ke Wu, Yue Jiu Nian, its non-migration was originally from Yuan, but for Chu Zhi's migration Chen Ye Ming. Wang Yi did not sympathize with the facts of the chronicle, saying that the original was released, and the righteousness of mourning was taken away? However, since the King of Xiangxiang moved east to Chen, and Qu Yuan did not move with him, and was exiled to Jiangnan because he did not approve of moving the capital to Chen, how did Qu Yuan describe the eastward migration route of "Lamentation"? Wang said that he obviously could not justify himself.

Jiang Ji was another representative of The Eastward Migration after Wang Yu and Wang Fuzhi, who inherited their theory of moving eastward, but made great changes, which were epitomized in the interpretation of "Lingyang" as Qu Yuan's relocation. Jiang Ji accepted Hong Xingzu's words and believed that Lingyang was qu Yuan's relocation to the east: "Lingyang, on the border of present-day Ningguo Chizhou. The Book of Han danyang county Lingyang County is also. It is named after Lingyang Mountain. To Lingyang, it is east to Qiansuo. His explanation of the next sentence, "Miao Nandu Zhi Yanru", also said, "NanDu, Lingyang is south of the great river", which reveals Jiang Ji's intention to explain qu Yuan's exile route by moving east and moving south in the direction of "east" and "south". This intention was actually to expand Qu Yuan's move to the southeast of the "Jiangnan Yuanxiang" region, which was explained by the orientation of "Lingyang" in the east of Yingdu. The Han People gave a new interpretation of "Jiangnan" to Qu Yuan's exiled place "Jiangnan", and Jiang Ji gave a new interpretation of "Jiangnan", Yun: "The old saying is that Xiangxiang moved to Jiangnan without touching its land, and now after pressing the fa, it will go to Lingyang." Before and after the examination, the Hejaz and the Water Sutra Notes were very clear between the present-day Ningchi. It was located on the eastern edge of Chu and was ordered to be placed here. Therefore, it is wounded to be nine years gone. However, in the last years, he traveled to Lujiang Ezhu, Wading Yuanxiang, Passing Through Mengze, and Reaching Chenyang. It has returned to Longyang, Suitable Changsha, Shen Miluo, as if wandering, several times south of the Great River. Although Qu Yuan was confined to Lingyang, he actually listened to himself, and the so-called untouchable rivers and summers were specially expelled from the river, and they were not allowed to cross the river to the north. Or Hara's traversal of Jiangnan, by the slander to sow its body, to chase away the non-one also. Therefore, although it has not returned for nine years, and the fist is thinking of returning, it still has no intention of leading to a decision. Repeatedly deposed, extremely poor, and the beginning of the life of Miluo. Therefore, the two exist in doubt. Jiang Ji's understanding of Qu Yuan's "Jiangnan" of Jiangnan is broad, that is, "south of the Great River", so that his view of moving east to Lingyang in the east can be justified in the context of "south of the Great River", and at the same time, the contradiction between Qu Yuanqian's lingyang and most of the place names in Qu Yuan's works can be bridged between the southern Chuyuanxiang area and Qu Yuan's self-Shen Miluo.

Related to the interpretation of "Lingyang" as a place name, there is also the interpretation of "Lujiang" in the "Summoning Souls" sentence "Luguan Lujiang Xi Left Long Thin". Wang Yi notes: "Lujiang, Long and Thin, place names also." Wang Yi did not note the geographical location. Hong Xingzu made a supplementary note: "Former Han Dynasty Geography: The Lujiang River leaves the southeast of Lingyang and enters the river in the north. Wang Fuzhiyun: "Lujiang, the one who used to think that he left Lingyang was not." Between Xiang and Han, there is Zhonglu Water, which is suspected to be this water. "It's different from what Hong Xingzu said. Jiang Ji agreed with Hong and said, Yun: "Lujiang, the name of the water." "Han Zhi": The Lu river leaves the southeast of Lingyang and enters the river in the north. The one who knows it, from Lingyang into the Lu River, reaches the Great River. Youyun: "Wang Jiangzhai deserves it in the Middle Lushui between Xiang and Han." According to the "Notes on water classics", there is water in the south of Zhonglu City, out of the West Mountain, and its water is very small, not enough to name Jiangye. And the meaning of the words of "Summoning Souls" is regarded as the twilight of the original year, which has been moved to The South of the Jiangsu Province for a long time, and Andrew from Xianghan to ya? Examination of the "Hai Nei Dong Jing" Yun: Lujiang out of the three Tianzidu, into the River Pengzexi. "Former Han Dynasty Geographical Chronicle" Yun: The Lingjiang River exits the southeast of Lingyang and enters the river in the north. "Water Classic" Cloud: The Lujiang River flows out of the Three Heavenly Sons, north through the northwest of Pengze County, into the River. The Three Heavenly Sons, present-day Xiuning Led Mountain, the land is connected to the present-day Ningchi, and the southeast of Lingyang is also. Peng Ze is now part of Jiujiang Province, close to Wuchang. However, the Lujiang River is connected to Lingyang in the east and Ezhu to the west. From Lingyang to Ezhu to Jiangxiang Mengze, it must be passed through from end to end, so it is called 'through'. This can be known as the crossing of the Lu River, that is, the journey of "Wading the River" by Ezhu. And Yu said that the "Mourning Yin" Lingyang was not fallacious between the present Ningchi. "Jiang connected Lingyang and Ezhu through lujiang, and connected Qu Yuan to Jiangxiang Mengze through ezhu. Because there was a disagreement between the author of "Summoning Souls" and who the recruits were, Jiang Ji held the view that "Summoning Souls" was Qu Yuan's self-confession in his twilight years, so he contradicted the public and interpreted the last sentence of "Summoning Souls" as "Sorrowful Jiangnan" as the south of "Sorrowful River", and interpreted "Sorrowful River" as a place name, which is similar to Miluo, Jiang Yun: "Sorrowful Jiangnan, the old saying that mourning this jiangnan land, taste its saying, it is mostly incomprehensible. Looking at the "Tujing" today, Xiangyin has a large and small mourning continent, and the second concubine is named after Weeping Shun. And "Changsha Xiangyin Zhi" Yun: The Wai River is thirty-five miles south of the county, and it is close to Miluo, and it is known that it refers to the south of the Wai River, so that it is virtual to see the entrance to the cultivation gate, and the Shen River is real. This one-article cave also. It can be seen that jiang ji, through the "Lujiang" in "Summoning Souls", in his view, has well resolved the connection between Lingyang in the east of Yingdu and Yuanxiang in the south of Yingdu, and also solves the contradiction between Qu Yuan's move to Lingyang and sinking himself into Miluo. Jiang Ji's examination of the location of the "Lingyang" region had a great impact on future generations. After that, Chen Benli, Wen Yiduo, Jiang Liangfu, Tang Bingzheng, Shen Zumian, Hu Nianyi, Yang Yinzong, and so on all interpreted Lingyang as a place name, although while adopting their theories, each family had different views on the time and place of Qu Yuan's exile and route.

However, Jiang Ji's statement was also questioned by later generations. For example, Lu Kanru said: "Jiang Ji's "Notes on the Chu Ci of the Mountain Belt Pavilion" once quoted the following sentence 'When Lingyang ZhiZhi Xi' proves that Qu Yuan was once in southern Anhui, which is probably wrong. The word 'Lingyang' in this sentence is not a place name. First, during the Warring States period, there was no place called 'Lingyang', but it began in the Western Han Dynasty, and it was one of the seventeen counties of Danyang County, in the south of present-day Anhui. This is ironclad evidence. Second, if 'Lingyang' is indeed a place name, then the following should not have the word 'Nandu'; because the direction of the Yangtze River near Lingyang is from southwest to northeast. This is also a very important piece of evidence. Dai Zhen believes that 'ling' here is a verb, and 'yang' is the provincial text of 'Yang Hou', which is borrowed from the water god to refer to the big wave. Therefore, this has nothing to do with Qu Yuan's journey. Mr. Pan Xiaolong's article "Refuting Jiang Ji's "Qu Yuan's Migration to Lingyang Theory" pointed out the contradictions in the three aspects of Jiang Ji's theory, and further demonstrated that Qu Yuan's relocation was in the Area of Yuanxiang in Jiangnan, as the Han people called it. Mr. Liao Huajin's article "Qu Yuan's Eastbound Examination - Concurrently Commenting on Mr. Pan Xiaolong's "Refutation of Jiang Ji's "Qu Yuan's Migration to Lingyang"" made a further argument on Qu Yuan's "eastbound journey" on the basis of Jiang Ji in response to Mr. Pan's refutation of Jiang Ji's difficulties. In this regard, Mr. Pan Xiaolong re-authored the article "On Qu Yuan's Exile Region in Jiangnan", stressing once again that in order to respect the Han people's understanding that the exiled areas were all in the Yuanxiang area, the geographical scope of "Southern Chu", and the investigation of Xiapu, Ezhu and other place names, he believed that "if we respect the Han people Dongfang Shuo, Liu Xiang, Wang Yi, Yuan Kang, etc., and completely agree on the facts in the region where Qu Yuan re-released Jiangnan (that is, between the "Yuanxiang" of "Southern Chu"),and at the same time carefully investigate the place names involved in Qu Yuan's poems, we can find 'Xiapu', The appearance of place names such as 'Ezhu' in Qu Yuan's poems does not contradict the Han account of his exile 'between Yuanxiang'; and Jiang Ji's "Qu Yuan's theory of moving to Lingyang" is contrary to the Han account and inconsistent with Qu Yuan's poetic meaning, and in the end it is just a plausible fabrication. Mr. Pan used the Han people's understanding of Qu Yuan's relocation to Jiangnan and Southern Chu, and pointed out that Jiang Ji's Chizhou Lingyang belonged to the eastern Chu range and did not belong to southern Chu. Jiang Ji himself realized this, because he understood that "Jiangnan" was the south of the Great River, and the explanation of the place name of "The South of the Wai River" for "Wai Jiang Nan" was to make up for the contradiction between moving east to Lingyang and moving south to Jiangnan. In addition, Mr. Zhao Kuifu interpreted "Lingyang" as a place name, but disagreed with Jiang Ji's Chizhou Lingyang theory, believing that "according to the chu people in the pre-Qin period called the location of Lushui and the Geographical Records of the Book of Han, it is certain that the Lingyang mentioned in the Chu Ci is in the western part of Jiangxi Province, northwest of the source of Lushui, that is, west of Anfu, north of Lushui, and south of Wugong Mountain." The ancients took the south of the mountain as the yang, and the Chu people in the pre-Qin dynasty used the land above the high as the mausoleum, so Lingyang should refer to a certain place south of the present-day Wugong Mountain", and believed that "now this Lingyang is determined in the upper reaches of the Lu River in the western part of present-day Jiangxi near Hunan, and a series of problems have been solved." Geographically, not only is Lingyang in the upper reaches of the Lushui River within the range of what the Chu people call 'the wilderness of Jiangnan', but also land travels very close to the Xiangshui River Basin. Moreover, the Miluo River basin west of Dongting Lake, which was excavated from Yangtian Lake, can be proved to be within the jurisdiction of Chulingyang County, so qu Yuan was released in Lingyang but died on the Miluo River." However, Mr. Pan Xiaolong believes that Mr. Zhao Kuifu "confused the 'Lujiang' originating in the 'southeast of Lingyang' with the 'Lushui' originating in the western part of Jiangxi", and that the other 'Lingyang' described in the Geographical Chronicle of Lujiang County, which Mr. Zhao called, was actually the Lingyang of 'Danyang County'. Mr. Zhao, because he did not distinguish the difference between the 'Lushui' recorded in the "Kingdom of Changsha" and the 'Lujiang' recorded in the "Lujiang County", mistakenly believed that the 'Lujiang' also originated in the western part of Jiangxi, and thus inferred that there was another 'Lingyang' in the west, which was obviously mistaken." Therefore, Mr. Pan believes: "Since the 'Lingyang' involved in Qu Yuan's "Lamentations" 'When Lingyang Zhizhi Xi' is 'Lingyang', since it cannot be 'Lingyang' in Danyang County, which belongs to 'Eastern Chu', and the 'other Lingyang' discovered by Mr. Zhao is purely nothing, I think it is better not to regard it as a 'place name'. According to Hong Xingzu's "Chu Ci Supplement" 'Ling', a work of 'Ling', Wang Yi's "Chapter Sentence" notes this sentence as 'Intending to soar, Dao'an Jiye', it can be seen that 'Lingyang' can also be used as a big wave 'Lingyang' solution. Qu Yuan traced the Xiangshui River from the 'JiangshuiHui' to the Dongting, and there was a scene of 'Tengchi' advancing in the waves, and his exclamation of 'when (that is, "facing" lingyang to xi' was also reasonable. Why should we be bound to go astray as a place name? ”

In summary, there are three main different interpretations of "Lingyang" in the academic circles: one is that Lingyang is not a place name, but the god of the great waves, represented by Mr. Wang Yi and Mr. Pan Xiaolong; the second is the place name, that is, the town of Lingyang in Chizhou, Anhui, represented by Hong Xingzu and Jiang Ji; and the third is the place name, but not Anhui Lingyang, and has no belonging, represented by Wang Fuzhi and Mr. Zhao Kuifu, but Wang Fuzhi believes that the place of eastward migration has nothing to do with Qu Yuan's relocation. From November 24 to 28, 2011, the Quyuan Society of China and the Chizhou Municipal People's Government of Anhui Province hosted the "Quyuan and Jiuhuashan (Lingyang) Academic Seminar", which was attended by 19 domestic Quxue experts and two Korean sinologists. The experts attending the meeting did not reach an agreement on whether Qu Yuan moved to Lingyang, which basically continued the interpretation of Lingyang since the Song Dynasty.

04 Chu Ci geographical research on non-geographical factors with different opinions

The author believes that there are three main reasons for the divergence of the geographical research of "Chu Ci": First, the lack of information on the research object, and the openness of the literary texts on which we study, resulting in different interpretations of the same text in line with the main views of the researchers; second, the complexity of the perspective of literary geography research, which not only involves the investigation of Qu Yuan's own exile route as far as the geographical research of "Chu Ci" is concerned, Moreover, it is also faced with the historical changes in the expansion and reduction of the territory of the Chu State in the four directions of the east, west, south, and north in the process of its development; the third is the influence of many non-geographical factors such as the political ethics of the geography researchers of the Chu Ci, the academic trends of the era in which they live, and the regional and cultural consciousness of the researchers on the geographical research of the Chu Ci. The first two points are the third points of the "Chu Ci" geographical research of non-geographical factors can be highlighted and different reasons for the emergence of different opinions.

From the historical process and the focus of controversy in the geographical research of "Chu Ci", it can be seen that the earlier injection of non-geographical factors into the geographical study of "Chu Ci" is undoubtedly the interpretation of the theme of "Lamentation" represented by Wang Fuzhi. As noted above, it was Wang Yi of the Ming Dynasty who linked the Lamentations to the great historical event of the Bai Qi. Although Wang Yu believed that Qu Yuan was moved to the east by Qin as a sinner of Chu after the destruction of Yin, and there was little inheritance in later generations, he associated the cause of "Lamentation" with Bai Qi's broken yin, but he inspired the later generations of Qu Yuan to mourn the fall of Yingdu and the theory of suicide and martyrdom. Wang Fuzhi believes that the "Lamentations" was written nine years after Bai Qi's removal, that is, in the thirtieth year of king Xiang (269 BC), and it was for Bai Qi's destruction of Yin and lamenting the fact that King Xiang had moved east to Chen, not a lament for his own exile. Wang Fuzhi's interpretation of "Lamentations" contains more of Wang Fuzhi's political feelings about the pain of the subjugation of the country as a relict of the Ming Dynasty. Judging from the time and place of the creation of "Wai Yin", there was a limitation in Wang Fuzhi's theory of moving eastward, and Qing Jiang Ji made a very powerful question: "It has been nine years since the examination of "Wai Yin" in Lingyang, and then "Wading the River" has entered Chenyang, and then went out of Longyang with Chen Pudong, met his father, and went to Changsha to make "Huaisha". Qiqiu also had the words of Ren Shi Heyi of "Sorrow returning to the wind". Later, on May 5, He died in Xiangshui, and it was not a year in Changsha. Therefore, his death was about to occur in the thirteenth or fifteenth or sixteenth year of the reign of King Xiang. If Wang Jiangzhai talks about "Lamentations", which refers to the Migration of King Xiang chen, it is too far away and may not be seen in time. And at that time, Changsha was once taken by Qin, and the original Yan Ran had to settle down in its place? Jiang Ji criticized Wang Fuzhi for saying that first, Qu Yuan might not be able to live that long; second, the land of Changsha had already belonged to Qin land after baiqi and broken, and Qu Yuan could no longer go to his place to settle down. What's more, Wang Fu's words "Lamentations" were written nine years after Bai Qi was plucked, which is even more unlikely. It can be seen from this that Wang Fuzhi's exposition of the time and theme of "Lamentation" is due to the lack of examination of time and place, so that the delineation of the "Lamentation" made in the nine years after Bai Qi and The Yuanxiang River Basin involved in Qu Yuan's southward migration is no longer Chu and has caused contradictions. This is also a problem that later generations of scholars who inherit the theory of Wang Fuzhi must solve.

Due to the admiration for Qu Yuan's patriotic spirit in the 20th century, the background of the creation of "Lamentations" and Bai Qipai has always attracted the attention of scholars, and Qu Yuan's patriotic spirit of suicide and martyrdom has been highlighted, and has become a relatively common and accepted view of the public. This aspect is represented by Guo Moruo, You Guoen, Tang Bingzheng and so on. Guo Moruo had a soft spot for Qu Yuan, and he always admired Qu Yuan's patriotic spirit in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. According to Wang Fuzhi, Guo Moruo has changed again: "The article in the "Lamentation" should be said from Wang Chuanshan that it was the king of Xiang who was defeated by the Qin soldiers in the twenty-first year of Chu, and the Qin soldiers were all based on Bai Qi, 'what the northeast did when it was defending Chen Cheng'... We suspect that Qu Yuan was exiled to northern Han. When the Qin soldiers went deeper, he must have been oppressed first and fled to The Capital, where he was driven to Jiangnan. When I arrived in Jiangnan, I couldn't settle down, so I did "Wading in the River", "Huaisha", and "Regretting the Past" in succession, and finally sank myself. Guo Moruo only takes the relationship between Wang Fuzhi's "Lamentations" and Bai Qi's Broken Yin, and the difference between him and Wang Fuzhi is that he believes that Qu Yuan committed suicide in the year after Qu Yuan, who was exiled to Northern Han, was driven to Jiangnan, instead of the nine years after Wang Fuzhi said that Qu Yuan was in the capital of Ying. You Guoen also believes that Qu Yuan's suicide is related to Bai Qi's removal: "Qianzhong is the place where Qu Zi lived on this trip, and he perched in Fuding, while the Qin soldiers were so great that they entered Xiang in the summer of the year, as for Changsha." And more than a month, he went to Miluo and was destined. On the one hand, they more directly linked Qu Yuan's suicide with martyrdom and strengthened Qu Yuan's patriotic spirit; on the other hand, they also seemed to avoid the contradiction and possibility that Qu Yuan's land of Yuanxiang in Jiangnan had fallen into the Qin state at this time and Qu Yuan's ability to move around in Jiangnan, which was a remedy for the contradiction between time and place in Wang Fuzhi's theory criticized by Jiang Ji. Mr. Tang Bingzheng believes that Qu Yuan's "Nine Chapters" were all written when King Xiang of Qing was moved, and believes that Qu Yuan set off from Yingdu in the mid-spring of the second year of King Xiang of Qixiang, went east to Lingyang, stayed in Lingyang for nine years, then from Lingyang to Hanbei, then from Hanbei to Lipu, and then from Lipu north to Yuanxiang, and in the twenty-second year of Xiangwang, that is, the second year after Yingdu was destroyed. Mr. Tang's investigation of Qu Yuan's exile route is different from the traditional view, "the traditional view always believes that after Qu Yuan was released, he was just angry and wandering around aimlessly, but now it seems that his whereabouts show that he is concerned about the fate of the country and the dynamics of the enemy country." Mr. Tang also wrote in the conclusion of the article "Nine Chapters of Time and Place": "Looking at Qu Yuan's exile route from the "Nine Chapters", this is not only a matter of examination of the time and place, but also very important for further understanding Qu Yuan's inner world and spiritual outlook as a great patriotic poet. In Mr. Tang's view, if the first move from Yingdu to Lingyang was out of necessity, then Qu Yuan's journey from Lingyang to Hanbei and then from Hanbei to Southwest Pupu had a clear political purpose, that is, to care about the fate of the zongguo and the dynamics of the enemy country, showing the spirit of patriotism. In addition, Mr. Jiang Tianshu believes that the king of Xiang is twenty-one years old, "when the king dies and goes to Chen, he follows the line." Later, his work "Lamentations", which recounts the events after the fall of Yingdu", set Qu Yuan's death year in the first year of King Kaolie, that is, in 262 BC, when Qu Yuan was seventy-eight years old. According to a change in the theory that Wang Fuzhi and others Qu Yuan did not move east with King Xiang, it was believed that Qu Yuan moved chen with King Xiang. Qu Yuan went to Northern Han and Jiangnan instead of exile, but at his own request for exile, in order to observe the state of war, which is somewhat the same as what Mr. Tang Bingzheng said. The reason why Mr. Jiang put forward the theory of self-request for exile was because the northern and southern parts of Han and Jiangnan that appeared in Qu Yuan's works were already Qin land, and it was naturally impossible for King Xiang to exile Qu Yuan to northern Han or Jiangnan. It can be said that the above views of Wang Fuzhi, Guo Moruo, and others on the relationship between Qu Yuan's patriotic spirit and actions and the meaning of Bai Qi's plucking, as well as Qu Yuan's whereabouts and route in Jiangnan after Bai Qi's ascension, are not contained in Sima Qian's "Records of History" and are inconsistent with the lyrics expressed in the work. The main reason for this is that political ethics and the personal feelings of the researchers influenced the objective investigation of Qu Yuan's exile to Jiangnan.

In the 1920s and 1930s, when the trend of skeptical ancient thought was prevalent, in the study of "Chu Ci", the "Qu Yuan Negation Theory" represented by Liao Jiping and Hu Shi was produced; and in the geographical study of "Chu Ci", Qian Mu's Qu Yuan did not let go of Jiangnan theory, which made a thorough northward migration of the Jiangnan place names mentioned in Qu Yuan's works, which also had the background of the ancient trend of doubt. Qian Mu said that his view was influenced by Wang Fuzhi's Qu Yuan's theory of Northern Han. As mentioned above, Wang Fuzhi was indeed one of the important figures in Qu Yuan's retreat to Hanbei, but Wang Fuzhi believes that the "Hanbei" in the "Reflections" section of the Nine Chapters is a posthumous account of Qu Yuan's relocation to Jiangnan during the reign of King Xiang. Qian Mu took the meaning out of context, only looked at one point, and did not compare with the rest, and completely repudiated the record of Qu Yuanping's deeds in Sima Qian's "History of Qu Yuan's Biography", which is precisely the reflection of the suspicious ancient ideological trend in the geographical study of the Chu Ci. Mr. Jiang Tianshu once said: "Qian Mu's "Year of the Sons of the Sons, Tong Table IV" in this year (press: refers to the third year of the Xiang King, 296 BC) under the clouds: 'Qu Yuan died in this year or later. 'This is to arrange the ancient history in a custom specification. Criticizing Qian Mu for "arranging ancient history in self-defined specifications", in fact, Wang Fuzhi, Guo Moruo and others, including Jiang Tianshu himself, why not? It can be said that the views of Wang Fuzhi and others on the time and place of the "Lamentations" are also the result of putting aside Sima Qian's records, and like Qian Mu, they are also the result of "arranging ancient history in self-defined specifications" and then inferring it.

In addition to doubting ancient trends of thought and arbitrarily arranging ancient history, Qian Mu's views have also been influenced by regional cultural prejudices since the pre-Qin dynasty. Although the name "Chu Ci" existed in the Han Dynasty, it indicates its regional attributes and also represents a cultural characteristic. However, from the Han Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty, most of the scholars' understanding of Chu culture carried an underlying or apparent cultural prejudice. The Southern Dynasty Liu Xun's Wenxin Carved Dragon's "Discernment" and "Seeking Color" both deal with the cultural geography of the Chu Ci. From a cultural point of view, his "Discernment" section believes that his predecessors have mixed praise and criticism of Qu Yuan's works, pointing out that Qu Yuan's works are in line with the classics and different from the classics, although there is no regional cultural prejudice of Mencius's blunt statement of "the man with the southern barbarian tongue" ("Mencius TengWen Gongshang"), but Liu Xunzong's cultural orientation of Jing Zhengsheng determines his evaluation of Qu Yuan's creative gains and losses, which must be based on the classic culture of the north. Liu Xun interpreted Qu Yuan's "Jiangshan Zhisuke" as a matter of finding people's feelings for Qu Yuan's creation, but only saw the influence of the natural geography of Chudi on Qu Yuan's creation. Zhu Xi's "Notes on the Collection of Chu Ci" Yun: "The original is a man, and although his aspirations and deeds may be too moderate to be the law, they are all out of loyalty and patriotism. Although the original is a book, although its words may be inspired by ups and downs and resentment, but they cannot be taught, they are all born of pity and compassion, and they cannot help themselves. Although he did not know how to learn in the north, in order to seek the way of Zhou Gong and Zhongni, he galloped to the end of the change of "Wind" and "Ya", so he was called a Confucian or ashamed. His evaluation of Qu Zi and his people and his writings mainly inherits Mencius's remarks, criticizing Qu Yuan for "not knowing how to learn from the north in order to seek the way of Zhou Gong and Zhongni", reflecting Zhu Zi's regional consciousness and cultural prejudice centered on northern culture. This regional and cultural bias is also reflected in the study of historical geography. For example, Gu Donggao of the Qing Dynasty once proposed in the "Spring and Autumn Timeline" that "the Chu realm in the Spring and Autumn Period was not jiangnan", but the continuous development of archaeology and the continuous appearance of underground cultural relics prove that Gu's theory is arbitrary. Mr. Gao Zhixi's two books, "Shang Zhou Bronze Ware and Chu Culture Research" and "Southern Gradualness of Chu Culture", have proved the prosperity of Chu culture in the Spring and Autumn Period with a large number of excavated objects. Mr. Gao said in the "Preface" of the book "Nan gradually of Chu Culture": "This book is dedicated to the Chu culture in the 'Southern Chu' and 'Jiangnan' regions. The so-called 'Southern Chu' and 'Jiangnan' are both in a narrow sense, and in this book refer to the whole province of Hunan, the southeast of Hubei, and the area west of the Ganjiang River Basin in Jiangxi. It should be said that the archaeological research of cultural relics unearthed in modern times has had a great impact on the study of the geography of chu ci and broken the cultural prejudice of the previous northern cultural centrism. There are still few cultural relics unearthed in Qian Mushichu, and his views are also influenced by this regional cultural prejudice. He said in "Qu Yuan Shen Xiang in the North of the Jiangsu River and Not in the South of the Jiangsu Province": "Since Wang Yi said it between the Chu State of Nanying and Yuanxiang, the neighbors are the people who have the Lord's "Nine Songs" as the folk songs of the Xiang River Valley. During the two Han Dynasties, the Xiang Domain was still a barbaric wasteland, so how could it have been the world of Qin before the qin, and already had this wonderful folk song? Therefore, the whereabouts of Qu Yuan that he said did not reach Jiangnan obviously lacked due understanding of the geographical expansion of the Chu State from the Spring and Autumn Period to the Warring States Period, and also lacked objective judgment on the achievements of Chu culture. It can be said that the combination of skeptical ancient thought and cultural prejudice is one of the important reasons why Qian Mu put forward qu Yuan's whereabouts and Jiangnan theory.

In addition, in the geographical study of Chu Ci, there is also a phenomenon of arbitrary separation of Qu Yuan's works, the most obvious manifestation of which is that when interpreting the works, for the rationality or systematicness of their own interpretation, the interpretation technique of "retrospective" is adopted to make time-space splicing of the works in line with the author's will. For example, Wang Fuzhi's confinement in the "Nine Chapters" was all written when he exiled Jiangnan when he was the King of Xiang, and he explained that Qu Yuan retired to Hanbei when he was king of Huai" in the "Thinking of The Eight Chapters", but also believed that this was a "recollection" of the world of Xiang Xiang. Another example is what Jiang Ji said about the time-space link from Lingyang to Lingyang and the time and space link from Lingyang to "Wading the River" nine years later, which is connected by the sentence "Summoning Souls" "The road runs through the left long and thin lujiang river". Therefore, he said a few words about the chaotic words in the "Summoning Souls" "Dedicate the year to spring, Miwu Southern Expedition" to "and Wang Xiang dream Xi lessons, the king himself sent a xi shu Qing Yan" a few sentences, "traced back from Lingyang to The time of Pupu", and also said that "this section follows the first year of the year to travel south, and it is appropriate to meet The Chu King Tian in Jiangnan, and what he saw is so." Zhuang Xin's so-called galloping in the dream of the clouds, rather than the country as a matter, can also be seen here." For the next few sentences from "Zhu Mingcheng must not be drowned at night" to "The soul returns to mourn Jiangnan", it is "passing through Mengze again, so I feel nostalgic and send this sigh." ...... Before this, he was exiled, and he saw the color of the king from afar. Now the eyes are broken for thousands of miles, and the hope is endless. Looking back on the spring, I was heartbroken. Gessend finally had nothing to test, and he was so away from sorrow. Although the soul returns, how can it enter the cultivation gate for entertainment, but only go to the south of the Wai River to swear to die." It is really difficult to understand the whole chaotic word into two paragraphs, and to make "Aijiang" a place name for such an clear and easy-to-understand verse as "The Soul Returns to the South of the Waijiang", that is, the strange new interpretation of "Aijiang" near Miluo, all in order to maintain its overall conception, so that the originally controversial "Summoning The Soul" becomes more confusing and unclear.

05 Some feelings of the geographical study of "Chu Ci"

First of all, the above combing of the geographical research of the "Chu Ci", especially the investigation of the focus of the "Hanbei" and "Lingyang" controversy, is summarized from the perspective of static regional and place-name interpretation, while in fact, the views of each family are related to the age, frequency, starting and ending points, banishment routes, and the political reasons behind Qu Yuan's exile route. Nevertheless, it is certain that over the past two thousand years, with the continuous deepening of research, the geographical study of the Chu Ci has gradually become clearer in the debate, Qu Yuan was either released or retired to Northern Han when he was king of Huai, and moved to Jiangnan when he was king of Xiang, except for the differences in the era of exile of each family, regardless of the differences in the era of exile, in terms of regional theory alone, it is generally not bad, and gradually recognized by the academic circles.

Secondly, although it is important that scholars still pay more attention to the geographical research of "Chu Ci" and focus on field research, we should still pay attention to the spatial imagination of the geography of "Chu Ci" and the study of literary significance. As far as Qu Yuan's works are concerned, they are manifested in two aspects: first, the place names involved in the text itself, in addition to Chudi, there are also imaginary spaces in the works such as the Kunlun region, which deserves further attention; second, as landmark place names such as Yingdu or regions such as Hanbei and Jiangnan, in addition to field research, it is still necessary to explore in the literary sense, which should be an important aspect that cannot be ignored in the study of literary geography. For example, the Kunlun region is undoubtedly Qu Yuan's spatial imagination, and people generally only regard it as a romantic expression method without further exploration. Of course, some scholars such as Jiang Liangfu and Jiang Tianshu have also paid attention to the exploration of qu Yuan's emotional sustenance in the Kunlun region, but despite this, there is still the possibility and necessity of further research. In addition, Yingdu, Hanbei and Jiangnan are the three important activity spaces in Qu Yuan's life, as analyzed above, the academic community mostly studies from the perspective of empirical evidence, or too much smears Qu Yuan's whereabouts with political and ethical overtones, and lacks research and investigation of the three geographical spaces as a literary expression. It can be said that how to explore the literary significance of the geography of "Chu Ci" on the basis of empirical research and combined with works is a research content worthy of attention.

Third, in view of the interference of non-geographical factors in the geographical study of "Chu Ci", under the premise of respecting the Han people, especially Sima Qian's "Biography of Qu Yuan" and other documents, carefully studying literary texts, experiencing the changes in Qu Yuan's political destiny from the changes in the feelings of the works, and then determining the time and place of creation of his works, this may be the most recent way to study the geography of "Chu Ci" at present. In reading, we should try to avoid using the scalpel of "recounting" to make random time and space editing of the work; abandon the practice of arbitrarily interpreting Qu Yuan's experiences in Hanbei and Jiangnan regardless of the emotions of the works in the historical framework identified by scholars themselves.

Mr. Tan Qijun once said: "Although the study of public opinion and land has been studied for many years, it is only after the Qin and Han Dynasties. As for the pre-Qin, it is only a glimpse of the roughest, and so far it has not been discussed. Liang yiwen is poor, and it is difficult to confirm the immediate statement, and he does not dare to talk about it with suspense, and he deceives the world by stealing his name. Qu Song's words were half hidden by the algae, and there was a sense of confusion, and he looked at them with fear. Mr. Tan pointed out the difficulties brought by the lack of literature and the literary nature of Chu Ci to the geographical research of Chu Ci, which also reflected Mr. Tan's academic rigor as a geographer. It is not difficult to see that the study of the geography of the Chu Ci is far from an easy subject. It is also difficult to examine the time and place and route of Qu Yuan's exile and to come up with a view that is acceptable to everyone. In the face of this situation, our study of the geography of "Chu Ci" should not only be combined with historical geography, and strive to be objective and as close to history as possible; at the same time, we should also pay attention to starting from literary texts to explore the emotional content of literary geography, and avoid making assumptions and inferences about the geography of "Chu Ci" that do not conform to the emotional content of the work.

Author: Wang Dehua

Source: Literary Heritage, Issue 05, 2012

Draft: Geng Yao

Editor: Wu Xuefei

Proofreader: Xu Ting

Editor-in-Charge: Liu Jiayao