#历史开讲 #
In the 19th century, why did black Americans oppose the American Colonization Association's overseas colonization movement? First, before answering this question, we need to know that at the beginning of the American Colonization Society, free blacks expressed their opposition to overseas colonization movements. They argued that the colonialists had destroyed their reputations with the intention of expelling them from their homeland, and that the overseas colonization movement had in fact consolidated slavery. In January 1817, free blacks in Philadelphia held a conference. At that meeting, they devoted their discussions to overseas colonization movements and adopted a number of resolutions. One of the resolutions declared: "Any measure to expel us from our homeland is not only cruel, but also contrary to republican principles".
Opposition from free blacks
Another resolution stressed: "We deeply hate the supporters of overseas colonial movements for imposing on us those undue stigmas, claiming that when we are deprived of our rights, they are both dangerous and useless". In August 1817, free blacks in Philadelphia met again about the overseas colonization movement. The conference delivered a speech to all the people of Philadelphia.
In this speech, they made clear the idea that the overseas colonization movement had consolidated slavery, declaring: "Slave owners will transport dangerous people to overseas colonies, and the remaining compatriots will be more compliant and more tormented." In the 1830s, radical abolitionists vigorously called for free blacks to oppose the American Colonization Society, which, combined with the original hostility of free blacks, set off a new wave of opposition to the American Colonial Association.
In 1831, in major cities such as New York, Boston, and Baltimore, free blacks convened meetings against the American Colonization Society. In opposition to the New York State Colonial Society, a meeting of free blacks in New York was held in January 1831. At that meeting, they adopted a number of resolutions and issued a statement to the people of New York. Not only did they complain about the racism of the colonialists, but they also emphasized that the United States was their true homeland.
One resolution asserted: "The New York Colonial Society convinced the public that free blacks were evil, immoral, devoid of religious principles, and their feelings for us were unjust, narrow-minded, unfounded, and tended to inflame prejudice." Another resolution stressed that "this country, the place where we were born, our true homeland, any attempt to transport us to Africa is unjustified and unnecessary".
In a statement to the people of New York, they claimed: "We demand that these colonialists produce evidence that our differences in color from others do not mean that we are different from each other, that our bodies are the same, that we are indistinguishable from others, and that we are inferior?" We acknowledge that the political situation makes us less respectful, but does it prove that we are an inferior race? ”。
In September 1831, free blacks in Pittsburgh also held a meeting against American colonization. At this meeting, they expressed their demand for equal rights, declaring: "We are free men, we are your compatriots, we are citizens, and we should be free to exercise our right to vote and enjoy equal protection from the federal government, just like you."
Faced with opposition from free blacks, the colonialists responded. Most of them attributed the rebuttal of free blacks to radical abolitionists, arguing that it was the provocation of radical abolitionists that led to the rebuttal of free blacks. "These free blacks who opposed the American Colonization Society were not familiar with the situation of the Liberian population, they merely echoed the views of The Liberators, which were usually against us," Hokingch noted.
One colonialist also made it clear: "In today's environment, he found that there was a section of free blacks who were prejudiced against the Society and the overseas colonial program, and that the Anti-Slavery Society was responsible for the evil it caused." At the same time, colonialists published a large number of immigrant letters in the African Database and Colonial Journal, or speeches by free blacks supporting the American Colonization Society, to prove the popularity of overseas colonization movements.
In the 1832 issue of the African Database and Colonial Journal, colonialists published an article titled "The Perspective of a Free Negro in Charleston." In this article, the author talks about the situation of free blacks in the United States. "People's prejudices always hinder our ascension," he pointed out.
Therefore, when our population grows day by day and there is no improvement in morality and intellect, we seem useless, and our lazy habits also lead to a large part to a depraved situation, we have no opportunity to improve ourselves through education, and as a result we lose everything, and the situation of our descendants is likely to be worse than ours."
He then believed that the solution to the above problems was to emigrate to Liberia. He said: What should we do? I will answer without hesitation, with the help of the American Colonization Association, to emigrate to Liberia. There are many benefits to immigrating to Liberia, but one of the simplest and simplest is that in Liberia you will enjoy moral and political freedoms, you will have citizenship, and you will have the right to elect officials.
Letters from immigrants
In Liberia, you can be a carpenter, miller, turner, shipbuilder In Liberia, you can build a church to worship without fear, you can build a school to educate young people. In addition, almost every issue of the African Database and Colonial Journal contains a large number of letters about the Liberian population. In these letters, the immigrants all expressed satisfaction with Liberia and described their happy lives.
For example, the 1834 Journal of African Archives and Colonies published a letter from an immigrant. In the letter, migrants recount developments in Monrovia, describe their living conditions and express their affection for Liberia.
He wrote: "Monrovia is developing very rapidly, there are more than two hundred houses to live in, most of them still made of stone, and about 10 warehouses we have abundant fruit, all kinds of livestock such as horses, cattle, sheep, etc., the fish here are fine and exquisite, and those who cultivate crops tell me that the soil here is as fertile as in the United States."
A similar letter was published in the 1832 Journal of African Databases and Colonies. One of the letters was written by two free blacks who had visited Liberia.
In this letter, they recounted their personal experiences in Liberia and also expressed their love for Liberia. They wrote: "For the first time we felt what freedom and independence are, the living conditions and happiness of Liberians are better and higher than the wealthiest free blacks we have seen in the United States, and when we return to New York and Philadelphia and see the houses of the most venerable free blacks, we do not see houses that are as convenient and comfortable as Monrovia."
One immigrant, in a letter to his former owner, also clearly expressed his satisfaction with life. She claimed: "I am very satisfied with my life now, everything I do now is for myself and my children, I have never enjoyed this before and told XX that if she plans to come here, she will never want to return to the United States." In fact, despite the above-mentioned response of the colonialists, they did not pay much attention to the opposition of free blacks.
First, although most free blacks opposed the American Colonization Society, a small number of free blacks agreed to immigrate to Liberia. For the colonialists, there was never a shortage of people who wanted to emigrate, as the number of people applying to emigrate to Liberia far exceeded the number of people they could transport.
One colonialist put it this way: "In the United States, there are many good free blacks who want to go to Africa, and they far outnumber the American Colonization Society to fulfill their wishes." Second, because the American Colonization Society sought more support from whites than free blacks. Its journals, pamphlets, and personal speeches were aimed at white groups, especially the white elite.
The leaders and even some of its members, whether it was the American Colonization Society or its chapters, were famous people, such as Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Theodore Friedingheisen. The leaders of the Virginia Colonization Association were also elite, such as Chief Justice John James Marshall, and vice chairmen included James Madison, James Monroe, and a number of prominent politicians such as Senator John Taylor.
Therefore, although the American Colonization Society limited its target to the group of free blacks, they did not pay attention to the demands of free blacks, nor did they seek too much support from free blacks, but wishful thinking that overseas colonization programs were the only way to improve the situation of free blacks.
The contradictions of the American Colonization Society
In their debates with the pro-slave and radical abolitionists, the colonialists saw the overseas colonial program as the only safe, legally viable way to abolish slavery. In the eyes of the colonialists, the overseas colonial program was perfect. On the one hand, it did not interfere with the rights of slave owners and did not undermine state rights; On the other hand, it also promoted the voluntary emancipation of slave owners and promoted the gradual abolition of slavery.
In addition, the overseas colonization program will solve the problem of black and white race relations once and for all. Transporting free blacks, freed slaves to Liberia, not only relieved white fears of racial wars, but also improved the situation of people of color.
Such a perfect plan was strongly condemned by slave-enslavers and radical abolitionists. Slave supporters accused the American Colonization Society of being an "abolitionist society" dedicated to the abolitionist conspiracy. Radical abolitionists, on the other hand, denounced that overseas colonization programs had entrenched slavery and that colonialists were pro-slavery.
In general, the fact that in the 1830s, in the debate over slavery, colonialists were attacked by both slave-owning and radical abolitionists, was both related to the circumstances of the time and inseparable from the contradictions of the American Colonial Society itself.