Yao Yurui | "Right Body" and "Right World": How does the Zen system become possible?

Published in the 2018 issue of Chinese Confucianism.

"Right Body" and "Right World":

How does Zen make the system possible?

(Yao Yurui, female, Ph.D. candidate, Department of Philosophy, Peking University)

Abstract: Guodian Chujian 'The Tao of Tang Yu' is a Confucian essay known for its special discussion of "Yao Shun Zen Rang". Its excavation has provided valuable historical materials for the study of ancient social and political history, and has also triggered another climax in the academic circles at home and abroad to deeply explore "Zen Rang" and related issues. The study of the history of thought around the "Tao of Tang Yu" has achieved many results, and there is also room and necessity for further excavation. This article intends to make a rough review and review of the research status and achievements of this brief article in recent years from the three aspects of "The Problem of The Authenticity of Zen Concession", "Zen Concession and Destiny", and "Zen Concession and Moral Cultivation", and put forward a new direction to be continued to be explored in the future.

Keywords: Zen Rang; Tang Yu's Way; Destiny; Loving Relatives; Honoring Sages

Since the publication of Guodian Chujian's "The Tao of Tang Yu", the study of "Zen Rang" and its related problems has entered a new historical stage. How does Zen make the system possible? In the view of the author of "The Way of Tang Yu", "Zen Rang" is not only the historical tradition and experience of "the six emperors flourishing in the ancient times", but also the physiological objective need of "retiring to raise their lives" and the inherent requirement of the humanistic cultivation of "loving relatives and respecting the sages". Unlike the Shangshu Yaodian, which focuses on the specific historical events of Yao Shun's Zen Rang, the problem that the Tang Yu Dao focuses on solving lies in seeking a theoretical basis and inner root for the Zen system, that is, the fundamental question of the rationality and legitimacy of the order of "how the political system becomes possible".

On the whole, the academic circles' discussion of the ideological content of "The Tao of Tang Yu" has focused on three aspects in the past two decades: (1) the controversy over the essence and historical authenticity of Zen Rang theory; (2) the relationship between "loving relatives" and "honoring the sage" in "The Tao of Tang Yu" and the reflection on the political and ethical concepts it contains; (3) the connotations of "time", "encounter" and "fate", and the elaboration of Confucian ju ju judaism, life concept, and Heavenly Taoism. The above three aspects are the core propositions that pre-Qin Confucians paid attention to, and they are also the basic framework and ideas for the development of the "Tao of Tang Yu". Judging from the three approaches of Zen practice, Heavenly Dao, and moral cultivation, the research results in recent years have not only cut into the core purpose of Jianwen, but also enriched our understanding of the genealogy of Eastern Zhou zixue thought and its complex and pluralistic development to a certain extent. Therefore, from this perspective, this article intends to refer to its own opinions, make a rough review and review of the research status and achievements of "The Tao of Tang Yu", and put forward a new direction to be continued to be explored in the future.

I. Discussion of the Authenticity of "The Tao of Tang Yu" and "Zen Rang"

The advent of the "Tao of Tang Yu" made Zen let the question of the historical authenticity of the legend once again enter people's vision. In fact, the disagreement between Zen Rang and whether it is a true history or a forgery by later generations has always been controversial. Historically, there have always been views that question or deny the legend of ancient Zen, especially in the Minchu Doubtful Ancient School, Zen Rang has become an "imaginary utopia" and "it was advocated by the Warring States scholars benzun Xian" (Gu Jiegang, "The Legend of Zen Makes Begins in Mojiakao"). In contrast to this, in the second half of the 20th century, in a specific political context, Guo Moruo, Xu Zhongshu and others began to reinterpret the Zen system, and Zen Rang became a "legacy of primitive democracy". By the 1970s, Yang Ximei pointed out relatively harmoniously through the combing of early documents: the historical facts of the legendary ancient Zen Rang cannot be easily denied, and it is not entirely an idealized idea of posterity. The above research has indeed opened up a precedent for relevant discussion in recent years, but the debate on the essence of Zen and its authenticity has not stopped to this day.

In the 1990s, with the publication of GuoDianjian's "The Way of Tang Yu", as well as ShangboJian's "Zi Lamb" and "Rong Chengshi", a new historical opportunity was opened for The ruling on the historical authenticity of Zen legends. Liao Mingchun took the lead in pointing out: "The excavation of the Chu Jian ben "The Way of Tang Yu" once again confirmed the credibility of the "Shang Shu Yao Dian", "Analects yao yue", and "Mencius Wanzhang", and provided strong evidence for the sitting of Yao Shun Zen. Qiu Xigui agreed with this statement, and further believed: "The details of the pre-Qin zhuzi's yao shun zen concession may have been fabricated, but it is absolutely impossible to fabricate such a legend out of thin air... Judging from the fact that the Rong Cheng Clan, the Zi Lamb, the Tao of Tang Yu, and the Li Yun all believe that the Zen concession system was widely practiced before the establishment of the Chuanzi system, it is likely that the widely circulated Zen ranging legend does indeed retain the historical shadow of the monarchy selection system that was practiced in ancient times. In addition, Chen Ming also cites institutional economic theory to give explanations of "military democracy", "economic reciprocity", and "clan relations" for the Zen system, which is also a new perspective for understanding this brief article. The total negation of the so-called "forgery of posterity" by the minchu skeptical ancient school has gradually been denied and abandoned by most scholars.

However, at the same time, more and more scholars are gradually realizing that even if the Zen system really existed, the depiction of Zen in the "Tao of Tang Yu" is not the original reproduction of ancient real history. Mr. Qiu also admitted that the plot of Shun's ascension from a commoner to a son of heaven in the Tao of Tang Yu (which completely describes the zen recipient as a commoner) is fabricated by Warring States scholars. Wang Zhongjiang further proposed: "Although the record of the Tao of Tang Yu cannot be said to be completely without historical basis, it is undeniable that it oversimplifies and idealizes the transfer of ancient political power. In fact, the process and method of ancient political inheritance are far more complicated, which will be affected by many factors such as parent-child failure, trial selection, retirement and health, and lack of a fixed and standardized system and model. In other words, "Zen" and "transmission" are not diametrically opposed and dichotomous, and the so-called "Zen without transmission" statement in the Tao of Tang Yu is only an idea after thoroughly idealizing and simplifying historical facts.

As a political "conception", the "Tao of Tang Yu" also has many discrepancies with the records of Yao Shun's Chan Rang in other pre-Qin literature. The research carried out from the perspective of literature survey and mutual verification has become another important way of thinking about this brief article. Wang Bo, Ding Sixin, Qiu Xigui, Liang Tao, and others respectively conducted a more meticulous examination of the similarities and differences between the "Tao of Tang Yu" and the "Shangshu Yaodian", "Analects of Yao Yue", "Mencius Wanzhang", "Xunzi Chengxiang", "Han Feizi Wuyin" and other documents. In the process, they found that at the time of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, there were also different versions of the story about Zen Rang, and there were at least two more obvious differences: (1) the heresy of "Zen Rang" or "usurpation" ("Han Feizi Wuyin" and "Bamboo Book Chronicle" gave the version of "Shun Force Yao, Yu Forced Shun"); (2) The "Retirement System" or "Lifelong System" ("Tang Yu Dao" "Seventy Zhishi" is different from Mencius's "Yao Lao and Shun", "Xunzi" "Tianzi No Old Age"). These differences not only show that the ancient period lacked a fixed and institutionalized political model, but also reflected the transformation and reprocessing of historical facts by the Sons of the Warring States period according to the nature and ideological purpose of their own schools. The question of the historical authenticity of the Tao of Tang Yu is also closely related to the ideological background of Eastern Zhou Zixue.

On the basis of this research, the investigation of the Eastern Zhou Zen trend and its rise and fall has become another hot topic of current academic attention. In fact, the discussion of "Zen Concession" was a common and popular trend of the times at that time, and all schools were talking about Zen Rang, but the attitudes and evaluations of Zen Rang by each school were obviously different. Liu Baocai, Li Cunshan, Luo Xinhui, Liang Tao, Peng Yushang, and others have all made a more systematic examination and sorting out of the rise, evolution, and decline of this trend of thought, as well as the differences and controversies involved in it. From Confucius's affirmative Zen Concession, Mozi's "Shangxian Zen Concession", to the most thorough and extreme Zen Concession in the Tao of Tang Yu, to the two doctrines of Mencius ("Chuan, Zen Yiye"), the "Heavenly Son Without Age" in Xunzi, the "Shun Force Yao, Yu Force Shun" in Han Feizi, and the "Great Chaos Of Zhuangzi, It Must Be Born Between Yao Shun" - different schools, even the same faction, the same person, there are also huge changes and differences in the evaluation and trade-offs of Zen Rang. In fact, the pre-Qin zhuzi only interpreted and reprocessed the early historical facts according to their own views, incorporated them into their own theoretical systems according to their needs, and used them to serve their own doctrines. Therefore, the "Tao of Tang Yu" is not so much a true record of ancient historical facts as it is an "attitude" and "understanding" of Some scholars in the Warring States period towards Zen Rang.

In addition, the connection between this trend of thought and the socio-historical background and realpolitik of the Warring States period has also attracted the attention of some scholars. Wang Baoyun and Li Cunshan pointed out: The reason why the Zen trend of thought arose from the late Spring and Autumn Period to the middle of the Warring States period was related to the relatively relaxed political environment of society at that time, and it was also an objective need for the "power transfer" events in this period (such as the three branches of the Jin Dynasty and the Tian Dynasty). Liang Tao also believes that the great change in Mencius and Xunzi's attitude toward Zen ranging is in view of the tragedy of the Yan King's "concession of the country", so the Yan Wang's incident in 316 BC was a "milestone event" in the development of the Warring States Zen doctrine, after which the vigorous Zen let the thought trend gradually fell silent. Wang Bo and Luo Xinhui also compared the similarities and differences between this brief article and the records of the Guan Zi Jie and the Li Ji Li Yun, and found that "the Guan Zi Jie copied the saying of the Tao of Tang Yu", "the Book of Rites and the Tao of Tang Yu have many similarities", and "the criticism of Mencius Wanzhang" and "Xunzi Zheng theory" was issued against the Tao of Tang Yu", which is enough to show that the Tao of Tang Yu still had a great influence in the late Warring States period, and although the doctrine of Zen concessions had been silenced, the rest of the continuity was still circulating in society. It aroused the reflection of thinkers at the end of the Warring States period." The above research is undoubtedly valuable, and it will push us to a more in-depth stage of further understanding and positioning the essence of Zen Ranging.

All in all, with the discovery of excavated documents and the step-by-step advancement of research results, the so-called "Zen makes legend a utopia in the imagination" is being repositioned and reflected. Fewer and fewer people will believe that Zen ranging was made up by later generations, and of course, it cannot be simply described as a "remnant of democracy." Absolute negation or absolute affirmation is in fact undesirable. Weighing the above discussion, the author believes that the more reasonable conclusion at this stage on the question of the authenticity of Zen ranging in the "Tao of Tang Yu" should be that "Zen Rang", as a historical fact, may have existed in ancient society, but it will never be exactly as depicted in "The Tao of Tang Yu". During the Warring States period, people's memories, records, understandings, and evaluations of Zen Rang varied according to their views, positions, and eras. Therefore, the "Tao of Tang Yu" only represents the views of a certain school of Confucianism or a certain period of thought at the time of the Warring States period, which we call "the most thorough and extreme Zen concession theory." It is not and cannot be a "as is" reproduction of the events of the ancient Zen Dynasty, but it is mixed with the subjective intentions and tendencies of the narrator, and it is a borrowing of the past and the present based on facts, and it is "a matter of honoring the way and choosing different things."

II. "The Saint Meets the Fate, the Benevolent Meets the Time" is discussed with the Confucian concept of the fate of the times

Why does the Tao of Tang Yu advocate Zen Concession? Jian Wen first gave some objective reasons: Yao passed the throne to Shun, not only out of the objective need of "aging and Zen", that is, "retiring to support his life", but also being limited and constrained by objective conditions such as "time" and "life". The discussion of "nourishment", "knowing life" and the theory of jurisprudence, the concept of heaven and the concept of circumstances involved in the concise text have become another focus of debate in the current academic circles.

The "Time Destiny" theory of the "Tao of Tang Yu" is quite distinctive, and it is closely related to Guo Dianjian's chapters such as "Poor Da Shi" and "Yu Cong I", which has attracted the attention of scholars. First of all, here is the interpretation and comprehension of the 14th and 15th janes:

The ancient Yao was born in the Son of Heaven and had the world, the saints met the fate, and the benevolence met the time. He did not encounter □□14 and in the great time, the gods were subordinate, the heavens and the earth blessed, the renren saints could be with, and the time was 15.

The word "Missing" at the lower end of the 14th Jane is currently controversial. There appears to be a deficiency in the brief text, the details of which are not detailed. However, there is a basic consensus, that is, it is certain that the concise text clearly distinguishes between two aspects - "objective conditions" and "subjective talents", or "external opportunities" and "inner virtues" - both of which must be possessed and indispensable, in order to become the true destiny. The so-called "fate" refers to "fate", which refers to "fate", which is different from "life" (undertaking fate by virtue), which is an "opportunity" or "luck" that is accidental and beyond the control of human beings.

Emphasizing the importance of opportunity and luck, the brief text reflects a very different view of fate from "The Mean", which arouses the interest and discussion of scholars. Wang Zhongjiang pointed out: "Virtuous people may not be able to attain a position, but must be constrained by many objective factors, which is an irrational and irrational view of destiny, similar to the "Poor And Reach the Time" "Encounter not to meet, heaven is also", "The Way of Faithfulness" "Those who meet unexpectedly, heaven also", and contrary to the rational, inevitable, and righteous concept of fate that "the great virtue will get his place and will get his lu" firmly believed in "Zhongyong". Peng Bangben and Ding Sixin also mentioned: Zen Concession, which is based on Shangxian and Shangde, has introduced the conditions of the destiny of the times, which makes the political inheritance have a certain "mystery", "In the four-dimensional system of heaven and earth, gods, people and me, and the fate of the times, although virtue is unified, virtue must be passed through one by one on these four, and the cause and effect can be made into the son of the true destiny", which is an "ancient theory of synergy" in which heaven and earth, gods, people and me, and the fate of the times work together.

Behind the different "views of destiny" are also the embodiment of different "Heavenly Dao views." The concept of "heaven" in the "Tao of Tang Yu" and the discussion of the relationship between heaven and man have become another important research horizon in the academic community. In fact, the Confucian understanding of "fate" is always closely related to its understanding of "heaven". The so-called "Calendar of Heaven" and "Heavenly Eternal End" in the Analects of Yao Yue are a kind of righteous and moral heaven, because heaven can reward good and punish evil, and blessing good and evil, so people with virtue will be able to succeed in their careers. And this "moral heaven" of "the unity of heaven and man" is obviously very different from the "natural heaven" of accident, blindness and uncertainty in "The Way of Tang Yu". The "Heaven of Nature" requires man to "observe the distinction between heaven and man" ("Poor Time"), that is, "to know what heaven and man do, and then to know, to know and then to know" ("Language Series I"), to understand the respective "duties" of heaven and man, so as not to draw on the actual situation. The distinction between different "heavens" is also an important background and dimension for understanding the concept of life in this short text. Of course, at the same time, we also found that although Jianwen emphasized that "when fate meets the time" and "heaven and man have points", it has not moved towards a blindly passive and passive "fatalism". Although objective conditions and chances are important, they are not to make people idle and resigned to their fate; on the contrary, its shaping of the image of Shun Lotte's knowledge of fate and benevolence and self-cultivation seems to be to transcend and dissolve the restrictions and influences of the objective environment. Therefore, a passage in the 16th-19th Jane of the Jane Text has aroused concern:

Shun dwells in the grass without worry, and ascends to the son of heaven without pride. Dwelling in the grass without worrying, knowing the fate 16 also; ascending to the Son of Heaven without pride, not with specialization. ...... There are worldly Buddhas who can benefit, no world that can be damaged, and there is a great need for benevolence 19 to benefit the world and Foley also. Liang Tao pointed out: Although Jian Wen emphasizes the role of the fate of the times, it does not make people satisfied with fate and do not think of making progress, "knowing the fate" means "observing the difference between heaven and man", that is, understanding the respective laws of heaven and man, so as to achieve the life realm of "abiding by oneself against oneself" and being consistent in virtue, so as to achieve the life realm of "doing one's best to wait for the destiny of heaven". Wang Zhongjiang believes that although objective conditions are important, Confucianism will not change (increase or decrease) the consistency of its own virtues because of changes in the external environment, because morality itself is an end rather than a means, "there are worldly benefits, no worldly Buddhas can damage" and "morality is the body, so it is not confused with things" ("Guan Zi Ordination"), and the concept of life manifested in the Tao of Tang Yu is still the fundamental purpose of Confucianism's "moral subject determinism". Ding Sixin also mentioned: The purpose of the Jianwen is always to reveal the "lofty greatness of virtuous life", so the practical kung fu of morality is the dynamic force that "dissolves" the limitations of the fate of time, and as long as people can have a profound awakening to the moral nature of their lives and the root of the virtue of the destiny, then the limitations of the fate of the times on poverty are to a large extent "weak and powerless." The above ideas and insights are undoubtedly insightful, and they provide us with important examples and dimensions for further thinking about the development and differences of the pre-Qin Confucian concept of "sex and heavenly way". In addition, on the basis of the above research, the concept of "health maintenance" that appears in the brief article has also been repositioned and reflected. Some scholars have believed that the "Tao of Tang Yu" advocates that the monarch should "maintain health" after abdication, and suspects that it is related to the Huang Lao school. In fact, through the above discussion, there is growing evidence that the health concept of the Tao of Tang Yu is Confucian, not Taoist. The true meaning of "health maintenance" may be understood as "nourishing nature", that is, "knowing life", "settling down" and "nourishing life", which is not only physiological or physical, but also the cultivation and expansion of spiritual virtue. In other words, it is through the conscious understanding and realization of the general development process of man ("seventy and zhishi") and the limitations of physical life ("tired limbs, ears and eyes are wise"), so as to go with nature and not to be confused by things, that is, when there is "the world under heaven", it is ordered to zen, and when it is "no world", it is consciously governing others. Through the autonomy and self-sufficiency of the moral subject, we dissolve and transcend the limitations of the fate of time, and even jointly open up the virtuous results of "being able to zen in the world", that is, "the king of the world without doubt".

In fact, in the author's opinion, the core purpose and concern of "The Way of Tang Yu" has been thinking about the "root of order" from beginning to end. In the eyes of the author of the simple text, the key and essential factor in the success of the Zen system lies in whether people can truthfully face and understand the problems of their own existence and the nature of life. Therefore, from the root of human cultivation, or from the source of the Zen system, Jianwen tries to establish a more solid and solid foundation for the rationality of the system. From this point of view, although Jian Wen also emphasizes the importance of self-health, his questioning and concern is still the question of "inner saint and outer king", that is, how to "straighten out the body" and "correct the world" - this is fundamentally different from the Taoist philosophy of emphasizing the concept of health care of "noble self" and "noble body". In other words, although the jianwen also explains the necessity of objective conditions (the fate of time), it still inherits the basic confucian idea of "inheriting the fate with virtue", and finally settles down to the effort to find the inner roots of the Zen system. It has never been able to depart from the fundamental position and basis of Confucianism's moral idealism, which is "governing the country first and foremost self-cultivation".

To sum up, the theory of the fate of "The Way of Tang Yu" is indeed distinctive, and there is a certain tension between objective factors and subjective initiative. On the one hand, the exploration of the above research results on this issue reaffirms the fundamental position of the Confucian attributes of this brief text; on the other hand, it also provides us with another way of thinking and possibility for us to further explore the differentiation and similarities and differences of the different schools of pre-Qin Confucianism in terms of fate, circumstances, and the concept of Heavenly Dao. From this level, the pluralism and complexity of the ideological genealogy of the pre-Qin dynasties, especially the Confucius Post-Confucianism, have also reappeared on the issue of fate. Of course, there are also deficiencies in research. For example, how to understand and accurately position this "tension" (objectivity and subjectivity); the specific differences and logical relationships between the concepts of "time", "big time", "heaven and earth" and "gods"; and whether there is a inheritance relationship between Chu Jian's "division of heaven and man" and "separation of heaven and man" in Xunzi is still controversial. These problems still need to be further explored and excavated.

Third, "love relatives and filial piety, respect the sages and Zen" and Confucian political ethics thinking

The reason why the Tao of Tang Yu advocates Zen concession is not only the objective need of "knowing one's life" and "maintaining one's health", but also the subjective requirement of moral principles such as "loving one's relatives" and "honoring one's sages" and "honoring ones" as well as Confucian moral principles such as "benevolence" and "righteousness". In the 6th-10th jane of this article, there is an intriguing expression of "loving relatives" and "honoring sages", which has triggered another climax of academic discussion:

Yao Shun's trip, love and respect for the sage. Love 6 Dear Filial Piety, Honoring the Wise and Zen. Filial piety, love the people of the world; Zen and the like, there is no hidden virtue in the world. Filial piety, benevolence and forgiveness 7; Zen, righteousness to the end. The Six Emperors flourished in ancient times, and they all followed suit. ...... 9 Love and respect the sage, Yu Shun and his people also. ...... 10......

We know that "kinship" and "respect" are originally a pair of basic propositions in Confucian ethics, and their cooperation with "benevolence" and "righteousness" is not uncommon in early Confucian texts. "Zhongyong" "The benevolent person is also the greater, the relatives are greater; the righteous are also appropriate, and the honorable are greater", and the Confucians seem to have been looking for the unity of "kinship" and "honoring the sages". However, the special feature of "The Tao of Tang Yu" is that its "honorable sage" does not only refer to the appointment of meritocracy, but further exerts "honorable sage" into "Zen concession," which is a thorough and extreme development of the supreme political model for the meritocracy. Moreover, "Shangxian Zen" is also regarded as the "supreme state of righteousness", that is, the highest state of "righteousness", "which is a more special and extreme view unique to the Tao of Tang Yu".

The proposal of "Honoring the Wise and The Ancient Zen" is where the ideological innovation of "The Tao of Tang Yu" lies, but it also arises a question that cannot be ignored: Is there a conflict between the "Shangxian" idea, which is played as "Zen Concession", and the principle of "kissing and kissing" that Confucianism has always adhered to? Because we know that, according to the general understanding: Confucianism emphasizes blood kinship and advocates that "kinship is greater", and implements "kinship" to the end, on the issue of inheritance of the supreme ruling power, it is bound to adhere to the hereditary system of blood relatives; to implement "honor" to the end, it insists on the system of zen conservation of sages, and the conflict and resistance between the two are obvious. In other words, although "loving relatives" and "honoring the wise" are inextricably linked, in actual political operation and practice, the two are relatively independent after all. So, how does Jianwen reconcile this contradiction? Or, in the "Tao of Tang Yu", which takes "Zen without transmission" as the fundamental position, which is the emphasis on "relatives" and "honorable sages"? Can the two achieve theoretical unification? Scholars disagree on these issues:

First of all, the academic circles have basically affirmed the question of whether "love relatives" and "honorable sages" are unified. In the shaping of the image of "Shun" in "The Way of Tang Yu", Shun's own experience is a typical example of the unity of "loving relatives" and "honoring the sage". From the academic analysis, Wang Bo further pointed out that "relatives" and "honorable sages" can be displayed in many ways, such as "passing on the son" is "relatives", "filial piety" is also "kissing", and the "kissing" advocated in "The Way of Tang Yu" is mainly biased towards "filial piety" rather than "passing on the son". In this way, limiting "kinship" to the moral realm of "filial piety" rather than political succession, "kinship" is regarded as part of the "sage" of "honorable sage", and the principle of honoring the sage is allowed to encompass and accommodate the principle of kinship (such as Shunzhi yu Shu). Ding Sixin believes that "loving relatives and respecting the sages" are unified, and the basis for the unification of the two lies in the communication and integration of "virtue", that is, although there is a separation between "loving relatives" and "honoring the sages", the moral basis of "so love" and "so respect" is highly consistent. "Therefore, 'honoring the virtuous' is first and foremost respecting his virtue, and through respecting virtue, he has incorporated the principle of 'loving one's relatives' and the virtuous spirit contained in this principle into it."

Secondly, the reflection on the issue of loving one's relatives and honoring one's sages is related to a more fundamental discussion of Confucian ethics: that is, in the confucian position, is there a conflict or unity between "dear love" and "benevolent love", or between "kissing one's relatives" and "loving the masses"? Or is Confucian ethics a universalist or a particularist ethic? Answering this question will help us to clarify the relationship between "loving relatives" and "honoring the virtuous". Ding Sixin and Zhang Ying pointed out: The Confucian "benevolent person loves others" has two meanings, one is based on "affection", that is, "dear love" is the starting point of "benevolent love"; the other is pushed from "dear love" to "benevolent love", that is, "benevolent love" has a meaning beyond "dear love" -- the transformation from "love" to "benevolent virtue" is "where the lifeblood of Confucian thought lies." Peng Bangben also mentioned that the "killing of filial piety" yunyun, Caritas has equal differences, so as to push from near and far, to the people of the whole world; and to give way to the throne, benefit the world and do not benefit themselves, is a reflection of the extreme application of this ethical principle in politics. Mencius's so-called "Yao Shun's benevolence does not cover his lover, and his eager relatives are virtuous" ("Dedication to the Heart") and "Those who win the world are called benevolent" ("Teng Wen Gongshang"), pushing oneself and people, benevolent people and loving things, with universalist ethical tendencies is the pre-Qin Confucians have always adhered to the proposition.

In addition, the answer to the question of loving relatives and honoring the virtuous also involves the understanding of the 7th jane of the simple text. "Love your relatives and filial piety, honor the wise and zen." Filial piety, love the people of the world", the way to practice filial piety is to universally love the people of the world. In the author's view, the unification of "filial piety" and "love for the people of the world" in Jianwen is precisely the internal basis for the unification of "loving relatives" and "honoring the virtuous", and it is also the key to resolving the contradictions in it. We have found that although Confucianism emphasizes "self-love of the benevolent" (Li Ji Zi Dao) and "kinship is greater," "loving one's relatives" and "loving the people of the world" can go hand in hand. "Filial piety" is only the starting point of "benevolent love", although the degree of love will decrease with the distance between close and distant relatives, but the scope of love is universal, which is the natural expression and extension of human emotions. Therefore, Confucianism has never limited "love" to the scope of loving one's parents or loving oneself, but has pursued a universal self that pushes oneself and others, and loves the people and things. The so-called "benevolence of the people to protect the people" in the "Chinese Zhou Yu" and "the filial piety to the son, the great respect for the relatives; the respect for the relatives, the greater than the cultivation of the world", can also be compared with it.

Therefore, from a summary point of view, on the relationship between loving relatives and honoring sages in the "Tao of Tang Yu", the author's view is: Loving relatives and honoring sages can be unified, and the basis for the unification of the two is the communication and bridge established by Confucian ethics between "dear love" and "benevolence". Therefore, Confucian ethics is universalism, not particularist ethics. This universalist tendency has enabled Confucianism, based on "affection", to transcend the limitations of "kinship", to a certain extent, to dissolve the selfishness of blood lineage, and expand the scope and channels of bioethics and its political choices. It opens a gap for the selection of sages from outside the bloodlines —this is also the way of Tang Yu, the Book of Rites, and others that can advocate "Zen concessions" and "datong", that is, at the level of the highest power succession, providing a theoretical possibility for the development of Confucian thought of honoring sages in the political field.

Of course, on the other hand, the unity of love and honor does not mean that there is no difference between the two in terms of priority and priority. In different periods and different schools of pre-Qin Confucianism, there may have been certain adjustments and differences in the understanding of the relative relationship between loving relatives and respecting the sages. Ding Sixin also admitted: "Zen also, Shangde zhixian is also", the theoretical basis of Zen should be "honoring the sage", not "kissing", under the political stance of "Zen without transmission", the principle of "honoring the sage" is indeed heavier than "loving relatives". Liang Tao further believes: "Although some scholars have pointed out that the Tao of Tang Yu does not deny the unity of love and filial piety, but to a certain extent, it is necessary to achieve the unity of love and respect", in the context of the general promotion of Zen concessions in the middle of the Warring States period, in order to cede the world to the sages instead of their descendants, it is necessary to sacrifice and reduce the principle of "filial piety" to a certain extent, so the hereditary system based on "loving relatives" has been denied and criticized. In Liang Tao's view, the confucian lineage represented by the Tao of Tang Yu and the Book of Rites (including Rong Chengshi and Zi Lamb) actually reflects the position of the "Chongren School" in Confucius Post-Confucianism, rather than the "Chongxiao School" (such as Zengzi), which developed here and began to readjust the relationship between "benevolence" and "filial piety", putting the interests of the people first, which is "a new insight different from the previous Confucianism" and is the shining and unique feature of their "thinking.". Although the new viewpoint put forward by Liang Tao is debatable in the practice of dividing the "Chongren faction" and the "Chongxiao faction", the idea that "the political ethics of Confucius Post-Confucianism may change or be adjusted" is undoubtedly of reference value.

In addition, the above discussion seems to provide another strong proof that this brief article has a Confucian nature. We know that in the past, some scholars advocated that "Zen concessions come from the Mo family" based on questioning the unity of "pro-kinship" and "zunxian": for example, Gu Jiegang believes that the relationship between pro-kinship and zunxian is either or, and Confucianism advocates that it is impossible to advocate zunxian by pro-kinship, so it can only attribute Zen ranging to the Mo family that emphasizes "simultaneous love" (Gu Jiegang's "Zen Let Legend Begins in Mojia Kao") - this is actually a huge misunderstanding of Confucianism. With the excavation of the Tao of Tang Yu and the deepening of the above research, we have clearly seen that in the pen of the pre-Qin Confucian authors, it is precisely to reconcile love and respect. The establishment of the priority of "Shangde Zhixian" is by no means at the expense of "filial piety", and there is indeed a separation between loving relatives and Zen Rang, but it does not mean that there is no possibility of internal unity between the two. Therefore, the so-called "from the Mo family" is not based, since the unearthed literature has emerged, the falsehood of this statement has gradually become clear.

IV. Summary and Reflection on the Study of the Tao of Tang Yu

Through the above review, the current academic research on the "Tao of Tang Yu" can be roughly summarized into two major directions: (1) research on the theme of regime transfer or political model; (2) discussion from the perspective of moral life theory - these two ideas are intertwined and mutually reinforcing. On the one hand, the political world is the center of attention of the whole text, and the search for reasonable regime transfer methods and ideal forms of social organization is a continuous reflection; on the other hand, from the level of knowing life and maintaining health, loving relatives and respecting the sages, that is, going deep into the concept of life and virtue, the simple text also makes a theoretical explanation for the rationality of the political system. Most of the research results I have seen so far and the grasp of the meaning of Jianwen's thought and principles are not separated from the investigation of his political stance, which is also the experience and advantages of future research that are worth learning from.

In addition, the research results in the past two decades have also reflected the following characteristics and trends: (1) The suspicious and ancient theory of "Zen giving way to the Mo family" such as Gu Jiegang has been repositioned and reflected. There are more and more people who generally believe that "Zen Concessions" have its true ingredients, and fewer and fewer people who hold a total denial of it. (2) The ideological concepts of "life", "life", "health", "love" and "honor" are more deeply elaborated. (3) The dialogue, interaction and comparative study of the concise text and the document passed down from generation to generation are becoming more and more specific and meticulous. These discussions not only enrich the depth of the ideological and theoretical research of this brief text, but also, to a certain extent, to expand our understanding of the post-Confucian studies between the pre-Qin zhuzi, especially Confucius and Meng, and provide a richer dimension for the similarities, differences, and differentiation of political models and the moral and ethical concepts involved. (4) In addition, the above research also confirms to a certain extent that the concept of "Datong" proposed in the "Li Ji Li Yun" section is indeed derived from the basic cognition of pre-Qin Confucianism, and provides valuable historical reference for confirming the Confucian attributes and early emergence characteristics of the Li Yun chapter (rather than from the Mo family).

Taking this as an opportunity, there are still places to be tapped in the following aspects of future research: First, "Zen Concession" is actually not just a question of simple political choices, perhaps it does not matter when it originated, what we should pay more attention to and think about is the social and historical background formed by this trend of thought, as well as the ideological basis and theoretical basis of the "Tang Yu Dao" advocating the Zen system. That is, how did the Tang Yu Way become possible? Why do you have to choose the Zen system? Obviously, Jianwen did not stay in the field of political practice, but went deep into the depth of thinking about the life and moral cultivation of individual Confucians. To a certain extent, it does echo the so-called "between Confucius and Meng" Confucian philosophy of the predecessors who have the consciousness and ideological characteristics of the problem of internalization or mental theory; it is still not separated from the influence of the early political thinking mode of "right body to right world", that is, to govern the country first, self-cultivation. How to rationalize or chain out these fragmented materials or thoughts (such as the "human nature and order" problem) in the context of pre-Qin Zi studies will be the direction we will strive for next.

Second, the idealistic Confucian zen theory of the Tao of Tang Yu also had a profound impact on the political history of later generations. After the Qin and Han Dynasties, China's political development flashed from time to time the enthusiastic practice of "Zen Concession", but in actual political operation, it was often reduced to the guise of usurpers changing dynasties, and had long deviated from the original intention of Confucianism to take the rule of virtue as the ideal of Zen Concession. How should this conflict between ideal and reality be understood, or the inconsistency between the setting of basic principles in doctrine and the actual process of operation? How should this theory be modernized or interpreted? There is still room for discussion on these issues, or it may be another new perspective for us to further consider this brief article.

Finally, let's discuss the nature and authorship of the Tao of Tang Yu. In fact, the clarification of the above points of thought also provides an important reference standard for further exploring and adjudicating the school-of-school nature of this concise text, which may be explained slightly. Regarding the school attribution of the Tao of Tang Yu, there have been the following theories in the academic circles: (1) Confucian works; (2) Mo jia works; (3) Zonghengjia works; (4) Huang Laoxue works; (5) documentary works, which do not belong to any one school. Among them, the two views of Confucianism and Ink are the most widely accepted. The dispute between Confucianism and Ink has also been a major point of debate about Zen ranging from ancient times to the present, and the legend of Zen Rang originated from the Mo family theory, which was once very popular as early as the 1930s. A major argument for Gu Jiegang and Tong Shuye to advocate this view is the ideological connection between "Zen Rang" and the Mo family's "Shangxian". However, with the gradual deepening of the study of the "Tao of Tang Yu", more and more evidence shows that "Zen Rang" was actually a common trend of the times during the Warring States period, and both The Confucian and Mo families talked about Zen Rang, and although Zen Shangxian was closely related to the Mo family, it was not exclusive to the Mo family. Moreover, as far as the "Tao of Tang Yu" literature itself is concerned, the "love of relatives", "filial piety", "benevolence", "knowing fate", and "all the words used by Confucians in the Warring States" are in direct conflict with the "simultaneous love" and "non-life" advocated by the Mo family. This also shows that in the two possibilities of Confucianism and Ink, the former is obviously much higher than the latter.

So, who did this work come from? The judgment of the specific author and the time of writing is a relatively difficult and inconclusive question. There are three points of reference at present: (1) Confucius's own works (Liao Mingchun) ;(2) Mencius and his descendants (Zhou Fengwu, Wang Baoyue) ;(3) a certain school of Confucianism between Confucius and Meng. Among them, the view of "between Confucius and Meng" occupies the more mainstream camp. If we admit (as mentioned above) that the Yan Wang's incident was a "turning point" in the Eastern Zhou Zen trend, then according to the fundamental position of "Zen without transmission" in the Tao of Tang Yu, such an extreme advocacy of Zen concession and denial of hereditary claims can only occur before the most popular Zen trend, that is, the Yan Wang's renunciation incident (318 BC). Therefore, "The Way of Tang Yu" will not be late from "Mencius", which should be regarded as the "lower limit" of his writing time. However, there is currently a great controversy in the academic circles over the ruling on the "upper limit" of this writing. Comparatively speaking, the author basically agrees with the opinion that judging from the language style (Li Xueqin), the in-depth view of "sex" and "life" (Wang Bo) and the maturity of the theory (Ding Sixin), the upper limit of this brief essay should not be too early, probably close to the era of Mencius, but it is definitely not written by Mencius himself. Of course, due to the relative lack of genealogy of Confucianism, in the current situation where the information of the Various Confucian schools is very incomplete, the current theories are slightly weak and lack completely convincing evidence. Therefore, the accurate answer to this question needs to be further studied and discussed.

In addition, there is another point to note, that is, when we discuss the nature and authorship of the concise text, there is a problem that cannot be ignored: in the middle of the Warring States period, the differentiation and disagreement within the Zhuzi School were actually quite complex and strong, and sometimes there were cases of argumentation and even contradiction. The "Tao of Tang Yu" only represents the propositions of a certain confucian scholar or a certain period of thought after the differentiation of Confucius. Therefore, the inconsistencies between some of the statements of the Jianwen and the Confucian literature such as Mencius and the Zhongyong are common and natural phenomena, and this does not constitute evidence that we judge that it does not belong to Confucian works. On the contrary, it is precisely this inconsistency that once again proves to us the development context and differentiation of pre-Qin Zixue, especially the post-Confucius studies, from which we can glimpse the different interpretations and interpretations of the Zen doctrine and its political and ethical concepts by Confucian scholars after Confucius. To a certain extent, these cognitions also echo or confirm the awareness of the problem of "the great development of Confucian philosophy between Confucius and Mencius", enriching and even filling our re-understanding and understanding of the pluralism and complexity of Confucianism. The author believes that this is one of the values that can bring us a major and breakthrough in the study of the concise text of "The Tao of Tang Yu", and the trend of discussing it from this perspective will certainly be more active in the future.