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Who is Jiaxuan: The recourse to "boldness".
Translated by Liu Xue2 (1. Department of Modern Languages and Cultures, Denison University, Granville, Ohio 43023, USA;2. School of Humanities, Central South University, Changsha, Hunan 410012)
Abstract:From the perspective of the history of criticism, the exact connotation of "boldness" used in the criticism of Xin Ci can be traced, and the overall style and basic characteristics of Xin Qiji can be roughly outlined. It can be seen that the core topic of Xinci research is not the expression of patriotic feelings, but the writing and disclosure of the poet's own personality. A restless individual who can be felt and the rugged beauty of a peculiar temperament are the most prominent characteristics that distinguish Xin Qiji from other poets, and this rare and uninhibited personality trait in the Chinese poetic tradition is strongly demonstrated in Xin Ci.
Keywords: Xin Qi, disease, words, criticism, boldness, personality traits
DOI：10.19866/j.cnki.cjxs.2024.02.009
Traditional critics and commentators have given him various labels and titles based on what they consider to be the salient characteristics of Xin Qiji. While these labels and designations are often impressionistic, sometimes vague in meaning, and have an element of unthinking assumptions by users, they have set the tone for more than 800 years of criticism of Xin Qiji. This article will revisit these critical discourses and ask the following questions: By whom and in what context are these terms used? Why should those who criticize Xin Qiji and those who worship him share a similar set of criticisms? In other words, how do different critics often use the same set of words to criticize and praise Xin Qiji? What are the nuances of these terms when applied to critics of different eras, or from different positions? Along these lines, we will continue to ask why the special qualities of Xin Qizhi can be vividly depicted in broad strokes, driven by a particular intellectual atmosphere in a certain historical period, or by the concerns raised by a critic's keen senses. It is necessary for us to reconfirm the true and sharp meaning of these key words through the defamiliarization process of a series of "clichés" that have been ignored and almost unconditionally accepted in the study of Xin Qi disease, and to give new answers to the following basic questions: What is the core question of Xin Qi disease research? Or more specifically, what is the most striking feature that distinguishes Xin Qiji from other lyricists? As early as the late Southern Song Dynasty, critics began to talk about the "bold" quality of Xin Qiji's words. Over time, the focus and connotation of "boldness" has undergone subtle changes, especially after "boldness" has been used by critics as a convenient term for the debate between the advantages and disadvantages of the two opposing modes of lyricism, "boldness" and "graceful". The "boldness-grace" controversy that often erupts gives the term content that is not included in the original meaning, so that it loses a lot of its spicy original flavor while undertaking the task of summarizing the entire word school. In order to grasp the exact meaning of "boldness" in Xin Qiji's work, and the series of cognate critical discourses surrounding it, we must revisit the term, trace its origins, and examine its earliest application in Xin Qiji's criticism. The two words that make up "bold" cover a wide range of meanings, including various contents from positive to derogatory. "Howe" can mean "heroic", "proud" and "brave", and it can also mean "autocracy", "arrogance" and "domineering". If the heterogeneity between them is not significant, the "homogeneity" that these words imply that can be shared between heroes and tyrants or bullies is impressive. They all possess extraordinary powers and take pride in being able to demonstrate them. Similarly, the meaning of "liberal" is also diverse, ranging from "free" and "unbridled" to "self-renunciation", "indulgence" and "wildness", and the common quality is "unrestrained". When "hao" and "put" are combined into words, they contain contradictory off-string sounds. For the people of the Song Dynasty, the unbridled and uninhibited characters could be both admired and condemned. Su Zhe's evaluation of Li Bai is a typical example. He said that Li Bai is so arrogant, like a phoenix among people, but it is precisely because of his arrogance that his poetry works are flashy and unreal, and he does not see the righteousness in them. Although it was not until the Ming Dynasty that "bold" officially became the name of the group of lyricists of the boldness school, the criticism of its use of words began in the Song dynasty. 100 years earlier than Xin Qiji's bold words that shocked the literary world, Su Shi's innovative lyrics have won a reputation for being bold. In the late Southern Song Dynasty, Su and Xin were said to have said that their boldness often referred to a style of words, which was known for deviating from the theme and formal norms of the text. By broadening the subject matter and expression of words, Su Shi and Xin Qiji brought great changes to the conventions of the word style. If the connotation of courage and non-conformity in the word "bold" is emphasized, then both can be called "bold". In fact, Sue and Xin are not in agreement in many ways. Taking the musicality of words as an example, Su Shi tried to transform words into a lyrical poetry similar to "poetry", he not only introduced poetic themes that had never been seen in words before, but also tended to break through the rhythmic requirements of words, so his words were often criticized for not being in tune with the rhythm. When critics talk about Su Shi's bold style of words, they will always think that this is a big problem. When commenting on the movements of the current dynasty, Chao Buzhi has noticed that Su Ci may not be very consonant, but he believes that this is because Su Shi, as a "horizontally outstanding" literary genius, is difficult to be constrained by the melody form—"he is the one who cannot be restrained in the song". Lu You, a famous poet of the Southern Song Dynasty, also expressed the same opinion. In "Notes on Lao Xue'an", Lu You explained the reason why Su Shi's words were not in harmony, asserting that Su Shi was actually well versed in the coordination of internal and external sounds and rhythms of words, but he could but did not do it. Because he is too bold, he does not like to cut or restrain his nature, and accepts the strict rules of phonology. Obviously, Chao Buzhi and Lu You's so-called "horizontal" or "bold" both refer to Su Shi's free attitude of filling in words. This is not the case with Xin Qiji. Although he also experimented with new expressions, this did so by harnessing the potential of the musical formal norms of the intonation, rather than ignoring them. Therefore, Xin Qiji's words do not have the problem of inconsistency, and he has even been recognized by ancient and modern critics and scholars for his keen awareness of the musical structure of the word style, and can be called a master who knows how to properly arrange words according to the sound of the words and use musical effects to strengthen the meaning of the words. Therefore, Xin Qiji's arrogance does not represent the free spirit that breaks free from the shackles of word body and sound rhythm. This is different from Su Shi. Zhang Yan, an important critic of the late Song and early Yuan dynasties, understood the differences between Su Shi and Xin Qiji, and made perhaps the earliest concise definition of Xin Qiji's bold style. His famous words "Etymology" cloud: "Xin Jiaxuan and Liu Gaizhi are heroic words, and they are not elegant words." He did not place Su and Xin in the same group, as many critics of the time did, but only mentioned Xin Qiji and the latter. Obviously, Su Shi is free from criticism here. In fact, Zhang Yan's lexical theory has repeatedly used Su Ci as a positive example to illustrate his aesthetic ideals, which is quite worthy of attention. Zhang Yan is proficient in music, and the musicality of words is also one of the important topics in "Etymology", but he doesn't seem to care about Su Shi's shortcomings in this regard. The reason is that Zhang Yan is concerned with a more fundamental problem: the elegance of words. The etymology says:
The words are elegant and right. Where the will is. One is servitude for love, and it loses its elegant and upright voice.
In order to redefine the style of words, Zhang Yan directly quoted poems as "the place of aspirations" from the "Great Preface to Poems", and also borrowed "ya" and "zheng" from early Confucian classics, which originally referred to Yale and Zhengsheng. Clearly, Zhang Yan believes that it is necessary to bring the body back to the tradition of poetry and speech—a tradition that is deeply rooted in Confucian values. The elegant words in his eyes are full of the spirit of traditional poetry. The two points emphasized here are for the sake of the elegance of words: on the one hand, it is necessary to speak will, which means moral and ethical correctness; On the other hand, it is necessary to avoid servitude, that is, to express moderation and gentleness. Originating from popular music, the word was absorbed by the literati into a narrow, soft-voiced lyrical vehicle, which was often used by literati doctors to dispel subtle feelings and emotions that could not be expressed in poetry. Therefore, for a long time the stylistic status of words was very low. Since the late Northern Song Dynasty, or stimulated by the popular trend of lyricism represented by Liu Yong, some literati have deliberately improved the stylistic status of words by broadening the subject matter and removing slang language. The essence of this is that the literati tried to use the model of "poetry" to innovate the style of words and enhance the status of the style, hoping to eventually incorporate words into the tradition of "poetry". As such, this development has been described by modern scholars as the beginning of the "Fuya" movement. Fortunately, the advocate of this movement was Su Shi, a great and influential figure who brought about a new trend that changed the course of the development of the word style. During the Southern Song Dynasty, "Ya" as an important creative and critical concept has been supported by both lyricists and readers, for example, some selected words are named after "Yazi". Elegance was the key criterion for evaluating lyrics at that time, and it was still the case until Zhang Yan's "Etymology". Although with the changes in aesthetic taste in the late Southern Song Dynasty, the emphasis on elegance was biased towards elegant taste, poetic sensitivity, cultural connotation, and exquisite expression (Zhang Yan's theory of words is one of the important declarations of this new style of word aesthetics), the essence of the "Fuya" movement, that is, the adherence to the traditional principles of "poetry", has never wavered. As a pioneer in bringing words back to the poetic tradition of words, Su Shi often chose themes that were generally considered to be suitable only for the poetic genre, and his words were always considered to have the high quality of "poetry". Therefore, judging by Zhang Yan's standards, Su Shi's words are naturally elegant. In "Etymology", Zhang Yan repeatedly expressed his nostalgia and admiration for ancient music poems, such as the folk songs and other musical poems of the Han Dynasty, which he considered elegant and upright. Su Shi's experience of "using poetry as words" has become an excellent example for Zhang Yan to need, proving that it is not only desirable but also feasible to use classical poetry as a model. Since Xin Qiji is similar to Su Shi, he also played an important role in expanding the scope of words, and there is no vulgar language in his words, so why can't his words meet Zhang Yan's standard of elegant words? To answer this question, we need to take a fresh look at Zhang Yan's definition of "Yazheng". As pointed out above, the meaning of this concept includes two aspects: the words of elegance and righteousness must first be expressed in the sense of will, and Xin Qiji naturally has no problem in this regard; Secondly, don't be in the mood for it. The original meaning of "情" is emotion or passion. According to Grace Fong's research, Zhang Yan's "service to love" means that it is not "artistic and graceful" enough, and often leads to "an overly emotional expression in an overly simple and direct way, which sounds a little rash". She further pointed out that it was precisely because "the masculinity and confident language displayed in the bold style were too direct" and that "[Zhang Yan] criticized Xin Qiji and his followers for not being elegant enough in the rhetoric of the Southern Song Dynasty." Her observations remind us of this important feature of Xin Qiji's work, which is partly why Xin Ci is classified as indecent. However, in the author's opinion, Xin Ci has many characteristics that are contrary to Zhang Yanya's taste, and the expression is only one of them, or to be precise, this is only the superficial presentation of other more fundamental characteristics. Zhang Yan warned people not to indulge in love. To illustrate his point, he cites several negative examples, all of which are expressions of erotic emotion. The reason why Zhang Yan criticized these words was not only because of their direct expression, but more importantly, because of the strong emotional expression. Therefore, Zhang Yan finally lamented that the ancient pure and thick literary style has fallen to this point, and pouring thin has become a trend day by day. Of course, Xin Qiji is the last "wind-pouring" lyricist he mentioned. Zhang Yan believes that it is necessary to avoid any excessive expression of emotion, and he also points the finger of criticism at Xin Qiji's indecency. In the article "Fu Affection", Zhang Yan cites a poem as an example of the moderation of emotional expression. However, after praising the word for its good character and the ancient elegance (referring to Qu Yuan's "Lisao" and "Book of Songs"), he turned his pen and expressed his regret that the poem was slightly indecent. It is very interesting to see how this guardian of the Yazheng tradition carefully considers every word and reluctantly gives a comment to a lyricist. The lyricist is undoubtedly talented, but his style is too bold and rugged to be indecent. Zhang Yan said: "If you can screen the glamorous, happy but not lewd, it is the will of the Han Wei Yuefu." He repeatedly turned to authoritative Confucian poetry classics, showing that the "ya" in his thought was not only a poetic art concept, but also a moral and ethical concept. In his opinion, Xin Ci is generally indecent, not only because of its direct and unrefined expression, but also because of its overly strong and excessive emotion. As Fang Xiujie points out, the Etymology's ban on all aspects of elegance is precisely the critic's response to "inheriting and striving to adhere to the orthodox line in order to counter the extravagance and popular trend of word expression." Zhang Yan's views on Xin Qiji's disease are of course one-sided, and he is often confined to the views of the portal, but it is not difficult to find that he has actually grasped the most important characteristics of Xin Ci by sifting through his criticism. Through the rhetoric of Zhang Yan's contemporaries, it can also be seen that most of them agree with the unique characteristics of Xin Qiji, which Zhang Yan grasps. The only difference is that they are more sympathetic to Xin Qiji, so that the lack of Xin words in Zhang Yan's eyes is regarded as an advantage by them. Fan Kai, a disciple of Xin Qiji, provided some first-hand information about Xin Qizhi in a preface to the earliest collection of Xin Ci in 1188. He found that words were nothing more than Xin Qiji's "pottery writing tools". Xin Ci is completely natural and spontaneous expression, because Xin Qiji's "intention is not to compose words, but to fill his qi and accumulate it, and the words cannot but be born." This is the first commentary to elaborate on the concept of "qi", and we will discuss this important critical term later. It should be pointed out here that the natural and unfettered emotional catharsis of Xin Ci as considered by Fan Kai is completely incompatible with the principle of moderate expression of Ya. Liu Kezhuang, a follower of Xin Qiji, a lyricist of the Song Dynasty, praised the hero in his mind:
The public made, loud and loud, small and sonorous, across the Liuhe, sweeping away the eternal, since the common people have not existed. Its delicate and dense ones are not under Xiao Yan and Qin Lang.
Liu Kezhuang said very clearly, Xin Ci's "delicate and dense person" can certainly compete with anyone who is good at this way, and the kind of masculinity that "has not been seen since the common people" is unmatched. Liu Chenweng also used musical instruments to describe Xin Qiji's strong expression, saying that the frustration and resentment that burst out of Xin Ci were like "ten thousand drums of sorrow", and believed that Xin Qiji's thorough and enthusiastic emotional catharsis was legitimate, "Heroic sentiment is outside of common feelings, and its unspeakable people may not be just women and children." During the Yuan and Ming dynasties, words were no longer a popular form of poetry, and there was very little criticism of words. After about 300 years of silence, the style of words suddenly revived in the Qing Dynasty. However, the new generation of lyricists in this period was shorter than original and better at imitation, and the objects of imitation were often the predecessors of the Song Dynasty, especially the Southern Song Dynasty lyricists. A by-product of this trend was the flourishing of lexical criticism focusing on Southern Song Dynasty poets, and Xin Qiji's illness attracted much attention as a result. In the early Qing Dynasty, more than 100 years ago, the "Zhejiang Western School of Words" was active in the word world. They were fanatical admirers of the "Yaci" school in the late Southern Song Dynasty, flaunting Zhang Yan's theories. Not surprisingly, they don't take Xin Qiji's work for granted, and like Zhang Yan, they accuse Xin Qiji's works of over-expression. Zhu Yizun, the core figure of the Western Zhejiang Ci School, once said Xin Qiji in a contemptuous tone in a poem for friends: "I love Jiang Shi the most, and you also hate Xin Liu." He was proud to have friends who were also disgusted with Xin Qi's disease! Ironically, he didn't realize that at this time he had also made the same mistake that Xin Qiji was accused of - overexpressing strong love and hatred. Not everyone agrees with Zhu Yizun, and since the beginning of the 19th century, there have been more positive comments about Xin Qiji. Zhou Ji, an important critic in the middle of the Qing Dynasty, admired Xin Qiji very much and called him one of the four great masters of Song Ci that should be studied by those who study words. He made the following assertion in his Miscellaneous Works on the Treatise on Jiecunzhai:
Jiaxuan's uneven voice, everywhere, there are heroic words, no scholarly words, so often Fengying is too exposed...... Later generations learn from Jiaxuan with rudeness, not without talent, and without their feelings. Jiaxuan is a great talent, but the love is everywhere, and future generations will never be able to reach it.
Late Qing critics Chen Tingzhuo and Xie Zhangling made similar comments. Chen Tingzhuo said: "Reckless. It will be like Jiaxuan, but it can be done occasionally, and the rest of the children cannot learn it. Xie Zhangling observed:
Neighbors learn Jiaxuan, only learn reckless words, bold words, no wonder into the evil way of oiling. Try to read the Xin words, how can those who blindly shout hope for it? …… Jia Xuan is a very temperamental person. Those who learn Jiaxuan must first have a period of true qi in their chests.
There are also two scholars in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China, Guo Zhouyi and Wang Guowei, who also highly admired Xin Qiji. Zhou Yi reiterated that Xin Qiji's illness could not be imitated, he said: "If you have a small temperament, don't learn Jiaxuan." Wang Guowei expressed a similar view:
You can't learn either. Those who learn from the young, lead their ancestors to be rough and funny, and they can learn from their rough and funny, and they can not learn from their good places. The best place for young peace is to have a temperament and a realm.
In these comments, Xin Qiji received high praise. But interestingly, it seems that all critics have no other way to define Xin Qiji's achievements than to emphasize his inimitableness. That's a pretty high rating, of course—and in any case, no one can match it. But it is undeniable that these critics also give the impression that, to varying degrees, they can only praise Xin Qizhi in a defensive way. While attacking Xin Qiji's clumsy imitators, they also admit that Xin Qiji's words are too sharp, even a little impetuous, and rude. These critics seem to have a vague sense that there is something elusive and articulating in Xin Qi's words, and that its absolute value, while not deviant, does contain an element of doubt. The only difference between Xin Qiji and his poor imitators is that the latter only appreciates the rough comical of this trait, and therefore suffers from it. Only Xin Qiji has a unique ability to turn stones into gold, so that this quality that may be rough shines with beauty. In this way, the so-called rude impetuousness in the bold style seems to be taken for granted. So, what is this "uniqueness" of Xin Qiji? This is the temperament, the extraordinary personality of the lyricist. The critics mentioned above emphasize that without Xin Qiji's temperament, one should not attempt to imitate him at all. As Wang Guowei said, the "goodness" of Xinzi's "unlearnable" is this temperament. However, such a statement sounds like a banal repetition, since all literary works are supposed to reveal the author's temperament. Not to mention that temperament has been a concept of literary criticism for at least 1,400 years, and unless otherwise indicated, there is little point in repeating the same old tune. Indeed, in the eyes of those critics who are obsessed with Xin Qiji, temperament is a sincere, spontaneous personal nature, in Wang Guowei's words, "the heart of a child." In the Qing Dynasty, "temperament" was an important term, and critics with different positions understood its meaning very differently. The proponents of the Confucian poetic tradition continued the idea of the Great Preface to Poems, using temperament to express universal human and social emotions, making temperament almost synonymous with "zhi" and having strong moral implications. Critics, who value literature more than anything else, use temperament to express the unpretentious nature of nature and unreservedness. The "temperament" used for Xin Qi's criticism belongs to the latter. Shen Xianglong, a scholar of the late Qing Dynasty, once said: "Ancient poems, know music and listen to its truth." The true one, the temperament also. Don't be strong in temperament. Guanjiaxuan is known as a hero, and Guanbaishi is known as a talented person, and there is a natural outflow of its true place. Really, this is exactly what Wang Guowei is particularly concerned about. He commented on Xin Qiji's temperament in "Words in the World". Wang Guowei expresses a strong preference for strong, spontaneous, and natural poetic qualities, which often means abandoning styles such as refinement, euphemism, and carving. In his opinion, the most valuable temperament of a lyricist lies in truth. He claimed: "The subjective poet does not need to read the world much, and the shallower the reading of the world, the more true his temperament." In fact, what Wang Guowei is really worried about is that the poet has become too worldly and has lost his true voice. His obsession with "truth" prompted him to give a new definition of the lyricist: "The lyricist is the one who does not lose his innocence." The innocent heart of innocence has become the true meaning of the character of the poet. This formulation is refreshing, but in fact, it is a word-for-word copy of Yuan Mei's statement more than 100 years ago: "A poet does not lose his pure heart." Yuan Mei was inspired by the late Ming philosopher and critic Li Zhen's "childlike theory". The ideological connection between these claims is not a coincidence. In fact, the pursuit of pure expression of individual emotions has existed since the late Ming Dynasty, and Wang Guowei's advocacy of true temperament is also a continuation of this pursuit. Therefore, it is necessary to make a brief investigation of this development and evolution of Chinese literary history, which will help us better understand the meaning of "true temperament" in what critics call Xin Qiji. It seems that these ideas all began with Li Zhen, a "man with a very independent personality" who did not compromise with Confucian morality and ethics and attacked traditional literary thought. His vivid essay "The Theory of Childlike Heart" uses the theory of "childlike innocence" as a combat weapon, in which he wrote: "Those who are childlike are also sincere...... The husband is childlike, absolutely false and innocent, and the original heart of the first thought. The greatest enemy of "childlike innocence" is the book knowledge and moral dogma that try to impose the standards of judgment from the outside world:
Since the husband takes hearing the truth as his heart, then all those who speak hear the words of the truth, and they are not the words of childlike innocence. Although the words work, what do I do? Isn't it a fake person to speak a lie, but a fake thing and a fake thing?
换言之,写真文就是去假存真:
If Gou Tong's heart is always there, then the truth will not work, he will not stand when he hears it, he will not be literate all the time, no one will be unliterate, and no one will create physical writing instead of writing.
Li Zhen's conclusion is: "There is no one in the world who is not out of childlike innocence." As Willian Theodore de Bary points out, the reason why Lee's remarks are so deviant is not so much his anti-intellectual attitude as "his positive endorsement of temperamental literature." He was indeed fascinated by the unbridled expression of nature and individuality, and firmly believed that the only thing a writer should do was to follow his temperament:
The sound and color come from the emotion, from the nature. Can it be tied to the strong? Therefore, if it is natural to be emotional, it will naturally stop at etiquette and righteousness, and there will be etiquette and righteousness in addition to non-emotionality. However, it is a loss to be strong, so it is natural to have beautiful ears, and it is not the so-called natural outside of the temperament.
This is perhaps the most blatant challenge ever to the established values endorsed by the Confucian literary tradition. Li Zhen asserted that "there is politeness and righteousness in addition to non-emotion", and what he actually wants to express is that any kind of emotion, as long as it is true, can have a legitimate place in literature. Therefore, what he opposes is the rule that the content of poetry must first be morally correct. And when he declares that the only way to present "sound and color" is "from emotion and nature", he actually denies the aesthetic principle of Confucian poetry of gentleness and generosity. Obviously, the connotation of temperament has changed drastically in Li Zhen's case, no longer referring to universal human nature, that is, the heart of heaven and earth called by Confucian ethics, but to the heart of the individual as flesh and blood. We can say that temperament has changed from a concept of obsessiveness and propriety to its opposite. It falls from the high altar to which it was enshrined, but gains the humanity that gives it dignity. Li Zhen's ideas on "childlike innocence" and temperament were further developed by the three brothers Yuan Zongdao, Yuan Hongdao and Yuan Zhongdao, as well as the public security faction to which they belonged. Among them, Yuan Hongdao, who ranked second, was Li Zhen's close friend, and his "sexual spirit theory" was obviously influenced by Li Zhen. Although there are still some differences between Yuan's "Theory of Sexual Spirit" and Li Zhen's "Theory of Childlike Innocence", their emphasis on the individual and true temperament is the same. Yuan Hongdao agreed with Li Zhen's view that true literature is the product of temperament. As a result, he believed that the high literature of his time was lifeless and could never go down in history. And those lyrics that are broadcast in the streets and alleys through the mouths of women and children may be passed on to future generations. He explains:
It is still unheard and ignorant of real people's doing, so it is more true, not following the Han and Wei dynasties, not learning in the Tang Dynasty, willful and hairy, and still able to pass people's joys, sorrows, joys, and lusts, which is gratifying.
So he unequivocally said that even all kinds of "lustful lust" can be expressed in literature. This can't help but remind us of Li Zhen's manifesto on true literature - "In addition to non-emotion, there is politeness and righteousness that can be stopped." In the text praising his brother's poem, Yuan Hongdao said:
Most of them are unique and expressive, unconventional, and refuse to write unless they flow out of their own chests. Sometimes the situation and the situation will meet, and a thousand words will be said in an instant, such as the water is injected, which is breathtaking. There are good points and flaws, and the good points are self-evident, that is, the flaws are also many original words. However, Yu is very happy with its flaws. And the so-called good ones can't help but hate whitewashing, thinking that they have not been able to get rid of the popular habits of modern literati.
There are two points in this passage that deserve our attention, one is that Yuan Hongdao particularly appreciates the natural and spontaneous state of literary creation. The second is particularly interesting, because he thinks that "flawed" poems—poems that pour out willful temperament—are much better than those that are "good." He seems to want to express that if a work is polished or over-forged, it will lose its personal originality; However, flawed poems shine with the true colors of the poet, so for the sake of the work to be better, it is better to have flaws. This is undoubtedly an excellent footnote to Yuan Hongdao's concept of "fun". Having praised the nature expressed in poetry, it is logical to criticize the gentle and generous golden mean. Yuan Hongdao said that his brother's poems were "always crying and scolding", so they were criticized as "too dewy". Yuan's response to this criticism was: "I didn't know that the situation changed, and every word was born of love, but I am afraid that it will not be reached, how can I reveal it?" Li Zhen and Yuan Hongdao were both critics far ahead of their time, and their iconoclastic views of literature greatly deconstructed the old traditions, which of course drew harsh criticism. But the concept of "true disposition" survived and has since become a highly inflammatory topic. Many thought leaders, poets, and critics who were active in the early and mid-Qing dynasties, such as Jin Shengsi, Qian Qianyi, He Yisun, and even Huang Zongxi, a harsh critic of Li Zhen's radical views, joined the discussion on temperament, making it a perennial topic. However, during this period, the most powerful proponent of the theory of temperament was the poet and critic Yuan Mei in the mid-Qing Dynasty. Yuan Mei took over the term sexual spirit from Yuan Hongdao and used it as a key term in his literary criticism. Yuan Mei believes that sex spirit is not only the meaning of temperament used by Yuan Hongdao, but also means "spiritual wit" in Yuan Mei's own words. Moreover, Yuan Mei does not, like Yuan Hongdao and Li Zhen, claim that temperament is the most important, if not the only, source of literature, making his views seem less biased. In addition to temperament, he also emphasized the importance of acquired learning and poetic skills. However, the core of its theory is still true temperament. Yuan Mei said: "Poetry is difficult to be true, and there is a temperament and then the truth." He further anchored his innate temperament to "me"—"You can't write poetry without me." "Therefore, the really good poetry" but see the temperament, not the words. Closely related to his individualistic expression is, of course, his rebellion against the golden mean. When it comes to the target, he is not ambiguous:
Even if the four words "gentle and generous" are only one end of poetry, there is no need to be like this...... Therefore, the servant thinks that Confucius discusses poetry, and those who are credible are excited, viewed, grouped, and resentful; Those who are not trustworthy are gentle and kind.
It is with this belief that Yuan Mei believes that the poet is "the one who does not lose his pure heart". As we saw earlier, his words were later borrowed by Wang Guowei to define the lyricist. The reason why I spend so much time talking about temperament is that it allows us to see how the new individualistic consciousness awakened in the late Ming Dynasty and how it fought against the old guards in the Qing Dynasty, thus influencing Xin Qiji's criticism, giving it a powerful term for criticism, or more precisely, a new perspective. Looking back at Zhang Yan's criticism of the "heroic" or "masculine" spirit of Xin Ci and the overly emotional expression, we will find that the characteristics of Xin Ci captured by critics of the late Qing Dynasty are not much different from them. However, Zhang Yan only used the strict standard of "elegant words" to measure Xin Ci, while the critics of the late Qing Dynasty willingly allowed themselves to be deeply infected by Xin Qiji's extraordinary "temperament". It has to be said that the above-mentioned critics of Xin Qiji, such as Zhou Ji, Chen Tingzhuo, and Guo Zhouyi, are not radical liberals like Yuan Mei, and they all agree to varying degrees with the traditional view that Yazi is the authentic form of words. However, as the theory of temperament slowly but steadily took root in the literary field, these critics began to feel free to react naturally and intuitively to Xin's masculinity without a little guilt. Zhou Ji once talked about how his prejudice against Xin Qiji was eliminated: "I have served Baishi for ten years, and I have taken Jiaxuan as an outsider. Jiang Kui was a great poet of the Southern Song Dynasty, and his words were known for their empty style, and were praised by Zhang Yan as the highest model of elegant words, and were also widely respected by Qing Dynasty critics. Zhou Ji has also admired Jiang Kui for ten years, but now he has turned to the vitality and profundity of Xin Qiji. The example of Chen Tingzhuo is also prominent. This prolific critic is known for his depressive style. By his standards, Xin Qiji's expression is inappropriate and should be avoided. As he said: "Although (Jiaxuan) is talented, he can't help but be rude. The world is so easy to read, there is no wonder that Jiaxuan is a figurine for the clamoring of future generations. Surprisingly, however, Chen Tingzhuo was the most enthusiastic reader of Xin Qiji, and left the most comments and criticisms about Xin Qiji. To be sure, his praise of Xin Qiji is not unconditional, so much so that it is often awkwardly neutralized by contradictory qualifications, yet his evaluation of Xin Ci vividly shows how a scholar steeped in traditional values can be shocked and impressed by the rugged beauty of the works of unconventional genius. He did sometimes try to evaluate Xin Qiji in terms of morality, but interestingly, the more he did so, the more fascinated he became with Xin's less morally perfect character. The author's favorite example is his comparison between Su and Xin, he said: "Dongpo words are all king, and Jiaxuan words are domineering. Chen Tingzhuo seemed to think that the royal way was a more ideal virtue, so he immediately added that Xin Qiji's domineering did not hinder the royal way—"but it is still not contrary to the king." However, when he commented on Xin Ci, he revealed many times that what he really admired was Xin Qiji's wild spirit, which was irresistibly attracted by Xin Qiji's domineering. He believes: "Dongpo words, the elegance of famous people; Jiaxuan words, extremely heroic. The eternal is called, and Jiaxuan is even better. "This rugged heroic domineering is better than the elegant and gentle royal road! Chen Tingzhuo also called Xin Qiji "the dragon in the word" and "Jianhu Ferris" several times, and his words "like hearing the roar of a hungry tiger", the use of these wild beasts and birds of prey imagery undoubtedly exposed his awe and amazement at the masculinity and power exuded by Xin Ci. Not only Chen Tingzhuo, but also another critic of the late Qing Dynasty, Tan Xian, was also deeply touched by Xin Qiji's domineering. Moreover, in order to summarize this characteristic of Xin Qiji, Tan Xian also made a proper comparison between Xin Qiji and Su Shi, and even his expression seemed to explain Chen Tingzhuo's words: "Dongpo is a great man in clothes, and Jiaxuan is a ranger with a bow and knife." As a result, the bold lyricist's unruly and unruly nature was immediately revealed. The various grandiose connotations discussed at the beginning of this article are now vividly presented through a series of related imagery of the critics: the overlord, the hero, the ranger, the dragon, the tiger, and the hoof. Chen Tingzhuo used domineering to describe the heroic power of Xin Qiji, and Tan Xian also tried to grasp the essence of Xin Qiji's works through "qi". Tan Xian once commented that Xin Qiji's creation was dominated by a strong or unrestrained vitality, and warned the poet that if he lacked Xin Qiji's vigor or strong and wild vitality, he should not easily imitate him. We found that Xin Qiji's "qi" - his vitality suddenly became the focus, and almost all critics and critics were talking about his qi. As his disciple Fan Kai said, Xin Qiji's exuberant spirit was released in the words; Zhang Yan once criticized his excessive arrogance; Today, these Qing critics marvel at his domineering, heroic, heroic, uninhibited, powerful and arrogant spirit, to which must be added Xin Qiji's true and strange spirit (see Xie Zhangling's commentary quoted above). The above-mentioned various "qis" are the free swaying of Xin Qiji's temperament, and they also impress all those who approach him by touching the rhythm of his life force. In this way, long before the critics of the twentieth century tried to reframe Xin Qiji as a patriotic hero, so that he could help them gain the polemic advantage of the new literary theory, traditional critics and critics, whether they liked Xin Qizhi or not, had already identified the most prominent characteristic of Xin Qiji, that is, his strange spirit.
3. The "publicization" of epitaphs has led to the mutation of historical narratives
Epitaphs have been commented on by epitaphs, "no different from the historians' words, but also the branches and descendants of the Spring and Autumn Period", its style, language and writing are similar to historical books, and it is also one of the important genres and branches left over from the penmanship of the Spring and Autumn Period. From the perspective of the traditional concept of "text in the scriptures", it is reasonable to regard the epitaph as a "descendant of the Spring and Autumn Period". However, because of this, epitaphs have always been criticized by people for being too vain and crooked, which should be the view of historiography, and ignoring the needs of the epitaph itself, the characteristics of its function and the applicable occasions. The integration of historical writing and historical biography thinking has brought new opportunities for the writing of epitaphs, but epitaphs have also carried out tangible or intangible transformations on the use of historical writing.
"Actual record" is the most basic requirement of historical biography, but "the restoration of history is always the restoration in the state of reconstruction", epitaph will praise the tomb owner by denigrating others, and the denunciation involving specific personnel will be relatively obscure. "Cai Yongti" only praises but does not disparage, and tries to avoid imperfections such as the embarrassment and frustration of the owner of the tomb. After the Anshi Rebellion, there were more negative experiences in the epitaph, and these unsatisfactory ways to create a positive image of the tomb owner in contrasting techniques or ways, "Mrs. Naiti is lonely and weak, and Nanben is dependent on the second uncle." Since Zhou Dacai, over the Huai River, living in Hongzhou". However, since the beginning of the "Zuo Biography", the historical biography has a strong tendency of ethics and moralization, in order to express the author's positive or negative interpretation of the meaning of historical events. The historiography of the Song Dynasty preferred to praise and disparage specific people and events, and the combination of these two value orientations gradually influenced the writing of epitaphs, making the method of belittling others and praising tomb owners a common phenomenon in Song Dynasty epitaphs:
And the prime minister made people say that the public was waiting to be moved, but the public told him that he couldn't. So the man is public and cannot live in the middle for a long time, and the public fruit comes out.
However, the view of vulgarity, rich and overflowing is proud of his son, so that he is reduced to desire, if the so-called "bribe loser, often but".
Wang Anshi used Kong Daofu's rejection of Zaizhi's lobbying to show his straightforward character and personality, while Li Jing criticized the rich people's pampered children's habits, highlighting the tomb owner's ability to cultivate children. Whether writing about specific events or criticizing customs, it is to use others to highlight the excellent qualities of the tomb owner, and this method of praise and depreciation is conducive to shaping the image of the character. However, epitaphs are written by edict or by request, and many factors such as interpersonal relationships and political environment will affect the strength of praise and criticism, so the denigration of epitaphs will be more subtle than that of historical books. During the Qingli period, opponents attacked the reformers through a series of events, causing the Qingli New Deal presided over by Fan Zhongyan to quickly abort. Ouyang Xiu couldn't completely let go of this, but the power of the Lu Yijian group inside and outside the court was very strong, so his epitaph did not refer to Shi Chuan by name, but always called Lu Yijian by the official name "Prime Minister". In the fourth year of Xining, Sima Guang referred to Wang Anshi in the epitaph of Lu Zhi as "a courtier who abandoned his official home" and "a new politician". In the second year of Yuanfeng, Fan Zuyu also referred to Wang Anshi with "governance" in Liu Shu's epitaph. This type of writing was gradually formalized in the Northern Song Dynasty and became an increasingly common epitaph writing mode used by literati and doctors in the Song Dynasty.
The purpose of writing epitaphs in the style of historians is to pursue the effect of "actual records", but the moral concept of "concealing evil and promoting good" will affect the expression effect of "actual records". In order to "record" the epitaph, it is necessary to break through the taboo of "hiding for the elderly, for the deceased, and for the venerable", and the requirements for the author's pen power and right to speak are very high. Epitaph writing is mixed with complex factors such as human affection and pen polishing, so it is extremely difficult to "record" it. Zeng Gong positioned the epitaph as "righteousness is close to history" and "enough for the law", and history can "punish evil and promote good" and "make rebellious ministers and thieves afraid", one of the reasons lies in the binding force of social justice, but the epitaph needs to "hide evil and promote good" to a large extent, so that "good people like to see and pass on, and have the courage to stand on their own; The wicked are ashamed and fearful if they have no discipline." It can be seen from this that the way of dealing with "evil" shows that the epitaph writing tends to a high standard of moral consciousness, and its important purpose is to influence the so-called "wicked". Epitaphs set an example for people to think alike. Therefore, in order to take into account both "actual record" and "promotion of goodness", the epitaph must emphasize the good deeds of the tomb owner, ignore the evil deeds or use a curved pen to excuse them.
In the event of a conflict between the goals of "Record" and "Promoting Goodness", "Record" will give way to "Promoting Goodness". Fan Zhongyan Shendao tablet contained in the matter of reconciliation between Lu and Fan has been debated for thousands of years, and Ouyang Xiu was protected on this matter in the "Summer Retreat", and at the same time mentioned that Renzong led hundreds of officials to worship the Empress Dowager did happen, but the Shinto tablet recorded that the aforementioned activities could not be carried out because Fan Zhongyan prevented it. And Ye Mengde thought that this was a mistake, Ouyang Xiu had said in Wang Dan Shendao Tablet that when he wrote the inscription, he would refer to the "National History", the actual record, the gentry, and the biography of the old man for verification, and this matter was an important event on the way of Fan Zhongyanshi, Ouyang Xiu would definitely verify it in many ways and not make mistakes. Empress Dowager Zhang Xian "served the crown to see in the temple, messed up the difference between men and women, and humiliated the temple", which caused a bad impact. Under the premise that the inscriptions of the Song Dynasty were highly "public", Ouyang Xiu did not write in the form of "actual records" in accordance with the conventions when recording for the sake of setting an example for future generations, and he probably also considered this when writing the reconciliation between Lu and Fan.
At the same time, with the "publicization" of epitaphs in the Northern Song Dynasty, because of the need to "promote goodness", the writing of epitaphs on positive events has returned to the previous state of "greed for merit". The establishment of the reserve was an important political issue in Renzong's later years, and many high-ranking officials such as Han Qi and Wen Yanbo advised Renzong to establish a reserve as soon as possible. In Zhao Qi's epitaph, it seems that he contributed to this matter with the power of one person, "When Fang is the time, the emperor's heir has not been established, and the world is worried." Renzong ordered Yingzong to lead Zongzheng, and the public said that Zongzheng was not so important, and he was willing to be established as a prince, and Renzong listened to his words and set it up." The epitaph of ordinary officials is not exempt from vulgarity, "Try to play the book Renzong, please choose the sage of the clan to be the emperor's heir, in order to be the hope of the world." Chen Shidao wrote Zeng Yizhan Shinto Monument, also known as the first person to advocate the establishment of heirs. In the chronicle style history books, it is common for the same thing to be passed on several times, but the history books can be seen within each other, which is convenient for readers to restore the truth. Generally, the writers of the Northern Song Dynasty still presuppose that epitaphs and Shinto tablets are published in stone or rubbing, so they write positive events and write frequently, showing the old state of "greed for merit". In a word, whether it is a crooked pen to hide evil or a pen to promote goodness, the effect of the "real record" of the epitaph is greatly reduced.
Epitaphs are mostly written at the time of the death of the tomb owner, and personal relationships will also affect the writing of epitaphs. Epitaphs of the Northern Song Dynasty were written one to five years after the death of the tomb owner, and most of them lasted for decades, but the number of cases that have passed since a few decades is relatively rare. When family and friends are present, the writer must consider the feelings of the living. If the owner of the tomb or his family is in a high position, the author will even be flattering. The epitaph of Han Qi and his wife Cui was written by Chen Jian, who "came from Han Qi's Dingzhou and Hedong shogunate." Sex Mu Yi Jian Xuan, Du Qi knows the deepest", "Qi Fuzheng, recommended as the school manager of the Secret Pavilion, the judgment of the Dengwen Inspection Institute, and the Zhitai Changli Academy". Because of this relationship, Chen Jian generally understands Cui's life and reality, and he writes about Cui's personality and behavior through the three periods of Han Qi's first career, his official position, and Ren Xiang. When writing Han Qi's epitaph, the relationship between Han and Chen had a more obvious impact. Chen Jian emphasized at the beginning that Han Qi's merits "contain the bell and the book, and spread it all over the world, such as the light of the stars and the sound of thunder", and he "always takes the book as a book", but the full text is selected and the narrative is detailed. Chen Jian's stance is highly consistent with Han Qi's, such as summarizing the failure of the Qingli New Deal as "those who do not speak to make a big difference, and those who are inconvenient to themselves, will destroy what has already been ruined", and in the article, he strongly opposed the Qingmiao Law. Yin Su had a close personal relationship with Han Qi, and although he pursued simplicity and discipline for his writing, his epitaph of Han Ju (Han Qi's brother) was full of prose, and he deliberately emphasized how the tomb owner gave advice and advice when quelling the turmoil in Anhua Prefecture. As far as the rebellion is concerned, the pacification process that was omitted by Yoon so is the focus of the narrative in the history books. It can be seen from this that no matter how good the author's historical knowledge and morality are, personal relationships will affect the writing of epitaphs.
At the time of epitaph writing, the relevant events may not have yet settled, and the lack of time to wash and precipitate will also lead to a lack of hindsight in the writing of epitaphs. When Fan Ye wrote the Book of the Later Han Dynasty, more than 200 years after the fall of the Eastern Han Dynasty, the grievances were dissipated, and various historical materials had been born and circulated, which was beneficial for data collection and writing. Shen Yue's time to write the "Book of Song" is near, although the information is sufficient, but there are many political constraints during the change of dynasties, and there are many taboos in the narrative, and there are sometimes crooked writings. Wei Shui revealed the privacy of the people of the time in the "Book of Wei", praised less and depreciated more, and the pen may not be fair, after the book was written, the crowd boiled, and Wei Shui made two revisions when he was alive. Historical writing requires an appropriate time distance, so that the dust of events can settle and personal relationships dissipate, so that people and events can be accurately located and evaluated. However, epitaphs are mostly written in the present, and are mostly written by emperors or family members, so the perception of the positioning of characters and events may be very different from that after the dust settles.
In the second year of Jingde (1005) and the third year of Yuan You (1088), the descendants of Bi Shi'an asked Yang Yi and Liu Zhi to write epitaphs and Shinto monuments, which were separated by more than 80 years, and their styles and concerns were completely different. Yang Yi adheres to the stylistic norms of "Cai Yongti" in "The Late Song Dynasty Tuizhong Conspires with the Meritorious Heroes Jin Ziguanglu Dafu Xing Shang Shu's Department of Servants and Lang Tongzhong Shu Menxia Ping Zhangshi Supervises the Revision of the History of the Pillar State Taiyuan County Founding Gong Shi Yi 2,000 Households Eat Shi Feng Feng 400 Households Gift Taifu Zhongshu Ling Yu Wen Jian Bi Gong Epitaph" in the "Cai Yong Ti" style norms, does not describe the hardships of the times and the ups and downs of the process, but only vigorously praises the merits of the tomb owner and attributes it to the above, while Liu Zhi uses "Han Yu Ti" in "Bi Wen Jian Shinto Tablet" to select key events in detail. In terms of the structure of the article, Yang Yi wrote an epitaph based on the change of official position, striving to leave nothing out; Liu Zhi only selected Bi Shi'an's recommendation of Kou Zhun and the alliance of Lan Yuan to promote the royal driver's personal expedition in detail. The proportion of the alliance in the epitaph is not much different from the length of other positions, and the description of the alliance in the Shinto tablet has an absolute advantage. In terms of detailed arrangement, the epitaph is written in the order of the occurrence and development of the Yuanyuan Alliance, and the brushstrokes fall on how the tomb owner dragged the sick body to plan; The Shinto Monument first wrote the proposal and success, and then added that Bi Shi'an rushed to Xingzai with illness, strengthened the emperor's confidence and arranged follow-up matters, and wrote the origin and end of the alliance of the Yuanyuan, and interpolated Bi Shi'an's contributions. Why does the Shinto monument mainly narrate these two events? Bi Shi'an recommended Kou Zhun, so they were able to work together to facilitate the conclusion of the Yuanyuan Alliance. When the alliance of Lanyuan was formulated, the Song people were in an advantageous position but bribed the enemy country, and Bi Shi'an, who offered the plan, was criticized, so Liu Zhi explained the ins and outs of the incident clearly, and this writing strategy was also to exonerate Bi Shi'an. In the third year of Yuan You, the merits and demerits of Kou Zhun have been decided, and the significance of the alliance to the political and economic development of the Northern Song Dynasty is self-evident. After the precipitation of time, the focus of the writing of the Bishi'an Shinto monument has been revealed.
Time series are extremely important in the interpretation of history, and people in different historical periods may judge the same thing very differently. The time interval for epitaph writing is short, and the relevant events have not yet settled, so it is difficult to precipitate deep cognition and accurate positioning. Cheng Hao is known as a pioneer of Taoism, but Han Wei's epitaph still emphasizes his achievements as a local official and changing customs. In addition, time series can also affect the variety and richness of the material received by the authors. Most of the authors' materials come from family members, and the completeness and richness of the materials are completely different from those of the official historical revision activities, so the position and narrative of the epitaph are inevitably biased. Ouyang Xiu emphasized that he would refer to national history when writing the inscriptions, but when Ouyang Xiu and Wang Anshi wrote the inscriptions of Mei Xun and Zeng Zhiyao, if they did not refer to the relevant historical materials of Li Xin, they would not have known that Zhenzong did not regard the two as confidants, and the ups and downs of their careers also originated from the judgment of the famous minister Li Xin rather than "closed to evil spirits". Therefore, the lack of hindsight in epitaph writing is a defect that cannot be bridged by "taking history as epitaph".
Who Is Xin Qiji? In Search of “Haofang”（豪放）
Xinda Lian1 Trans. Liu Xue2
（1. Department of Modern Languages & East Asian Studies Program, Denison University, Granville 43023, Ohio, USA;
2. School of Humanities, Central South University, Changsha 410012, Hunan, China）
Abstract：Through a careful examination of “haofang”, a convenient term that has long been dominating the criticism of Xin Qiji’s song lyrics, this study tries to prove that the central issue in the study of Xin Qiji is not the expression of the poet’s patriotic sentiment, but the expression of his “wild and arrogant” personality. The most salient features of Xin Qiji as a poet that distinguish him from others are the almost palpable presence of a restless individual and the rugged beauty of his idiosyncrasy. The idiosyncratic personality of a wild and maverick figure in the Chinese poetic tradition finds a forceful expression in his song lyrics.
Keywords：Xin Qiji; Song Lyrics; Ci Criticism; “Haofang”; Idiosyncratic Personality
(The original article was published in the second issue of Changjiang Academic in 2024, and the comments were omitted when pushing, and you can click to read the original article to view.) ）
Editor in charge: Wang Chao
Please indicate the source for reprinting the article in this journal
About the Author
Lian Xinda, male, is a professor in the Department of Modern Languages and Cultures at Denison University, mainly engaged in the study of Song Dynasty literature and Zhuangzi.
Liu Xue (1977—), female, from Ningxiang, Hunan, is an associate professor at the School of Humanities of Central South University, mainly engaged in the research of Song Dynasty literature and lexicology.
Typesetting: Jiao Yunxuan
Review: Yang Xinxin
