As a major force on the Indochina Peninsula, Vietnam has ambitions to gain a foothold in Southeast Asia and seek Asian dominance.
Modern Vietnam has always been eager to integrate into China's industrial chain, taking this opportunity to actively promote economic development and pursue the goal of national prosperity and strength.
This hegemonic ambition was already evident during Kissinger's visit to Vietnam in 1973, which he specifically mentioned in his "On China" and warned the world to be wary of Vietnam.
How does Kissinger see clearly Vietnam's ambition and reluctance, whether Vietnam is able to realize its aspirations at present, and what does Vietnam's future hold?
Its geographical location has made Vietnam a geopolitical focal point, located in the eastern part of the Indochina Peninsula, and is one of the frontier barriers and important gateways to the region. The whole country is S-shaped, long and narrow from north to south, up to 1,650 kilometers, narrow from east to west, and only 50 kilometers at the narrowest point, resembling the unique shape of the Indochina Peninsula.
As the core of Southeast Asia, Vietnam is located at the crossroads of Southeast Asia, and although it is small in size, it firmly grasps the heart of Southeast Asia. From a more macro perspective, Vietnam is a key junction between the Pacific and Indian oceans.
The critical nature of the geographical location has given rise to Vietnam's desire to become a global hub. In fact, Vietnam is located at the intersection of contradictions and conflicts of interests among countries in the Asia-Pacific region, and has a very important geopolitical position.
For Vietnam, a frustrating reality is that it shares a direct border with China to the north and its territorial waters are also connected to China.
The Vietnamese generally saw the powerful countries of the North as the greatest threat.
However, as the world has evolved, Vietnam has come to recognize the complexity of its geographical location. It is not only concerned by China, but also by countries as far away as Europe and the United States. For this reason, Vietnam even broke out two major conflicts with two world powers.
This geographical location poses many challenges for Vietnam, and the national strategy and foreign policy in general are influenced by Asia-Pacific countries. The changing times have forced Vietnam to constantly adjust its national policies to meet the needs of the surrounding powers.
When Vietnam's relative strength is relatively weak, it must rely on a certain power to seek protection, or escalate regional issues to the global level by expanding its own contradictions, attracting various forces into Vietnam in order to achieve a balance of power at home.
Vietnam's geographical location not only brings negative impacts, but also opportunities. While being influenced by the major powers, Vietnam's policies also influenced other countries, forcing them to make strategic adjustments because of Vietnam.
Vietnam has oscillated back and forth among the great powers, but has been able to maintain its independence.
Despite the interference of external forces, no country has really been able to form an absolute dominance in Vietnam, and the fate of Vietnam remains firmly in the hands of its own people.
In the process of development, Vietnam has gradually revealed its greedy side, no longer satisfied with its current status, and actively participated in various international affairs, which has greatly enhanced its national self-confidence and intensified Vietnam's ambitions.
The inflated national mood was particularly pronounced in Vietnam, especially when it came to dynastic nationalism. Domestically, there is an emphasis on the political integration of the state, integrating various elements of the state through political power and administrative institutions to form a complete complex.
This process is top-down, and Vietnam strives to elevate its national spirit to a global level through various means, aspiring to become a global leader, reflecting horizontal geographical expansion.
By the time Kissinger visited Vietnam in 1973, this tendency was already apparent.
At that time, both China and Vietnam belonged to the socialist camp and were allied with the Soviet Union, and according to Kissinger's understanding, China and Vietnam had formed an interdependent security relationship, and they could not do without each other.
Therefore, he has no other thoughts about the fight for Vietnam, and this visit is entirely aimed at assisting in the normalization of Sino-US relations, because the normalization of Sino-US relations can solve some problems involving Vietnam, and the resolution of the Vietnamese issue can also promote the normalization of Sino-US relations.
With such thoughts, he arrived in Vietnam by plane, and when communicating with the supreme leader of Vietnam, he did not feel abnormal, everything went according to normal train of thought.
However, when guided by Vietnamese officials to visit the National Museum, Kissinger felt a little caught off guard. Vietnamese officials skipped many of the exhibition areas and led him directly to the pavilion of Sino-Vietnamese history.
Upon entering the pavilion, Kissinger was struck by the exhibition in front of him, which described how Vietnam was fighting against China. The theme of the entire pavilion is about how Vietnam fought against China and fought for national independence, and how much hardship Vietnam paid for it in the process.
Every photograph and text in the pavilion vividly illustrates the history of Vietnam's resistance to China. The rhetoric of these radical Vietnamese nationalists sent a profound shock to Kissinger.
When officials recounted history, he was grateful, with tears in his eyes, and was clearly a radical nationalist. He described to Kissinger the tyranny of Ming Chengzu Zhu Di over Vietnam, suppressing the Vietnamese national independence movement and preventing Vietnam from gaining its rightful position.
The Vietnamese people, unwilling to be ruled, clashed with the Ming Dynasty many times, and paid a heavy price each time, but Vietnam never gave up the struggle.
Hearing all this, Kissinger began to think deeply. He recognized that the Vietnamese did not want to be agents of any country, but instead aspired to win independence through struggle, to form a federation of Indochina, and to become the leader of Southeast Asia, as China had done in the past.
This explains the constant contradictions between Vietnam and China over the centuries. Vietnam's insistence on the idea of independence will not be easily abandoned.
After walking out of the pavilion, Kissinger's thinking changed. He believes that China and the United States share common interests and strategies to a certain extent, especially on the Vietnam issue.
Continued ideological attachment will only lead to the Vietnam problem derailing from the normal track, and the understanding of Vietnam needs to be more in-depth investigation, especially a deep understanding of the nationalism of the Vietnamese dynasty, and skillful use.
If Vietnam can skillfully exploit this, it may become a key point in China's strategy in the future, forcing China to comply and be included in the overall plan of the United States.
However, there are internal contradictions in Vietnam itself. On the one hand, it has an extremely high level of distrust of the northern powers, constantly confronting China against its political and military domination, and this confrontation has given Vietnam a sense of pride.
On the other hand, Vietnam is absorbing the spirit of Chinese culture, learning Chinese language, history and culture, and even directly borrowing from China's political system. Whether in modern or ancient times, Vietnam has been learning from China and has never stopped.
For example, the rulers of the Li Dynasty followed the example of China and paid special attention to the construction of the feudal system. The first written code in Vietnam's history, the Penal Code, promulgated in 1042, and the National Super Criminal Law, implemented by Tran Tai Thuong in 1230, are both references to the Chinese system, marking the gradual formalization of Vietnam's national law and the establishment of a legal system that integrates Chinese elements and Vietnamese characteristics.
Vietnam's geographical location does not allow it to be truly free from Chinese influence, as Japan's, and in fact Vietnam's domestic elite has a sense of affinity for Chinese culture. These aristocrats not only used traditional Chinese culture to rule over the lower classes, but also passed on this culture by teaching them to follow rules and norms.
Vietnam's extremely divisive views make it extremely difficult to shape the Vietnamese national spirit. Through this trip, Kissinger fully realized that ideology cannot really erase the contradictions between China and Vietnam, but only hides these contradictions deep in the heart of the Vietnamese nation. These contradictions, given the opportunity, could quickly trigger and lead to large-scale violent clashes between China and Vietnam.
Kissinger predicted that the ingenious tactics displayed by Vietnamese leaders who were familiar with the Art of War in their battles with the French showed their superstition about the Art of War. In a possible future war with China, they will most likely use the wisdom of Sun Tzu's Art of War.
Both Vietnam and China aspire to leadership in Indochina and Southeast Asia, so it is inevitable that Vietnam will need to fight a large-scale war if it is to replace China.
China reasserts control over the region with the help of an alliance of the socialist camp, and is forced to go into a state of readiness in order to guard against a Vietnamese counterattack.
Vietnam was preparing for war by building roads in the north, which was not related to the U.S.-Vietnam War, but was intended to counter China. Senior Vietnamese officials took Kissinger on a tour of the pavilion, and Kissinger also hoped to get support from the United States to assist Vietnam.
After the signing of the Paris Agreement, Chinese leader Zhou Enlai expressed his firm position to Kissinger in the face of Vietnam's provocations, making it clear that China would not allow Vietnam to claim hegemony in Indochina.
Kissinger combined this state of affairs with his experience in Vietnam to gain a deeper understanding of Vietnam's current behavior. Vietnam's desire to squeeze China out of Indochina will not change just because both countries are members of the Socialist Alliance. There are deep geopolitical contradictions between Vietnam and China.
Under the influence of dynastic nationalism, Vietnam has chosen a bolder path, with dangerous ideas that could make Vietnam's future more complicated and unpredictable.
The road ahead is uncertain, and Vietnam faces a difficult future.
To understand Vietnam's prospects deeply, it is necessary to start from its deep national spirit, especially the indigenization of Confucian culture that is prominent in Vietnam's dynastic nationalism. To this day, the interpretation of Confucian culture by the Vietnamese people is still ongoing.
This cultural phenomenon has allowed Confucianism to successfully penetrate all levels of Vietnamese society, helping Vietnam overcome multifaceted social problems. The Vietnamese attach importance to the country and the nation, emphasize loyalty to the monarch and patriotism, and pursue the reunification of the country. Vietnamese intellectuals played a key role in interpreting and shaping the patriotic spirit in the national culture, forming a unique Vietnamese dynastic nationalism by learning Chinese culture and integrating it into cultural transmission.
In modern times, this Confucianization has made Sino-Vietnamese cultural exchanges natural. The popularity of Chinese TV dramas in Vietnam reflects the relaxed understanding and deep grasp of Chinese culture by Vietnamese people.
However, some Vietnamese have stressed the need to purge the influence of Chinese culture in the process of de-sinicization, and this blind and ignorant approach may cause harm to Vietnam. It is no exaggeration to say that Chinese culture is like a beam of light, and Vietnam once opened its skylight to let this light shine inside, bringing warmth and guiding the way for Vietnam.
Now, however, it seems that Vietnam is about to shut out this light and go back into isolation, which will inevitably lead to a return to darkness. Growing voices within Vietnam about de-sinicization, with supporters and opponents at loggerheads, have led to a often ambiguous and sometimes rigid attitude toward China.
Vietnam's dynastic nationalism, on the other hand, fueled its ambitions to expand its territory, advocating war to secure territorial independence. They believe that "it is difficult to be independent without expansion, and it is difficult to establish the authority and majesty of the state without expansion."
Historically, the Ly monarchs integrated the "Chinese order" into Vietnamese dynastic nationalism, and promoted the integration process of Vietnam through the invasion and expansion of the surrounding small states, the annexation of territories. However, this was also accompanied by a policy of bullying and brutal suppression of resistance against other ethnic groups, which made them pay for the great unification of Vietnam.
To this day, this expansionist national sentiment still exists, and Vietnam has a strong interest in the islands in the South China Sea, trying to expand its territory by various means.
Although these territories are supposed to be China's inherent territory, Vietnam has repeatedly disputed China over the South China Sea by sending personnel to land on the islands and forcibly occupying them because of their geographical proximity.
Due to its national ambitions for internal expansion, Vietnam faces an undesirable diplomatic situation on the international stage and is vulnerable to criticism from many quarters. In addition to territorial disputes with China, Vietnam also has problems with other countries in Southeast Asia. However, when complaining about the injustice of other countries to itself, Vietnam has not seriously reflected on its own problems.
Every country has a strong national dream and aspires to stand out internationally, have a voice, and win the respect of the world. However, to achieve this goal, we need to pay attention to ways and means, and we must not rush for quick results, let alone take improper actions.
Vietnam has opportunities for development, but if it does not change its mentality of being the king and hegemon, the development process will slow down significantly, and it is still unknown when it will realize its dream of becoming a great power.
In the era of globalization, it is better to embrace China than to resist it. China has provided Vietnam with development opportunities, which will help promote Vietnam's economic prosperity, enhance the country's overall strength, and truly achieve the goal of independence and freedom.
Viet Nam should be soberly aware of how it should act.