Wang Yifei, Gao Ming
In the depths of my soul, the big black drum rattled.
I heard black history singing.
—[Guinea-Bissau] Midleise, "I Hear Black History Singing"
In his poem "I Hear Black History Singing",[1] the African progressive poet Middelese sang the vicissitudes of Africa and the weight of the earth. Throughout the poem, he expresses a deep identification with the black skin of Africa and the rich history of Africa. The contemporary African thinker Mahmood Mamdani, although born into an Indian family and raised in colonial Uganda, identifies more with his African identity.[2] The idea of "pan-Africanism"[3] of viewing Africa as a whole and calling on black people around the world to oppose racial discrimination and colonial domination has implications that transcend the realm of the nation-state. The Disintegration of the Colonial World: The Readings of the African Thinker Mahmoud Mamdani[4] (hereinafter referred to as the Reader) includes five essays and an interview with the thinker. Although this is a compiled book, we can still sort out Mamudani's problem consciousness from these important articles written at different times: how to understand Africa's ethnic, racial and ethnic issues in the context of colonial history and the contemporary international pattern of post-colonialism, so as to completely resist colonialism and imperialism?
The Disintegration of the Colonial World: A Reading by the African Thinker Mahmoud Mamdani
Mamudani's unique life experience has led him to pay attention to African issues and identify with African identity. Since his youth, he has been traveling to all corners of the world, growing up in different political, social and cultural atmospheres. He went to the United States to study in the 1960s, during which time he participated in the civil rights movement in the United States. He was deported from Uganda in the 1970s for former President Amin's anti-Asian policies and eventually received his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1974. Therefore, professional academic training provides a solid foundation for him to think about African issues, and the twists and turns of life experience make his thinking more humanistic and caring, inspiring him to practice the mission and responsibility of intellectuals.
What is the relevance of Mamudani's book and his academic spirit to us in China today? Judging from the historical origins of Central Africa, since the founding of New China, China and Africa have formed a solid brotherly friendship in the process of national independence and national development due to similar historical encounters. On the other hand, our understanding of Africa is always estranged. Discrimination and prejudice that equate Africa with suffering, backwardness, disease and laziness will also affect our perception of Africa to a greater or lesser extent. Nowadays, China's relations with Africa have entered a new period of transformation and upgrading, and the Reader first helps us to re-understand Africa, understand its colonial history, grasp the particularity and complexity of African politics and traditions, tap the common ground between Africa's national liberation movements and China's anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle, and enhance mutual resonance and understanding. The book also helps us to develop a global perspective while understanding the situation in Africa, and to enhance our own history while comparing it with Africa's political traditions.
Independence and reconciliation in vain
The nature of the liberation movements in most African countries in the 20th century was primarily "against racial oppression, not class oppression, and was a revolt of blacks against whites, not a proletarian revolution." [5] These African countries gained national independence not through class struggle, but through resistance to racial oppression. While the nation-state gains independence, it means that the various ethnic groups reach a peaceful consensus within their nation-state and explore mechanisms of state governance that include ways to resolve internal contradictions. However, the independence of many African countries has not brought about the long-awaited equality, peace, democracy and prosperity. The essays "Government and Civil Society in Contemporary Africa", written in the early 1990s, and "Beyond Nuremberg", written in recent years, dissect the nature of the independence of Uganda and South Africa and the essence of reconciliation between ethnic groups, revealing the hollowness of national nationalism and the incompleteness of ethnic reconciliation. Its hollowness and incompleteness are a legacy of postcolonial politics. From the perspective of external factors, although the former Western suzerainty no longer directly occupied African colonies, it indirectly but effectively controlled Uganda, South Africa, Rwanda and other countries through post-colonial political governance. From the perspective of internal factors, the weakness and compromise of the African countries' own liberation forces have laid a hidden danger for their nascent and fragile regimes. They seem to have avoided violence and bloodshed through peaceful negotiations, but they have been unable to solve the underlying problems and have created protracted internal friction.
In the 1950s and 1970s, the British colonial government in Uganda began to voluntarily give up the power of the suzerainty and launched a program called "Colonial Reform Politics" with the goal of Uganda's autonomy. Mamudani pointedly point out[4] that the British colonial government in Uganda did not abandon its rule out of "good intentions". When Uganda's national resistance forces gradually and successfully organized the lower classes of workers, peasants and other commoners, the colonial rulers were shocked to realize that instead of clinging to the colonial regime, it was better to follow the trend of history and take the initiative to transfer sovereignty to Ugandans. After abandoning direct domination, the former suzerainty could still take advantage of the contradictions between different strata and ethnic groups within the Ugandan National Resistance Forces, break the unity between workers, peasants and other common people, and cultivate a ugandan elite with professional ability to take over the original colonial state apparatus.
In this way, the former metropolis could retain its interests in Uganda. Uganda's ostensible modern democratic political system ended British colonial rule while opening up new forms of colonization. The "gift" of nation-state independence carries the bootlegs of the former colonial metropolises, pro-Western clergy and elites hold state power, and there are still contradictions between different classes and ethnic groups within Uganda.
By the 1980s, Musevini, who had failed to win the presidential election, formed the Uganda National Resistance Army (NRA), once again painstakingly organizing uganda's different ethnic strata. However, when Musevinj was finally elected president in 1986 and the NRA under his leadership gained state power, they once again missed the opportunity to completely eliminate the colonial mechanism. Mamudani pointed out[4] that the NRA destroyed the repressive mechanism of the neo-colonial government at that time, but still accepted the executive and judicial departments as ordered, using professionals in the old state apparatus, and failed to cultivate the original backbone of the NRA into a force capable of participating in the governance of the country.
After these two political phases, the interests of the new Government of Uganda have replaced those of the masses of the peoples. The power of the common people of different ethnic groups has been vacant, the demands of the people's democratic struggle have been narrowed to the demands of elitism, and the discourse of nationalism has been exploited by the social elites who depend on the original suzerainty. The government elite, which represents the interests of the suzerainty, uses nationalist discourse to suppress the demands and actions of ordinary people of all ethnic groups in pursuit of equal rights on the pretext of safeguarding the power of the nation-state and stabilizing the domestic political situation.
Coincidentally, Although South Africa's nation-state independence process is different from Uganda's, it has commonalities with Uganda in dealing with the legacy of apartheid: the old bureaucracy has been retained, the connotations of key concepts such as ethnic "reconciliation" have been replaced, and the contradictions between ethnic groups have not been fundamentally resolved. In Beyond Nuremberg, Mamudani pointed out that the Nuremberg Trials, which were on a par with the Tokyo Trials after World War II, had several characteristics. First of all, it is the trial that unfolds after the war, between the defeated and the victims, and the victors and perpetrators, after different political camps have formed. The trial embodied the justice of the victims and the consequences of defeat were borne by individual officials representing the perpetrator's State. In the light of criminal justice, in which individuals such as heads of State are responsible for violations of human rights in the war, the model laid down by the Nuremberg trials implies two political conditions: the Second World War was based on unquestionable victories and defeats; and the establishment of a new international political order was a more important political task after the Second World War than the trial of the losers, and the new order could be established in the field of international politics without the need to be established through the Nuremberg Trials.
The Republic of South Africa, which declared independence in 1961, failed to resolve the internal ethnic conflict at the same time as the independence of the nation-state, and the white South Africans who controlled the regime instead introduced an internal apartheid system, leaving South Africa independent. The conflict between whites and blacks within South Africa, as well as between black ethnic groups, reflects the fact that the former colonial metropolises still enjoyed great privileges in South Africa, which were reflected by white South Africans.
Therefore, in order to promote racial equality and establish a truly equal, democratic and prosperous country, when South Africa was faced with the stalemate between the liberation movement organization and the apartheid regime, the two sides decided to refer to some of the ideas of the Nuremberg Trials, convene a "Democratic South Africa Congress", and set up a "Truth and Reconciliation Commission" under the political agreement of the "Democratic South Africa Congress" to try to resolve the dispute by peaceful, forgiveness and amnesty, in exchange for the political reform agreement agreed by both sides, laying the foundation for a more fair and just political system in South Africa. However, this process of "reconciliation", which began with a political stalemate rather than an apparent divide between victory and defeat, was fraught with the compromises of the South African Liberation Organisation to those in power that laid the foundation for subsequent political consequences. The South African Communist Party and the ANC headed by Mandela[4] agreed to a provision that "preserves the old bureaucracy and allows for amnesty for those who fully disclose the truth".[4]
Eventually, South Africa's old bureaucracy was treated similarly to Uganda's old bureaucracy, not only perpetuating, but even continuing to play a negative role. On the other hand, while the "reconciliation" process based on the principles of forgiveness and amnesty seems to perpetuate the tradition of individual responsibility for atrocities at the Nuremberg Trials and aims to open a new political order, in fact, the "reconciliation" process in South Africa that desegregation did not presuppose the victory or defeat of the war at the Nuremberg Trials. This means that in the absence of victory or defeat, the line between justice and injustice, right and wrong, cannot be clearly established, and the political forces of the liberation movement and the apartheid regime are forced to negotiate protracted and repeated. As a result, the "South African Democratic Congress" convened by all political factions in South Africa finally took the interests of the "survivors" as the starting point, ignoring the situation that the "survivors" were mixed with perpetrators, victims, and other supporters and beneficiaries of the perpetrators. By turning its attention to the "survivors", the Truth and Reconciliation Commission ignores the institutional and political aspects of the apartheid system, and as long as a person on trial is willing to confess his crimes and repent, he can be forgiven and pardoned, and instead allows the individuals concerned and the political problems behind them to evade accountability. In order to achieve the goal of "reconciliation", South Africa paid the price of shelving the real problem, the old state apparatus was retained, and the connotation of "reconciliation" became hollow.
Mamudani vividly reveals the aftermath of the process of african nation-state independence: colonialism can use peace and reconciliation as a high-sounding reason, through new means, to infiltrate the country's administrative system, judicial system and specific ways of social governance, to achieve indirect control. However, he did not further analyze in the chapter of the book why the progressive forces of African countries always formed a stalemate with the colonial authorities and could not develop their own powerful forces. Why are the progressive forces in Africa not vigilant enough against the old bureaucracy? If these problems in the process of independence of African countries have their inevitability, then what is the connotation of this inevitability?
Jiang pointed out that the political parties and their leaders in most African countries have themselves grown up in Western education and "often play a role of mediating the interests of colonists and peoples." [8] At the same time, African leaders influenced by Western ideas often hoped to integrate Western liberal democracy, Western Christian fraternity, And Marxist humanism, as well as The United Traditions of African Tribes, in their struggle for independence and liberation, in their quest for independence and liberation. [8] The idea of "pan-Africanism" [9] the idea of "pan-Africanism" that hopes to integrate different ideological resources and unite all black brothers and sisters at the african level to embark on Africa's own path of liberation and independence[9] inherently has the meaning of transcending the interests of the nation-state and pursuing a higher level of liberation.
In the construction of ideological theories, African leaders and thinkers have tried to revive African traditions and strive to learn the ideas of Western liberal democracy, while also absorbing Marxist theory. In the journey for the national liberation and national independence of Africa, African thinkers and leaders not only resisted Western colonialism, but also guarded against the hegemonic posture of the Soviet Union within the socialist camp, and at the same time gave play to the positive side of African tradition and embarked on a road of African liberation, prosperity and strength. The inherent contradictions in the path of thought and practice reflect the complex psychology of African leaders: not only want to take advantage of the strengths of others and make up for their own shortcomings, but also clearly recognize that the strengths of others are easy to evolve into colonial pretexts; if we recognize the backwardness of African traditions and adopt a completely negative attitude towards them, how will Africa be self-reliant? In fact, this ideological contradiction also has an intrinsic echo with the thinking of early modern Chinese thinkers represented by Zhang Taiyan and Liang Shuming. [10]
No matter how much one draws on the strengths of others in order to form one's own ideas and paths, the completion of the work of decolonization on the basis of ideas is the most basic and necessary prerequisite. Although Mamudani does not deeply reveal the subtle connection between the political parties and leaders of African countries and western colonists in the Reader, he starts with the concepts of "migrants" and "indigenous peoples" and conducts a decolonization reflection on The History and Traditions of Africa, which constitutes another important part of the Reader. When some African thinkers sought to revive African traditions in the hope of building an Africa that transcended classes and ethnic groups, based on individual solidarity, as a family extension,[8] Mamudani's perspective on tradition helped to remove Africa's romanticized imagination of its own past.
Mamudani
Second, a perspective on the history of the racial question
Usually, when we talk about the many problems of the African national liberation movement and the fact that African countries are still in turmoil in the political and economic fields, we always think that long-term colonial rule is the root cause of Africa's racial problems and ethnic contradictions.
The demarcation of colonial borders was the basis for the establishment of political rule by european powers in Africa, both external and internal. [11] External borders refer to the demarcation of borders between colonies, which was accomplished by the colonizers by signing contracts with African rulers after occupation by force or in consultation with other powers. Such divisions have not only fragmented the African continent, but have also led to endless disputes between peoples of the same races, nationalities and tribes that used to be scattered among nations. Internal boundaries are the administrative divisions carried out by colonists within the colony in order to effectively manage, on the one hand, the colonial government uses the border to separate the people they believe belong to the different local political units, on the other hand, they use the original name or choose a new name to name these units, in fact, they create a new identity that is not a member of the political unit. All these have laid hidden dangers for the ethnic conflicts in post-independence African countries.
The article "The Present and Present of Immigrant Colonialism" in the Reader reveals the problems caused by Rwanda's internal borders.[12] Although the Tutsis of Rwanda had migrated from other parts of Africa before colonial rule began, for centuries, the German and Belgian colonial rulers still proceeded from the need for domination and artificially gave them the racial identity of the Hamitic race, claiming that no matter where they lived, they were immigrants from other parts of Africa, and where they came from was long undemeasurable. Thus, the Tutsi, who have always been "migrants", will not be able to obtain "ethnic space" according to "traditional customs" – that is, land that only "indigenous peoples" are entitled to, as the Rwandan Hutus, who have lived in their ancestral homelands for generations, have been classified as "indigenous". The conflict between the Tutsi and Hutu people intensified.
The different ethnic identities of the Tutsi and Hutu people in Rwanda have led to their seemingly equal citizenship but in practice their civil and political rights are very different. While this is certainly a living example of ethnic tensions caused by the division of internal borders, the more important aspect of the article "The Present and Past of Immigrant Colonialism" is that it further reveals the history of interaction between Hutu and Tutsi people before the beginning of colonial rule. The tradition of interaction between Hutu and Tutsi is neither contradictory, bloody nor discordant and harmonious. In fact, intermarriage between Hutu and Tutsi has lasted for at least three centuries, and "more than half of Luanda's population is the product of intermarriage between these two groups".[4] However, the feudal patriarchy of these two ethnic groups made it possible for the intermarriage to be passed on to future generations exclusively in accordance with the father's ethnic identity. Before Germany and Belgium took turns colonizing Rwanda, Tutsis generally controlled wealth and power, while Hutu were poorer overall. However, the Hutus can remove their ethnicity, marry the Tutsis, and make their children Tutsi through the traditional rituals of their own ethnic group. The poor of the Tutsis, on the other hand, had difficulty finding a Tutsi spouse for themselves, so they had to intermarry with the Hutu, and their social status declined.
After understanding the tradition of interaction between Hutu and Tutsi, we find that Hutu and Tutsi have a long history of communication, and that the two ethnic groups have a common basis for life and emotion. However, these two ethnic groups correspond to two different feudal classes, and they have a significant distinction in their political and economic status, which is the source of the real contradictions in the history of the two ethnic groups. The so-called tradition, in fact, is not static, and will always develop according to the actual situation, such as the Hutu dehutu ritual. Finally, the German and Belgian colonial rulers took advantage of the contradictions in the political and economic status of the Hutu and Tutsi people since ancient times, and packaged the neo-colonial governance methods into advanced governance technologies of the developed countries in the West, expanding the contradictions between the two ethnic groups and leaving it to Rwanda after independence. This reminds us that, in the struggle against colonialism, history must be confronted and cleaned up, and that only by truly addressing the long-standing inequalities in political and economic status between Hutu and Tutsi can we avoid unrealistic romantic imaginations of tradition, rekindle the emotional cohesion of intermarriage between the two communities and allow tradition to serve Rwanda's equality, democracy and prosperity.
In the final part of the article, Mamudani called on African countries to transcend the various civic and ethnic identities left over from colonial rule and create a single citizenship shared by all. Of course, if this call is to be implemented, the African people will face not only the political challenge, but also the challenge of intellectual colonization, breaking down stereotypes of ethnicity, tradition and so on. Ideological cognition is also part of indirect domination. In general, indirect rule refers to the transfer of day-to-day administration by the colonizer to the local indigenous government in order to reduce the cost of management, in the process, the colonizer will allocate political resources to the local people with his own will to achieve the effect of checks and balances. But Mamdani points out that indirect rule doesn't stop there, it's about:
Efforts are made to reshape the past, present, and future of the colonized by modelling them separately according to an indigenous model: the present through a series of identities in censuses, the past through a new dynamic of historical codification, and the future through a legal and administrative plan. [13]
It is through a series of practical measures such as setting laws, constructing cultures, and shaping history that the two citizenships of African immigrants and indigenous peoples have always been in conflict due to unequal political and economic status. After the colonial reforms of 1920 in Rwanda, the Tutsis, as a minority, were empowered by the indigenous authorities, while the Hutus were excluded from their rights. Since then, the contradictions between Tutsis and Hutu have not been resolved, and finally in 1994, the Massacre of Hutu and Tutsi broke out. But the cannibalistic violence within the nation-state did not begin with a real problem between the two ethnic groups, and the racial problems left over from colonialism persisted.
III. The Inspiration of the Reader's Methodology
The Reader makes us realize that colonialism is not far away. We can feel Mamudani's dissatisfaction and criticism of the current situation in Africa and the world pattern from the book, but he did not stop there, but further thought about how to achieve decolonization.
First of all, through the analytical method of political economy, Mamudani grasps the objective situation of Africa's development as a whole with "an objective process to understand all social relations"[4], allowing us to see that there are still unequal power relations and unbalanced world patterns in African countries and even the world, providing the necessary basis for excavating Africa's local experience. Secondly, although the analytical methods of political economy focus on the analysis of the structure of social relations, it is easy to ignore the uniqueness of the African cultural environment and the subjective cognition of people's social relations structure. In this regard, Mamudani thinks about practical issues from the perspective of Africa's historical and cultural environment, providing multiple perspectives for understanding the world. Mamudani reflects on American history from the perspective of "immigrants/natives" in Africa, and he finds that the history of the United States is always written as a self-written biography of immigrants, packaged as an equal, pluralistic, democratic country, while the Native Americans have no place in the United States, "Indians have an empire, race, and a world and era in which modern power groups we call the 'West' are stablely dominant" [4]. This finding challenges not only the assertion of U.S. citizenship, but also the current hegemonic position of the United States.
Regrettably, however, Mamudani did not further explore in the Reader why the progressive parties and leaders of African progressive parties involved in liberation movements were always prone to compromise and were confused by the appearance of "peace". After independence, it is still difficult for African countries to get rid of the interference of the original suzerainty and to fully realize the requirements of independent development. First of all, the economic development of African countries has always needed to rely on foreign capital, and has not formed a complete modern national economic system of industry and agriculture, so "Africa's international position is completely determined by its two functions of potential 'consumer market' and 'energy base'." [5] Second, the exercise of African sovereignty is also influenced by the original suzerainty. On the one hand, the development strategies of African countries are mostly formulated by experts from Western countries, divorced from African reality, and cannot succeed; on the other hand, Western media dominate African public opinion and discourse, and whenever these development strategies fail, no one is held accountable to these foreign experts. [11]
Although the Reader does not further analyze the inherent problems of African political parties and leaders, Mamudani's method of combining political economy, history, culture and ideology is still worth learning, only in this way can we carry out a stripped-down analysis of African problems and penetrate into the fabric of African society. Mamudani's essays have both theoretical profundity and practical reality. The multi-method approach to the analysis of Africa's problems stems from Mamdani's reflections on the role of intellectuals in the decolonization process. In the process of exploring decolonization in African universities, the conflict between the two identities of public intellectuals and scholars is the core issue of the debate, involving the direction of the development of higher education. Public intellectuals emphasize the focus on practical issues and debate the public interest, while university scholars insist on pursuing academic excellence and hope to conduct global theoretical exchanges with the world. Politically, the difference between the two means that "public intellectuals take sides, while scholars advocate the objectivity of observers." [4] But Mamdani argues that in the 21st century, the line between public intellectuals and academics in Africa is no longer clear, and that the two can slide between. Both academic pursuit and concern for reality are important aspects of anticolonization, and the key to achieving decolonization lies in bridging the gap between production theory and applied theory. For a long time, while we have studied Western theories, we have also produced a presupposition that Western theories can be applied elsewhere, but this is a "technology transfer" scheme. Western theories do not fully explain local experience, nor can they guide local practice. Thus, Mamudani proposes to "theorize our own reality"[4], to rethink the theories we apply, to reorganize our thoughts, and thus to "construct novel categories that should be compatible with the understanding and affirmation of unique history and experience." [4] Only in this way is methodological and epistemological decolonization possible.
All in all, through the analysis of African problems, "Disintegration of the Colonial World" allows us to see that colonialism not only exists in the political economy, but also penetrates into culture and daily life through a series of laws and institutions, and the world is still shrouded in the haze of colonialism. Mamudani's article enlightens us that when the world is taking the European and American experience as a benchmark, we should pay more attention to the particularity of local history and culture, so as to think about how to produce localized theories and knowledge, form local experience, and ultimately truly realize decolonization. This process is bound to be arduous and challenging, but we see that African thinkers represented by Mamudani have begun to think and try, providing us with methods and resources worth learning from to explore local experience. The road to colonization is still long, but the drums of Africa are already beating!
Zhou Guoyong Zhang He, compiled. Selected African Poems[M].Sichuan:Sichuan People's Publishing House,1986.]
[2] Mamdani. Mamudani: Africa does not take sides between China and the West [DB/OL].https://www.guancha.cn/america/2011_11_08_61529.shtml?xgyd,2020/8/5.
[3] "Pan-Africanism" has a long history, but its anti-imperialist and anti-colonial connotations in the modern sense were only cleared after the Second World War. See also: Ali Moussa Yer, Li Zhen. Pan-Africanism and african revival: Will the 21st century be Africa's era? [J].West Asia and Africa,2017(01):34-43.
[4] (Uganda) Mamud Mandani by Wang Zhiming, Shen Si, Chen Yaozong, Yang Yating, transacts. Dismantling the Colonial World: A Reading by african thinker Mahmoud Mamudani[M].Taipei: Pedestrian Culture Laboratory, 2016.No translation has been published in Mainland China, written by Mahmood Mamdani. Taiwan translates the author's name as Mamoud Mandani and mainland China as Mahmoud Mamudani. For the convenience of mainland readers, the names of the authors in the text are all translated from the mainland, that is, "Mahmoud Mamudani" or "Mamdani", and the annotations are based on the Taiwanese translation.
JIANG Hui. Contemporary African Society and Class[J].Readings,2019(12):85-92.
[6] The term "race" places more emphasis on the fundamental cause of differences between groups, which is caused by differences in biological genes, and is commonly found in discussions related to racial discrimination. The concept of "ethnic group" not only refers to genetic differences, but also incorporates the different cultural histories between populations into its connotation. Recently, however, there have also been voices of reflection and criticism of the claim that different "races" have different biological genes.
具体可参考:Elizabeth Kolbert.There’s No Scientific Basis for Race—It's a Made-Up Label[DB/OL]. National Geographic,2018(4),
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/magazine/2018/04/race-genetics-science-africa/,2020/8/5.
[7] The Reader is translated as the African National Congress, and Chinese mainland customary translation is the African National Congress, or an ANC for short.
JIANG Hui. When Africa Meets Socialism (Part 1, Middle)[DB/OL].https://www.guancha.cn/jianghui/2016_08_20_371940.shtml; https://www.guancha.cn/jianghui/2016_08_21_372013_s.shtml,2020/8/5.
[9] (French) Fanong by Wan Bing, translated. The Suffering People of the World[M].Yilin Publishing House, 2005.
Liang Shuming. Theory of Rural Construction[M].Beijing: The Commercial Press, 2015.The second and third chapters of the book clearly discuss that China's cultural interest is too precocious, beyond the calculation of instrumental rationality and the goal of the unity of nature and man, but it is not suitable for the historical stage of the early twentieth century with the cultural characteristics of the rise and development of the West as the main connotation. Liang Shuming not only maintains the dignity of Chinese culture and history by judging Chinese culture as a precocious culture, but also explains why Chinese culture is so good, why it is still backward and beaten.
Li Anshan. A Brief Analysis of the Origins of African Local Nationalism[J].Peking University Historiography, 2001(00):292-319+430.
[12] Rwanda is translated as Rwanda in the Reader.
[13] (Uganda) Mahmoud Mamudani translated by Tian Linian. The Rule of Boundaries: Indigenous Peoples as Political Identity[M].Beijing: People's Publishing House, 2016.
Editor-in-Charge: Wu Qin