In the summer of 1931, a major event occurred in northeast China, that is, the "Nakamura Incident". On August 17, the Japanese Army Ministry issued a proclamation slandering that Army Lieutenant Shotaro Nakamura and his party had traveled to "Taonan" and were "illegally kidnapped" by the Chinese Xing'an Tun Reclamation Army and shot dead.
In the northeast, the Daxing'an Mountains are densely forested and fertile. At 20 kilometers from the Wangye Temple, the Third Regiment of the Chinese Xing'an Tun Reclamation Army was stationed, which belonged to the Chinese border defense area, and the local authorities in the northeast issued a note to the consulates of various countries in Fengtian: "Xing'an District is a desolate and barren land, the mountain source is densely forested, but I am afraid that I will not be well protected, so I refuse to visit and travel." Passports will not be issued to foreigners who request access to the zone. ”
However, Japan turned a deaf ear. In mid-May 1931, Captain Shotaro Nakamura, an intelligence officer in the Intelligence Section of the Japanese General Staff Headquarters, posed as a "Dawn Society Officer", and was ordered to engage in military espionage in Daxinganling, northeast China. He was accompanied by Nontaro Isugi, a reserve cavalry sergeant. In addition, there were Mongols and White Russians who acted as guides. Dressed as Chinese, they took the passports of resident expatriates issued by Japan, and in the name of tourist expeditions, they set off from Hailar to conduct military investigations along the Daxing'an Mountains and the Solun Mountains.
In the early morning of May 25, the officers and men of the Third Tun Reclamation Regiment trained on the playground as usual. Suddenly, Lu Hongxun, commander of the Third Battalion, found 4 people riding high-headed horses near the playground, and then hurried away, and their actions were very suspicious. It turned out that Nakamura was passing through this place on his way back to China via Taonan. Therefore, Lu Hongxun immediately sent someone to chase these 4 people back. He went forward to interrogate them and found that two of them were Japanese, one Russian and one Mongolian, but they were all dressed in Chinese.
"Who are you?" Lu Hongxun asked.
The men shook their hands, indicating that they could not understand Chinese. Lu Hongxun couldn't ask why, so he had to invite his boss Dong Kunwu to act as the head of the regiment. Dong Kunwu spoke Japanese, so he spoke a few words to the two Japanese people in Japanese.
One of the bearded Japanese "coughed" and then pulled out a business card and handed it to Dong Kunwu, only to see that it was written: "Kontaro Nakamura, a member of the Tokyo Dawn Society of the Empire of Japan." ”
"Don't be embarrassed that Shimo-Nakamura, who was dispatched by the Tokyo Agricultural Society, intends to visit the solon mountains to investigate the local soil and agriculture." Nakamura explains.
The Chinese Reclamation Army did not believe Nakamura's words and searched them. As a result, the following items were found from Nakamura's body:
1． One military map in 100,000 Japanese;
2． A military map of the same scale in Chinese and Japanese (both maps are sketched in pencil and proofread after being verified on the spot);
3． A map in Russian on blue paper;
4． One sheet of transparent paper for operation;
5． A road map of the Taosuo Railway, accompanied by a section of the interchange culvert;
6． A self-test self-drawn sketch;
7． Two notebooks, one of which records Nakamura's private affairs, the first of which reads: In January of the sixth year of Showa (1931), the Imperial Japanese General Staff Department sent him as an intelligence officer to the Xing'an Ridge area and to send off at the Tokyo Station, and the other recorded the locations nakamura passed, such as Taonan, Harbin, Qiqihar, Hailar, Shiduhe, Zatu Wood Picking Company, etc.;
8． Two reports, mainly reporting on the people and things that Nakamura himself encountered;
9． There are three tables, one of which is to investigate the strength of the Xing'anling Tun Reclamation Army, the types of guns and artillery, the number of officers and men, and the distribution of barracks, vehicles, horses, and horses. A document records the water, soil, climate, and customs of nakamura's places. Another document records the distribution of Manchus and Han Chinese, the number of products and livestock, and the distribution of forest mineral deposits;
10． What to bring: 3 Yankees, 1 Mongolian horse, 1 Type 38 spear, 1 Southern pistol, 1 telescope, 1 set of measuring plate marker locks, 1 drawing board, 2 compass needles, 1 thermometer, 1 set of rain gear, leather clothing, canned food.
In the face of facts, Nakamura refused to admit that he was a Japanese spy. However, documents retrieved from Nakamura by the Chinese Tunken Army were enough to confirm that he was "a lieutenant in the Intelligence Section of the Imperial Japanese General Staff Province." Therefore, the Chinese Tun Reclamation Army decided to execute these people. That night, under the supervision of Zhao Heng, a lieutenant lieutenant of the Third Regiment of the Chinese Tun Reclamation Army, Wang Bingyi, the commander of the Fourth Company, and others tied up Nakamura and his party with a rope, stuffed cotton in their mouths, and quietly dragged them to a remote place with a carriage to be secretly executed. Then, they dispose of their carry-on luggage and horses so as not to leave traces.
In the early morning of May 25, Guan Yuheng, the commander of the Third Regiment, rushed to the Daxing'anling Tunken District Office with Nakamura's espionage documents and physical evidence to report on the handling of Nakamura's entourage, and gave these objects to Zhang Xueliang in Beiping. When Zhang Xueliang learned of this, he immediately replied to the telegram and ordered them to "extinguish the traces and keep them secret."
The Chinese Tun reclamation army thought that this matter was done unconsciously and unconsciously, but the execution of Nakamura was eventually exposed. Around July 10, Itagaki Seishiro and Ishihara Guan'er, who had joined the "Northern Manchuria Staff Tour Group" organized by the Kwantung Army, arrived in Heilongjiang Aung AngXi in the middle of that month, and the female owner of the Aung Wing Hotel happened to be the wife of Izusugi Yantaro, and she told Itagaki that she had not contacted Isugi Nontaro for a month and asked the Kwantung Army to help find her husband. As a result, the disappearance of Insugi Nontaro attracted the attention of the Kwantung Army. On July 17, a Japanese named Kikuko Uematsu had an affair with an officer in the Chinese Tun Reclamation Army. She learned of Nakamura's murder from the officer and revealed the news to the wife of Sato, a Mantetsu employee, who in turn reported the matter to the Kwantung Army.
However, why did the Kwantung Army and the Japanese Consulate General in Shenyang postpone Nakamura's killing for more than a month by more than a month by saying that the time of Nakamura's killing was July 1? It turned out that on September 9, 1931, the Japanese Consul General in Shenyang, Hayashi Hisajiro, called the Japanese Foreign Minister Motohara: The Kwantung Army consulted with the Consulate General of Shenyang to prepare to set the date of Detention of Lieutenant Nakamura on June 27 and the date of his murder on July 1, in order to cooperate with other events. The report of the League of Nations Investigation Mission in 1932 used such dates, made up by the Kwantung Army and the Consulate General of Shenyang. This date has been misrepresented by many writings. So, what day was Nakamura killed?
After the war, nakamura was listed in the archives of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs as one of the Tokyo judges. P． S2981 certificate, which says: Nakamura is an active lieutenant in the army, graduated from the Army University in the third year of Showa (1928), and in the sixth year of Showa (1931) as the headquarters of the General Staff, he was sent to Manchuria, under the secret orders of the Kwantung Army, to go to Taonan to reconnoiter military information. His companion, Inugi Gentaro, was a cavalry captain who had opened a hotel in Aung Ang Creek for a long time, and this man was proficient in Russian and Mongolian and Chinese Chinese, and was very suitable for reconnaissance work. Because of the strict supervision of Chinese officials and constitutions, at the request of the Local Japanese Secret Service, the Consul General of Harbin, Tashi Tadaichi, pretended to be a travel passport for agricultural experts, and on May 14, 1931, he entered Hulunbuir from Harbin and then to Taobei. According to the telegram, Nakamura's killing could not have been July 1, but late May. Fifty years later, Guan Yuheng, who was the commander of the Third Regiment of the Tun Reclamation Army in The Xing'an District of Northeast China, recalled that Nakamura and others were executed at about 12:30 a.m. on May 25, 1931.
After the Kwantung Army and the Japanese consul in Qiqihar learned of Nakamura's death, ishihara Guan'er, a staff officer of the Kwantung Army, vigorously advocated the use of the "Nakamura Incident" to solve the "Manchurian-Mongolian" problem. On August 2, Ishigaki Wan'er and Shenyang's Japanese secret service, Shosa Hanaya, conveyed the Kwantung Army's opinion to The Japanese Consul General in Shenyang, Hayashi Hisajiro, that Nakamura was an imperial soldier and should be negotiated by the military. The Chinese side investigated the matter, and the Kwantung Army sent troops to the scene. If not, the Japanese side will use "force investigation." The Consul General should compensate Anderson, apologize and promise not to repeat similar incidents in the future. In addition, they forced the authorities in the northeast to open the Taonan region and the Taonan Railway.
Hayashi did not handle it on the grounds that the facts and evidence were unclear. On August 11, Japanese Foreign Minister Motohara telegraphed Hayashi Kujiro that efforts should be made for the Chinese side to frankly admit the facts and make representations. As a result, Hayashi reluctantly protested to the chief of staff of the Tohoku Governor's Office. However, due to Hayashi's lack of evidence that Nakamura was killed, his possibility was only tentative. In order to obtain the so-called direct evidence, he colluded with Kenji Doihara and the Japanese consul general of Heilongjiang and decided to spend money to buy human cards. On September 6 and 9, Hayashi Hisashi twice telegraphed Motohara: whether China is willing to take responsibility for the Nakamura incident, is quite skeptical, and can use bribery to obtain witnesses if necessary; up to now, all the evidence of Nakamura's murder has come from rumors, and because of the lack of direct evidence, he has to pay for human witnesses.
After the first tentative protest, Hayashi was aggressive in the negotiations. The Chinese showed him Nakamura's documents and physical evidence one by one, and Hayashi had to soften. He claimed that the matter concerned the military department and that he had to go back for instructions. As a result, Motohara's efforts to resolve the Nakamura incident through negotiations between the two sides had to be suspended. On August 17, the Japanese government announced Nakamura's killing, but concealed the truth about their military espionage activities.
However, the matter did not end there. The Japanese military department took the opportunity to spread the word, shouting: "The massacre of the personnel of the general staff headquarters is an incident that has never occurred in the 26 years since the Japanese army stationed in Manchuria," in an attempt to expand the Nakamura incident as an excuse for the armed occupation of northeast China. On August 10, Ishihara, in the name of Mitsuharu Miyake, chief of staff of the Kwantung Army, drafted a circular to Eguchi, vice president of Mantetsu, on the Incident concerning the Search for Lieutenant Nakamura, asking Mantetsu to provide personnel and materials, and resolving to conduct an armed search. To this end, the Kwantung Army was equipped with a joint unit of armored vehicles and infantry artillery in Siping City.
Three days later, Ishihara wrote a letter to Nagata Tetsuyama, head of the Military Division of the Japanese General Staff Headquarters, in a very strong tone. He wrote in the letter: "Although the Kwantung Army Command will not directly use the Nakamura Incident as an excuse to occupy 'Manchuria' as the Germans did in Shandong. However, the reasonable Japanese people realized that only the strength of the military department could solve the problem. I think that the August 4th directive of the Secretary of War that the Ministry of War is currently shouldering the issue of "Manchuria and Mongolia" is very opportune. At this time, there should be such a determination that the instructions of the Minister of War should not be just discussed, but should be put into practice. I am convinced that this Nakamura incident is the best opportunity. "That is to say, the consulate cannot solve this problem, relying on the strength of the military department, it can achieve success in the shortest possible time." Ishihara bluntly pointed out that the Nakamura incident was the first step for the military to solve the "Manchu-Mongolian" problem. Not only that, Ishihara also instigated Toshige, who was sent to the northeast by the Japanese General Staff Headquarters, that the Nakamura incident was only one more addition to a number of outstanding issues, but this time there was no need for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to intervene, and the military department should be determined to solve it on its own.
On August 11, representatives of the "Manchurian Youth Alliance" held a report meeting after returning to Dalian from a japanese lobbying trip, blatantly shouting: If Japan thinks it can abandon Manchuria, we intend it ourselves. We want to bring into play the national character and Japanese spirit that we have cultivated over 3,000 years, and even if Japan opposes it, we will cry and declare the independence of Manchuria. After the Nakamura incident was announced, the attitude of the "Manchurian Youth Alliance" became even tougher, and it called the Japanese Prime Minister, foreign minister, minister of war, chief of staff, house of nobles, house of house of representatives, and public opinion circles, demanding that efforts be made to occupy the Shitao Railway. Soon, the "Manchurian Youth Alliance" proposed to Ishihara a plan for "japan-Manchurian joint independence", demanding that the Kwantung Army "resolutely exercise force" and not act as "capitulationism of manchurian warlords".
At the same time, Japan held a cabinet meeting, and Minister of War Nanjiro proposed that China should make assurances that there would be no more similar incidents in the future, and if this assurance was violated, then the use of force would also require China to recognize the demands made by the Japanese side. On 24 August, the Japanese Ministry of War decided: "In the event that the Chinese side does not admit to the killing of Nakamura or does not achieve a satisfactory settlement, it is necessary to impose a 'protective occupation' of Tao (Minami) So (Lun)." Some soldiers took to the streets and shouted: "Avenge Nakamura", "Conquer 'Manchuria' by force, and defend the lifeline of the empire." The Ninth Division of the Army also dispatched aircraft to distribute leaflets that read: "Awaken, pay attention to national defense," which also painted a map of China's three northeastern provinces, with the Japanese sun flag on it, and attached the following sentence: "Ah! Special rights and interests of our country! Some figures were also listed for this purpose: "The Japanese-Russian war cost 2 billion yuan, invested 1.7 billion yuan, and paid precious blood to 200,000 compatriots." ”
Earlier, the Japan Political Friends Association set up a so-called investigation team composed of Mori Ke, Yamazaki Makoto, and Tojo Sadaichi on the Manbosan and Nakamura incidents, and went to the northeast to investigate. On August 13, after the investigation team returned to Tokyo, Mori began to lash out at the weakness of Motohara's diplomacy, criticizing Japanese Foreign Ministry personnel stationed abroad for implementing a "policy of inaction" and "seizing telegrams about The killing of Koreans and Japanese." Soon, they organized a special speech team headed by Mori Ke to give speeches in 6 major cities in Japan.
On August 31, Mori said at a meeting: It has now reached this step, that is, no matter how Japan coordinates, makes concessions, and rationally develops Japan-China relations, it is impossible to resolve the situation. In order to save this situation, "only national strength can be used" and "'Manchuria' is in fact in a state of meaningless confrontation on the eve of the war." Known as the "mouthpiece" of Japanese fascism, Shumei Okawa used the "Nakamura Incident" to give lectures everywhere, advocating that "Manchuria" was the lifeline of the Japanese Empire. He gave 135 speeches to an audience of 100,000. After the "Nakamura Incident", the Japanese conspiracy to invade and occupy northeast China was completely exposed. Ishihara bluntly stated that the Nakamura incident was a "godsend opportunity for Japan to send troops beyond the dependent territories" and even regarded it as "a precursor to the exercise of force in Wicker Ditch."
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