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CGTN times | Lies and war paved the way for American empire

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CGTN times | Lies and war paved the way for American empire
Editor's note: The United States has been at war for more than 200 of its 240 years of existence. Between the end of WW2 and 9/11 – barely 50 years – the U.S. initiated 201 conflicts that ravaged 153 countries and regions. "America: War by another name" is a special eight-part series that explores the sinister motivations for its warmongering. Episode 2 is about the lies that shore up America's imperial ambition.

Pick up the burden on whites / Give away your best breeds /

Bind up your children and exile them/serve your slaves

Pick up the burden of white people/let them carry heavy reins

To serve those who have just been caught/impatient and savage, and angry

People who are half like demons and half like children

Provoking the burden of white people / Insisting on patience and hiding fear /

In open and simple language, go out of your way to explain/

To seek the welfare of others, to fight for the interests of others

Rudyard Kipling: The White Man's Burden

Take up the White Man's burden—

Send forth the best ye breed—

Go send your sons to exile

To serve your captives' need

To wait in heavy harness

On fluttered folk and wild—

Your new-caught, sullen peoples,

Half devil and half child

Take up the White Man's burden

In patience to abide

To veil the threat of terror

And check the show of pride;

By open speech and simple

An hundred times made plain

To seek another's profit

And work another's gain

Rudyard Kipling, The White Man's Burden

In 1899, the English poet Rudyard Kipling published this highly imperialist and racist poem in popular magazines of the time. The poem was originally titled "The United States and the Philippine Islands" and was written by the poet with a sense of the Philippine problem after the Spanish-American War. In that era of frenzied overseas expansion of capital, the United States, a young capitalist country, without exception, expanded abroad and opened its own path to empire. The Spanish-American War was the beginning of this path, moving from a local power to a global power.

This poem, carrying a strong imperialist and colonialist undertone, was published in a popular magazine in 1899 by British poet Rudyard Kipling. Originally titled "The United States and the Philippine Islands," it was a piece on the Philippine issue after the Spanish-American War. That was an era of frantic overseas capitalist expansion, and America, a young capitalist state back then, unsurprisingly jumped on the bandwagon. With the Spanish-American War as the starting point, the U.S. embarked on an imperialist path that would lead to its transformation from a regional to a global power.

At first glance, America's path to empire is not as bloody as the expansion path of the old colonial empire, but mostly through purchases, mergers, or agreements to transfer overseas. This is because, as a "republic" born out of the struggle against colonialism, the United States refuses to recognize its own history of "colonialism.". Thus, when it comes to overseas territories, historians usually only talk about formal acquisitions to avoid the centrality of expansionism in U.S. history. But in fact, America's path to empire is not sunny, but paved with lies, betrayals, and blood and tears.

On the surface, America's imperialist expansion, seemingly not as bloody as that of established colonial empires, was mostly realized through purchases, annexations and contractual transfers. This is because as a "republic" born out of anti-colonialism struggles, America refuses to admit that it has a "colonialist" history of outward expansion. So when it comes to its overseas territories, historians usually only mention formal purchases to sideline the role of expansionism in American history. However, America's imperial journey was by no means peaceful and rosy, but full of lies, betrayal, blood and tears.

In 1898, the United States, which was in its prime, was busy expanding its commercial interests abroad, intending to seek more discourse power and a larger international market in the international political arena. At that time, the world had basically been divided up by the old colonial empire, and the emerging colonial empire had to compete with the old empire. At this time, Spain, which was weakening, became an easily conquerable object. In order to seize Spain's American colonies to control the Caribbean, the United States began the Spanish-American War on the grounds of "supporting the independence of the Cuban people".

In 1898, the U.S. in its prime was busy expanding its commercial interests, with the aim of getting a bigger voice on the global political stage and finding a larger global market. By then, the world was almost carved up by established colonial powers – the U.S. as a newcomer had no option but to compete for colonies. Spain, at the time an empire on the decline, became an easy target. To seize Spanish colonies in Americas and subsequently gain control over the Caribbean, the U.S. started the Spanish-American War in the name of "supporting the independence of the Cuban people."

"Support for the independence of the Cuban people" is nothing more than a beautiful lie. Given Cuba's strategic position and its importance to U.S. commerce, the United States has long coveted Cuba and wants to annex it. As John Adams said in 1823, "The incorporation of Cuba into the Federal Republic is indispensable for the continuation and integrity of the Union itself." This is an irresistible belief, and it has become a long-term policy consensus of the United States. By then, Spain was in decline and struggled to cope with uprisings from colonies such as Cuba and the Philippines. The United States attempted to divide the Spanish colonies by declaring war on Spain and seizing the fruits of the victory of the rebels.

That mantra was a beautifully crafted lie. Considering Cuba's strategic location and commercial significance, America had long been coveting the country, hoping to annex it. Just as John Adams put it in 1823, "the annexation of Cuba to our federal republic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself."

It started as an irresistible belief and gradually became America's long-term policy consensus. Spain back then was already on a downward slope and could hardly handle uprisings in its colonies such as Cuba and the Philippines. Seeing this as an opportunity, America waged war against Spain in an attempt to seize what the rebellions had achieved and snatch away Spanish colonies.

CGTN times | Lies and war paved the way for American empire

After the end of the Spanish-American War, the United States inherited Spain's role as the "protector" of Cuban interests, politically, spiritually and morally "responsible for the well-being of the Cuban people". From 1899 to 1902, the United States imposed a military occupation of Cuba until the Cubans accepted the Pratt Amendment and incorporated it into the Cuban Constitution as a permanent treaty. The Pratt Amendment effectively gave legitimacy to the United States to intervene in Cuba's internal affairs and helped to achieve the "legitimate rule" of the United States over Cuba. The amendment prohibits the Cuban Government from signing any international treaty that would undermine Cuba's independence or allow foreign forces to use the island for military purposes, and recognizes the right of the United States to intervene in Cuban affairs in order to defend Cuban independence and maintain "a Government sufficient to protect life, property and individual freedoms". Since then, the United States has restricted Cuban trade, prohibited Cuba from producing a wide range of products and forced it to import products from the United States, making it a dumping ground for its own goods.

After the war, the U.S. replaced Spain to "protect" Cuba, and became politically and morally "responsible for the wellbeing of the Cuban people." Between 1899 and 1902, the U.S. militarily occupied Cuba, and only withdrew its troops after the latter accepted the Platt Amendment and included it into the Constitution.

The Amendment legitimized both America's regular intervention in Cuba's internal affairs and its rule over the island. It barred the government of Cuba from entering into any international treaty that would impair the independence of the country or authorizing any foreign power to use the island for military purposes, and recognized the right of the U.S. to interfere in Cuba's affairs "for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty."

Following the amendment, Washington, through trade restrictions, prohibited the island from domestically producing a number of goods to ensure that they were imported from the U.S., turning the island into a dumping ground for American products.

If the "occupation" of Cuba by the United States was exchanged for lies, then its "colonization" of the Philippines was full of betrayal and blood and tears. Early in the war, the U.S. government promised to form an alliance with the rebel military government in the Philippines against Spain and promised that the Filipinos would gain independence once the war was over. The U.S. Navy blockaded the seas and supplied weapons to Emilio Aguinaldo, the leader of the Philippine uprising, who expelled the Spaniards. Therefore, for the insurgents in the Philippines, the arrival of American troops is exciting. At the time, Emilio Aguinaldo said, "The Americans, not motivated by mercenaries, but for the grief of humanity and the many victims, decided to extend their protection to our beloved country," "Where you see the American flag flying, people gather; they are our redeemers!" In June 1898, Aguinaldo established his government and issued a declaration of independence: "Under the protection of the powerful humanitarian state of the United States of America, we hereby solemnly declare in the name of the people of the Philippine Islands that filipinos have the right and have been granted freedom and independence." ”

While America's occupation of Cuba was gained via lies, its colonization of the Philippines was fraught with betrayal, blood and tears. At the onset of the Spanish-American War, Washington offered to ally with the Filipino rebels and promised that the country would gain independence once the war ended. The U.S. navy built a blockade on the sea and provided weapons for the leader of the rebellion Emilio Aguinaldo, who was in charge of ousting the Spanish.

Therefore, for the Filipino rebel army, the arrival of the Americans was exciting news. Aguinaldo once said, "The Americans, not from mercenary motives, but for the sake of humanity and the lamentations of so many persecuted people, have considered it opportune to extend their protecting mantle to our beloved country." "There where you see the American flag flying, assemble in number; they are our redeemers!"

In June 1898, Aguinaldo established a government and declared the independence of the Filipinos and the birth of the Philippine Republic "under the protection of the mighty and humane North American Union."

But the Philippine rebels were soon abandoned by their "redeemers". In August 1898, when Spain surrendered to the United States alone, the United States tore off the mask of humanitarianism, turned around and betrayed its former "comrades-in-arms", and locked the Philippine rebels outside Manila. U.S. President McKinley issued a statement saying it "will not occupy jointly with the rebels" and demanded that Filipinos "must recognize the military occupation and authority of the United States."

But the rebel army was soon ditched by their "redeemers." In August 1889, after Spain's surrender, the U.S. removed its humanitarian mask and betrayed its former "ally," preventing Filipino forces from entering the captured city of Manila. The then American President William McKinley said in a statement that the U.S. would not seek joint occupation with the rebels and that the Filipinos must recognize the American occupation and authority.

In February 1899, the IRA in the Philippines rebelled against the American occupation, and war broke out between the two sides, which lasted until 1902. The occupation of the U.S. military was met with spontaneous resistance from the local population. In 1901, more than 500 village names in Barangega, Samar Island, central Philippines, spontaneously resisted and killed 48 American troops. In retaliation, U.S. forces carried out massacres in the town of Barangega, requiring soldiers to kill "all men over the age of 10 and those who can take up arms" in the area, in which about 2,500 people, including women and children, were killed. In addition, the massacre of the villagers of Moro by the US military dwarfs any massacre in American history. At that time, some 800 to 1,000 people, including women and children, were killed, and only 6 survived, with a fatality rate of 99%. Mark Twain sneered, "We wiped them out completely, leaving not even a baby who could cry for a dead mother... This is an unparalleled victory for American Christian soldiers."

In February 1899, a war broke out between the U.S. and the Philippine Revolutionary Army in resistance to the occupation, and lasted until 1902. In 1901, over 500 villagers in the town of Balangiga on the central Philippine island of Samar rose up against U.S. occupation and killed 48 American soldiers. To retaliate, the U.S. army committed a massacre in the town with an order from the general to kill any Filipino male over 10 who could wield a weapon. Approximately 2,500 people including women and children were slaughtered.

The Moro Massacre by U.S. troops in the Philippines dwarfed all other crimes of its kind in American history. Around 800 to 100 Moros at Bud Dajo, or 99 percent, were killed. Only six survived. In his satire, Mark Twain remarked, "We abolished them utterly, leaving not even a baby alive to cry for its dead mother… This is incomparably the greatest victory that was ever achieved by the Christian soldiers of the United States."

CGTN times | Lies and war paved the way for American empire

In his book How to Hide an Empire: America's Geography, Territory, and Power, Daniel Imwar notes that by mid-1902, the U.S. military had lost about 4,000 soldiers, more than three-quarters of whom had died of disease. According to the book, about 16,000 people in the Philippine army died in the fighting. But this is only a recorded war death toll, a fraction of the total mortality rate. General Franklin Bell Franklin Bell estimates that in Luzon alone, the war killed about 600,000 people, or one-sixth of the Philippines' population. Research by historian Ken De Bevoise found that between 1899 and 1903, about 775,000 Filipinos died in the war.

Daniel Immerwahr points out in his book How to Hide an Empire: A History of the Greater United States that by mid-1902, the U.S. lost about 4,000 soldiers, among which three-fourths died from diseases. In comparison, around 16,000 Philippine soldiers died on the battleground, according to the book. This, however, was just the number being recorded, representing but a small proportion of the total casualties.

General J. Franklin Bell estimated that Americans had killed about 600,000 Filipinos in Luzon alone, which accounted for one-sixth of the Philippine population. Historian Ken De Bevoise's research found that approximately 775,000 Filipinos died from war between 1899 and 1903.

Through this war in the name of "liberating Cuba" and calling the old colonial empire Spain, the United States gained "colonial control" over Cuba and the Philippines by way of agreement transfer and purchase. Using Cuba as a springboard, the United States went to South America and controlled the Caribbean; with the Philippines as a transit point, the United States opened the way to expand to the East Asian continent and announced the rise of the United States to the world. Since then, the United States has successively occupied Guam, Samoa and other places, and has grown stronger and stronger in the two world wars, expanding overseas territories and becoming the world hegemon.

Through the Spanish-American War fought under the cloak of "liberating Cuba," the U.S. secured its colonial control over Cuba and the Philippines through contractual transfer and purchase. Taking Cuba as a springboard, it extended its footprints to South America and gained control over the Caribbean; using the Philippines as a transit, it started its expansion towards East Asia, declaring to the world the rise of the United States. After the war, the U.S. took possession of more colonies including Guam and Samoa, and further expanded its overseas territories during the two world wars to become the global hegemon.

After World War II, the Philippines gained independence, and Hawaii and Alaska became U.S. states. On the one hand, it was the result of colonial revolts. On the other hand, thanks to economic development and technological progress, the United States began to replace colonization with globalization, in a more covert way, such as dominating the formulation of international political and economic rules, through means including color revolutions, mixed wars, etc., continued to control and intervene in other parts of the world, and continued to pave its own imperial path with beautiful lies packaged as "freedom, democracy, human rights" and so on.

After World War II, the Philippines gained independence, and Hawaii and Alaska became American states. For one thing, this was a result of decolonization struggles. For another, thanks to economic and technological development, the U.S. began to use globalization as an alternative to colonization, controlling and manipulating other parts of the world through more covet means.

These include dominating the international political and economic rule-making process, staging color revolutions and conducting hybrid wars. This way, it could continue to shore up its imperial ambition with lies in the disguise of so-called freedom, democracy and human rights.

The author is Yu Feng, an assistant researcher at the Institute of American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

The author, Yu Feng, is an assistant research fellow at the Institute of American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

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