In the history of qing dynasty science, Lu Longqi's status was very high. However, if we combine the historical background, it is inevitable that some questions will arise: Is Lu Longqi a famous scholar of science or a Confucian heretic? How did he view the Yixia distinction in the early Qing Dynasty? How do you view the debate between righteousness and profit in the context of the budding of commodity trends? How to deal with spontaneous civil violence? These issues deserve our consideration and discussion. As a case study, we may be able to glimpse the efforts and struggles of Confucianism in developing itself in a particular historical era.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="14" >, the diaphragm of yixia or the integration? </h1>
In the history of qing dynasty science, Lu Longqi's status was very high. He was the first person in the official Confucius Temple. However, if we combine the historical background, it is inevitable that some questions will arise: Is Lu Longqi a famous scholar of science or a Confucian heretic? He served as a zhi county in Jiading and received great praise, but 15 years before his birth (1630) (1615), Jiading had a "Three Massacres of Jiading" caused by the resistance to the Manchu Qing. How did Lu Longqi view the legitimacy of Manchu rule and incorporate it into the framework of Confucianism? What does he think of yixia's distinction? These problems are acute and cannot be avoided.
But Lu Longqi seems to have evaded these questions. It must be noted that I have been in contact with Lu Longqi for a very short time, and as far as the current reading is concerned, it seems that I cannot find his clear attitude on the debate between Yixia and Yixia. In the Songyang Lecture Notes, he explains and guides some of the chapters of the Confucian classic text "Four Books", but in this book, it seems that his position on the Debate of Yixia cannot be clearly found. The "Four Books", on their own, can be elaborated in this regard. Whether this invisibility is unintentional or ulterior motives seems worth exploring further. The study of the history of ideas must certainly interpret what has already been presented, but also explain what is intentionally or unintentionally hidden. Those aphasias may contain other ideological implications.
If we consider the sensitivity and distress of Lu Longqi's Qing Dynasty to the Yixia dialectic, then we can generally guess that, first, this is Lu Longqi's survival move; second, it cannot be completely interpreted as being forced by external pressure, or that although Lu Longqi did not discuss this issue positively, he actually had an answer to this question in his heart. We can also see from his identification with and active participation in the Qing Dynasty's imperial examination system what this answer is, that is, he undoubtedly agreed with the political legitimacy of the Qing Dynasty and adopted a tolerant stance on the Yixia debate.
This avoidance is advantageous, that is, by avoiding certain sensitive issues and developing Confucianism; otherwise, clinging to the Yixia dialectic, on the one hand, exalting the classical doctrine (which is not undisputed), on the other hand, sacrificing oneself and the development of other parts of Confucianism. Another advantage is that such an accommodating stance may play an unexpectedly positive role elsewhere.
Professor Ge Rongjin pointed out: Because the Zhuzi scholars in the early Qing Dynasty no longer talk about the "Yixia dialect", their attitude is not sure how many times stronger than that of the blindly xenophobic diehards, "Lu Longqi also deeply sighed the wonders of the Western law, humbly asked the Westerners Li Lisi and others about the precession and the sun passing through the palace and other calendar issues, believing that 'the Western people are not credible, the Special Adam Socks and the ear of Jesus' birth'. Western science is also welcomed. [1] That is to say, because Lu Longqi and others have got rid of the Manchu and Han distinctions, this mode of thinking applied to the Chinese and Western issues is also prone to the positive consequences of loosening the boundaries. From this point of view, not talking about or even abandoning the Yixia distinction gives Confucianism an opportunity to develop in a larger scope.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="14" >2. </h1>
Professor Chen Lai said in his paper on Lu Longqi:
Jiading Coast, commercial tourism is relatively prosperous, the citizen class is very active. At that time, the Jiading area was "customs and luxury", and the folk customs were proud of extravagance. "Banquets for the rich, extremely poor,...... The poor turned to imitate, to the extent that there were abbots to the guests and the poor under the stove. Weddings and funerals are full of trumpets, wine and food are stacked, and they are exaggerated with a lot of money,...... The children of the city invited to roam the streets on a daily basis, and they were ashamed of their cloth clothes. From the lack of wealth, the accumulation of wealth and wealth. ("Three Fish Tang Anthology" appendix "Xingzhi"), After Lu Longqi's arrival, he worked hard to change the social atmosphere, the rice he ate was transported from the lake, refused all gifts, the daily supply was bought at a fair price, and ordered his wife and daughter and his family to weave cloth and grow vegetables in the open space of the department for self-sufficiency. His frugal life had a good impact on the transformation of local social ethos. [2]
It is worth noting that Professor Chen Lai is based on Lu Long's own description. There seems to be a lack of broader historical information as evidence. But if we open our eyes wider, we may have a little question: extravagance is too natural, why can't we enjoy a certain degree of pleasure?
In the primitive Confucianism, the debate between righteousness and profit and the difference between reason and desire were not harsh, and the problem was clearly distinguished until Song Ming's theory.
Lu Longqi, on the other hand, adopted a harsh deontological stance. He said: "The people they think are different, but they always draw them on righteousness, and they do not taste any utilitarianism, so they cultivate pure and righteous character." ”[3]
However, in reality, utilitarianism is always expressed in various forms, so Lu Longqi put forward concepts such as "Tao" and "Proportionality" to distinguish them. He said: "This 'food for food' Is a matter outside the Tao. If the husband is diligent and thrifty at home, living within his means, this is the matter of the Tao. [4] Youyun: "However, scholars should not be blindly anxious because Lu Zhai said that 'it is urgent to cure life'; because of the false words 'have to be counted for a number of mouths', they should blindly calculate." The words 'urgent' and 'calculated' must be measured, and if they pass a portion, they will go outside the road. [5] This view is different from Confucius's statement that "if you are rich and can be sought, even if you are a whipper, I am also for it". The difference is what kind of attitude is taken towards utilitarianism that transcends the survival part?
On the other hand, the question of the germination of capitalism or the beginning of Modernity in China at the time of the Ming and Qing dynasties is in the midst of fierce debate, and the negative remarks are still in the ears, but as a question, it has still not been conclusive; from the perspective of the development of Confucian thought, how to obtain the Tao in profit-seeking activities, or to obtain theoretical support for the legitimacy of commercial activities, has become the subject of the times for the implementation of the fundamental principles of Confucianism. To this end, Mr. Yu Yingshi even wrote a book to argue. In Confucian Ethics and the Spirit of Merchants, he argues that Confucianism's assertion of "extremely wise and moderate" actually provides a theoretical pillar for merchants to obtain the Tao, and also provides legitimacy for China to open up a modern economy. This merchant spirit is somewhat similar to the Protestant ethic. [6]
As a Confucian, Lu Long's frugal approach was naturally beyond reproach in his own right, but from the perspective of a magistrate, his approach was a bit narrow. Buchanan made it clear that frugality as an individual's good qualities is not necessarily a blessing from the national level. [7]
What can be used as corroboration is that Professor Chen Lai also has a paragraph:
In addition to what was mentioned above, Lu Longqi also implemented a lot of good governance in Jiading. If Jiading does not produce rice, civilian grain is bought from neighboring counties and bargained at any time, and the price fluctuates greatly, and Lu Longqi stipulates the current price so that the price of rice is as stable as possible. If the rice he bought was expensive, Lu Longqi would donate his own Lu Lu patch. In addition, he also donated money to study, and these affairs won the trust of the people, and the people praised him as a clean and honest official. [8]
Compared with corrupt officials, Lu Longqi was naturally good. The problem was that he had set the price of rice, but he still could not achieve the goal of parity, and had to supplement the people from his own money. Perhaps we can say unauthentically that the price of rice is really cheap, and a qing official can mobilize himself to fill the deficit; or the income of a qing official is also considerable. And then even questioned: why is it still considerable?
But in any case, we can imagine that when policies do not effectively respond to small markets, it is likely that the policy is wrong, and it cannot be completely blamed on the profit-seeking nature of businessmen. Behind it may be the disregard for the spirit of businessmen.
However, from another point of view, Lu Longqi had to deal with market fluctuations out of his own pocket, which seems to indicate that the bud of modernity at the time of the Ming and Qing dynasties could effectively break through the adjustment of the Qing official policy. But people don't necessarily realize it. It is best to let the market develop, rather than relying on its own pockets to fill the loopholes. The traditional image of a clean official and the vision of a moral ideal state also influenced the basic judgment of the people of Jiading. However, this is already a dilemma of the times, who can surpass their own era?
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="14" >3, Haoran Qi, or the study of Keju? </h1>
When Lu Longqi first arrived in Jia, the social order was very disordered. Dozens of young people are friends, fists and spears are things, and the little people are afraid of suffering." Lu Longqi's method of making trouble with such hooligans was to put the troublemakers in front of the door when they encountered a lawsuit, "always exhorting them, and if they repent of their erotic deeds, they will be released, otherwise they cannot be loaned." His party is dissolved without turning the moon" (Annals Finale). [9]
Juvenile troublemaking has always been suffered by those in power. The recent misdeeds committed by minors have also caused a social reaction to demand that the age of imprisonment be lowered. In ancient China, the way to deal with this kind of evil was to send cool officials to the local area to use killing methods. Countering violence with violence, and because of the legitimacy of state violence, civil violence naturally subsides, and the country is safe and secure. In connection with this information, Lu Longqi's impersonal approach on the one hand stabilized the place, on the other hand, he also saved the teenager, which was naturally good.
However, from another point of view, it may still be questionable.
When it comes to the chivalrous spirit of China, people often trace back to the Mo family, the bing family, the Fa family, and so on, that is, there is no Confucian share. Speaking of Confucianism, it seems to be combined with "softness". However, Zhang Taiyan, the last master of ancient classics, clearly pointed out that primitive Confucianism actually contained a chivalrous spirit, and "Renxia" referred to Confucianism, not ink. [10] From this point of view, whether the violent spirit of youth needs to be morally inspired or preserved in some way is not an easy question to answer. Do not forget the feat of the people of Jiading rebelling against the Manchu Qing in the "Three Massacres of Jiading". It is hard to imagine that even areas where teenagers have been plucked out of their feathers can still have a full spirit of resistance.
From this point of view, Lu Longqi's approach is too simple. He had unconditionally endorsed Manchu rule.
This can be more clearly understood by the path of the imperial examination in connection with him.
Professor Chen Lai said: "After Lu Longqi fell through the first township examination at the age of twenty-eight, he immediately went down to study in anger and took the books of the "Zhu Zi Encyclopedia" and repeatedly studied it. ”[11]
From another point of view, there is a lack of sufficient reflection on the imperial examination system and the theoretical basis on which it is based, Cheng Zhu Lixue. Has entered the Emperor's eddie. Is reading angrily at this time a manifestation of a lack of grand vision? At the age of 28, the historical time is 1648, and it has only been thirty years since he left the "Three Massacres of Jiading".
Theoretically, this is again related to Lu Longqi's prejudice against Confucianism. The reason why he read the Zhu Zi Encyclopedia was because this was the basis for the imperial examination. However, he was prejudiced against Wang Xue. As many researchers have seen, he blamed the chaos of the times and the subversion of the Ming Dynasty on Wang Xue's madness. Is this recognition or prejudice?
Broadly speaking, Wang Xue is still a kind of science. It advocates "mind is reason", on the one hand, it will be individualized, on the other hand, it is not inevitable to generalize the mind. Lu Long could not see this in theory (especially the latter). At the same time, the awakening of individuality is the effective driving force for breaking through the pre-modern era, and Lu Longqi cannot see this.
Undoubtedly, Lu Longqi also made various rebuttals to Wang Xue's defense, which can be found in Professor Chen Lai's discussion. [12] The problem is that these rebuttals do not capture the core, namely, the contradiction between the universality of conscience and the individuality. Therefore, there was no success in eliminating Wang Xue's real problems. Everything seems to be in a haze of unreflection.
The original article is published in "Ancient and Modern Talks", No. 1, 2021.
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exegesis:
[1] Ge Rongjin, Collected Writings of Ge Rongjin (Vol. 12), Social Sciences Academic Press, 2014.06, p. 258.
[2] Chen Lai, Studies on Chinese Thought in Modern Times, The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 282.
[3] [Qing] Lu Longqi: Songyang Lecture Notes, Huaxia Publishing House, 2013, p. 123. However, it must be pointed out that Lu Longqi still affirmed the usefulness to a certain extent. He said: "Therefore, this 'instrument' word is also rare. When a person reaches the status of an 'instrument', he is a useful person in heaven and earth. (P. 174.) What do you think of this sentence? From the context, this is Lu Longqi's attempt to distinguish Confucianism from Taoist thought, which, although it also emphasizes uselessness, is essentially a foreign way. In addition, the introduction of this sentence can help us to have a deeper understanding of Lu Long's understanding of "utilitarianism". It does not refer to utilitarianism in the sense of "utilitarianism" that has been generalized today—its essence is consequence,—— but to the pursuit of unconventional usefulness. Of course, what constitutes a routine is also a very complex question. Whether Lu Longqi had reflected on this or indulged more in Cheng Zhu Lixue was questionable. It is very noteworthy that Lu Longqi believes that the cultivation of useful instruments is precisely based on the adherence to the theory of obligation: "If you are poor in reason, you are aware of progress, and if you are righteous, you are determined, and if you do not doubt or fear in the face of things, you are a useful 'instrument', and all of them are based on the heart of righteousness and the clear way, and there is no sense of being a person, which is 'the instrument of Hu Lian'." (above, pp. 175-176)
[4] [Qing] Lu Longqi: Songyang Lecture Notes, Huaxia Publishing House, 2013, p. 272.
[5] [Qing] Lu Longqi: Songyang Lecture Notes, Huaxia Publishing House, 2013, p. 272.
[6] Yu Yingshi, Confucian Ethics and Merchant Spirit, Guangxi Normal University Press, 2004. See also Yu Yingshi: Scholars and Chinese Culture, Shanghai People's Publishing House.
[7] Buchanan: Deficits and Democracy.
[8] Chen Lai, Studies on Chinese Thought in Modern Times, The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 283.
[9] Chen Lai, Studies on Chinese Thought in Modern Times, The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 282.
[10] Zhang Taiyan: Zhang Taiyan's Speeches, edited by Ma Yong, Hebei People's Publishing House.
[11] Chen Lai, Studies on Chinese Thought in The Modern Era, The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 284.
[12] Chen Lai, A Study of Chinese Thought in Modern Times, The Commercial Press, 2003, p. 284.
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