I am Tang Di, a history buff. Welcome everyone [attention] I, let's talk about the past and the present, and discuss the general trend of the world. Gentleman I, just to learn and make friends!
After the coup d'état in Beijing, the Nationalist Army under the command of Feng Yuxiang became an important political and military force in the north. With the support of Soviet Russia (which wanted to use the strength of the Nationalist Army to balance the pro-Japanese Feng clan and stabilize the situation on the Mongolian border, sent advisers to the Nationalist Army, and provided a considerable amount of military assistance), taking advantage of the situation of the rising anti-Feng rebellion in various places, by early 1926, the strength of the Nationalist Army had reached its peak, with five armies of 300,000 people, centered in the northwest, controlling or influencing Henan, Shaanxi, Gansu, Chahar, Suiyuan, Rehe and other northwestern and northern Chinese provinces ( This is also the origin of the so-called Northwest Army, which evolved into the Nationalist Army) and the Beijing-Tianjin region.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="12" > the background of the big selling event</h1>
At this time, the Nationalist Army began to have a certain degree of political cooperation with the Kuomintang, and Kuomintang political workers served as part of the political propaganda and education work in the Nationalist Army. The CCP also considered the Nationalist Army to be "progressive" and began to win over the work of the Nationalist Army, with Feng Yuxiang as a possible target of cooperation in the northern region.
At the same time, popular movements in northern China were gaining momentum under the initiative of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. The general Guo Songling of the Feng Army was depressed due to internal contradictions in the Feng clan, so he took advantage of the rising anti-Feng situation to contact the Nationalist Army and lead his troops to defect. Guo Songling belonged to the new general of the Feng clan, which gradually replaced the position of the old faction in the Feng clan after the first direct feng war, and Guo Songling was very popular in it, and had a strong relationship with Zhang Xueliang, holding the elite troops of the Feng army in his hands.
Feng Yuxiang took advantage of the internal contradictions of the Feng clan to dredge up the relationship with Guo Songling, allow his interests, and urge him to defect. On November 22, 1925, Guo Songling sent a telegram to Zhang Zuolin, asking Zhang Zuolin to go to the field and zhang Xueliang to succeed him as the leader of the Fengshi clan, and then he led his troops to attack Fengtian in a big way, and the momentum was very strong. On the 25th, Feng Yuxiang sent a telegram to echo Guo's propositions, but instead of sending troops to support in time as promised in advance, he instead deployed his troops to attack Guo's allies, Li Jinglin,stationed in Tianjin. In the face of Guo Jun's offensive, Zhang Zuolin was helpless, and fengjun was powerless to resist, so he could only sell his rights and interests in the northeast and beg for Japanese assistance. With the intervention and support of the Japanese troops stationed in northeast China, Guo Jun was defeated, Guo Songling was arrested, and on December 24, Guo Songling and his wife were executed together. The failure of Guo Songling's rebellion was quite unfavorable to Feng Yuxiang, and although Feng Bu expanded his territory in northern China, especially in the Beijing-Tianjin region, by expelling Li Jinglin, he was squeezed and threatened by the powerful Feng clan after Guo's defeat.
The development of the situation in the north made the warlords of the Zhifeng faction feel threatened by "redness", while the Nationalist Army and its leader Feng Yuxiang were regarded as an important "source of disaster". There were two wars between Zhi and Feng, and Wu Peifu and Zhang Zuolin had a deep grudge, but in the second Zhifeng War, the direct family was defeated by Feng Yuxiang, so Wu Qiufeng was even more resentful of Zhang. Zhang's disastrous defeat in the Zhejiang-Feng War, almost to the point of collapse, was also related to Feng Yuxiang's secret contact with Guo Songling to defect, so Zhang was also extremely hostile to Feng.
The common hatred of Feng and the unanimous concern about "Redization", coupled with the serious weakening of their respective forces, led Wu and Zhang to embark on the path of "releasing suspicions and repairing their suspicions and joining forces against Feng". In January 1926, Feng Zhang and Zhi Wu hua Gange as jade warriors, reached an understanding, and began to jointly deal with the Nationalist Army.
In order to temporarily avoid the Fengzhi Alliance's fengdi, on January 1, 1926, Feng Yuxiang resigned from his post and sent a telegram to the field. On the 9th, the executive government sent Feng to Europe and the United States to inspect the industry, and Zhang Zhijiang took over Feng's post as the northwest border defense inspector. But neither Zhang Zuolin nor Wu Peifu forgave Feng Yuxiang.
In mid-to-late January, Zhang Zuolin's Feng army, Wu Peifu's zhi army, and Zhang Zongchang and Li Jinglin's zhilu combined forces attacked Feng Bu in three ways. In early March, the Nationalist army was defeated in Henan, losing Kaifeng and Zhengzhou, and on the 18th, the Zhi army entered and occupied Shijiazhuang. At the same time, the Zhilu coalition forces broke through the horse factory and approached Tianjin. In early March, Bi Shucheng, commander of the Bohai Fleet of the Feng Army, led five warships and eight merchant ships to transport Zhang Zongchang's troops, attempting to land at Dagukou and then attacking Beitang. These two military operations led to direct military clashes between the Nationalist Army and the Fengzhi Army.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="78" >2. Why did japanese warships break into Dagukou? </h1>
In order to prevent the Feng warships from attacking from the sea, on the morning of March 9, the Nationalist army "laid ten mines at the mouth of the river, completely blocking the mouth of the river." On the same day, the Fenglu warship sailed close to the coast and fired at the Tagu Fort, and the Nationalist army rose up to fight, "the place was completely turned into a battlefield, the ship navigation was extremely dangerous, and traffic was eliminated." On the morning of the same day, the British and Japanese consuls general in Tianjin held a meeting and decided to protest to Lu Zhonglin, who said that he only needed to withdraw from the ship and "the mines planted can be taken off." The British and Japanese consuls in Tianjin sent a telegram to the consuls of the two countries and "instructed them to make representations to Zhang Zuolin and persuade Him to withdraw the warship on the same day, so that traffic could be restored."
At 4 p.m., Bi Shucheng, because of the unfavorable land battle in Beitang and "the governor could not do anything", led the fleet to leave Dagu and return to Qingdao. On the 10th, the legation in Beijing submitted a letter of protest to the Beijing government, protesting against the blockade of Dagukou by the Nationalist army and the fighting between the Feng army and the nationalist army in the area from Tianjin to Qinhuangdao, resulting in "the complete dismantling of traffic between Beijing and the sea route, which is in violation of the provisions of the "Xinuu Treaty", and demanding that the Beijing government "immediately stop the Chinese belligerent army and stop the action of blocking the free traffic of the sea route through the Mouth of the Dagu Sea."
The protester threatens: "If the Government of The Central Government fails to accomplish this purpose in order to comply with the provisions of the Treaty of Xinugu, the delegates reserve the right to discuss the protection of foreign ships and the preservation of freedom of access to the port of Tianjin." On the same day, Lu Zhonglin informed the consuls of various countries in Tianjin that all the mines planted at the mouth of the Dagu River had been lifted.
On March 12, the Nationalist Army sent a telegram to the State Council in Beijing, explaining the reasons for the blockade of Dagukou as follows:
"Checking international practice, for belligerent groups, equal treatment is the mainstay. It was reported that every time the enemy relied on outsiders and in the coastal areas of Tianjin, there were all kinds of dangerous behaviors against the Nationalist army, and even the transport of troops from foreign ships came ashore from Beitang, and the diplomatic corps has not stopped it so far. The Nationalist Army was forced to temporarily blockade Haikou as a measure of self-defense. ”
The National Army also stated:
"In order to respect the treaty of diplomatic relations, the Tagu port will be automatically opened." However, three conditions were put forward: "First, when the outer ship passes through the sea mouth, there must be a water diversion ship as the forward driver, and when the water diversion ship approaches the fort, it must blow a whistle and signal to the Nationalist Army; second, the person leaving the outer ship must hang its own national flag and must not be confused; third, the Chinese in the population ship must be inspected by the Nationalist Army for a while before it can be approved." ”
On the same day, the Japanese consul in Tianjin negotiated with Lu Zhonglin, saying that the destroyer "Fuji" of the Japanese 15th Fleet was about to enter the harbor, and asked for the transfer of the Nationalist Army stationed in Tanggu, and the consent of the Lu clan was obtained. Deer and electric battery garrisons followed the release. Secretary Fujii, a member of the Japanese Consulate General stationed in Tanggu, was born at noon on the 12th (7 o'clock) and went to Tanggu Fort to contact with Sugimoto Shosa, a member of the Japanese Army Transport Department stationed in Tagu. The Nationalist Army sent an officer to the Japanese ship to make specific representations. The two sides agreed on the time of entry and flag, and agreed that the entrance must first dock in a certain place, and the entrance must be slowed down so that the battery soldiers can identify.
At 3:40 p.m., the Japanese ships "Fuji" and "Blowing Snow" approached Dagukou, and the two ships "both had the Flag of the Japanese Warship and the Secret C Flag scheduled by Lu Zhonglin", but the fort soldiers believed that the number of ships did not match (they thought that only one of the "Fuji" entered the harbor was agreed), the time was not right (it was believed that the agreed population time was 10 a.m.), and the entrance was not suspended. The Japanese ships responded with machine guns, causing the battery to become more and more panicked, afraid of any attempt or attempt, and had no choice but to return fire with live ammunition. The Japanese ships saw that the gun emplacement was strongly prohibited, and began to withdraw from the mouth."
As a result of the shelling between the two sides, more than ten people were wounded on the Nationalist side and four japanese wounded.
Immediately after the incident, Lu Zhonglin sent a telegram to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, instructing him to quickly lodge a serious protest with the Japanese minister. At 7 p.m. zeng Zongjianai, vice minister of foreign affairs, sent his secretary Shen Xiaoding to the Japanese embassy to lodge an oral protest with Minister Fangze. On the 17th, the "Letter to Japanese Personnel of the Intelligence Division of the National Third Army" was published detailing the incident, declaring that "Japan should bear full responsibility" for the incident, and the Japanese side reacted more strongly to the incident.
The day after the shelling, Japanese Minister to China Fangze protested to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Beijing government, claiming that the Japanese warship entered the Dagu Pass in order to "guarantee the freedom of navigation of the ships" and demanded that the Chinese Government adopt "the most effective means" to "curb the recurrence of such ominous incidents."
At 4 p.m. on the 16th, Japan, together with Britain, the United States, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and other signatories to the Treaty of Xinugu, protested to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Beijing Government, demanding that China:
(1) Cease all acts of combat from Dagukou to Tianjin; 2. Dismantle all mines, mines and other obstacles in the area; 3. Restore all navigational markings to ensure that no more acts obstructing the navigation of ships will occur; 4. All combat vessels shall be stationed at Dagukou and shall not interfere with the movements of foreign ships; and 5. All inspections of foreign ships shall cease, except for customs officials.
The above-mentioned articles are limited to a satisfactory reply from the Chinese side before noon on March 18, otherwise "the naval authorities of the countries concerned shall take such measures as they deem necessary to remove all obstacles to the freedom and safety of navigation between Tianjin and the seashore, or other prohibitions and oppressions." On the same day, the commanders of the navies of various countries stationed in Zimbabwe issued a warning to the Nationalist And Feng troops that "within one or two days, they will try to ensure the freedom of navigation on the White River by foreign ships, and if there is no reply during the term, they will take free action." At the same time, more than twenty warships from various countries gathered at Dagukou to carry out armed intimidation. Sino-foreign relations were suddenly tense.
The day after the eight-nation ultimatum was issued, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing sent a letter to the ministers of various countries, on the one hand, saying that it would try to "restore free traffic by The Beijing-Tonghai Sea" in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty of Xinugu. On the other hand, he said that while China was working to solve the problem, the ministers of various countries "actually ordered the commanders of the navy in Tianjin to provide an ultimatum for a deadline for reply." Reading the contents of the ultimatum, the attitude adopted by the commanders of the navies of various countries in Zimbabwe is regarded by their own governments as beyond the scope of the Treaty of Xinugu and cannot be considered appropriate."
It is hoped that the ministers of various countries will "turn to the commanders of the navies stationed in Zimbabwe and the local military authorities, calmly and properly negotiate, maintain the safe mode of communication to the sea, and refrain from taking drastic measures, so as to emphasize diplomatic relations between relatives and harmony." The Beijing government's position was to seek a solution to the problem within the framework of the Xinugu Treaty, but the people were reluctant to accept this solution, and a large-scale protest movement soon began.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="84" >3, the mighty March 18 massacre</h1>
The Dagu shelling incident and the ultimatum of the envoys of the eight countries provoked a strong reaction from all walks of life in China, and a huge protest movement soon unfolded everywhere. The day after the Tagu shelling, Beijing held a national anti-Japanese rally attended by 250,000 people to protest the shelling of Dagukou by Japanese ships. On March 16, the night the ultimatum was issued, the Kuomintang Beijing Special Party Department held a propaganda meeting and decided to convene a National Convention before the expiration of the ultimatum at noon on March 18, urging the Duan government to severely refute the Eight-Nation Ultimatum.
The meeting decided that the municipal party department, in conjunction with the Beijing Students' Federation, the Beijing Federation of Trade Unions, and other organizations, would issue a notice to convene a joint meeting of various organizations in Beijing to discuss specific methods for the struggle. At the same time, the Beijing Prefectural Committee of the Communist Party of China held an emergency meeting in the First Yuan of Peking University and decided to mobilize all walks of life to participate in the protest struggle, and in view of the fact that the organizational activities had not yet been made public and the CCP members had joined the Kuomintang, it was decided that the Kuomintang would organize the movement.
On March 17, representatives of more than 150 organizations, including the Kuomintang Beijing Special City Party Department, the Beijing Students' Federation, and the Beijing Federation of Trade Unions, held an emergency joint meeting at the Three Academies of Peking University. The meeting agreed to convene the National Assembly at Tiananmen Square at 10 a.m. the next day, and elected Thirteen Kuomintang members Xu Qian, Gu Mengyu, Huang Changgu, and Ding Weifen, communist Li Dazhao, and representatives of the Student Federation, the Federation of Trade Unions, and the General Chamber of Commerce to form the presidium of the congress. After the meeting, in addition to the fifteen delegates who remained to prepare for the National Assembly, the rest of the delegates went to the State Council and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in two ways to petition.
The delegates to the State Council failed to meet duan Qirui and Premier Jia Deyao as they wished, but instead clashed with the guards outside the State Council gate in Tieshi Hutong, and many people were injured. After several twists and turns, the delegates to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs met with Zeng Zongjian, the vice minister of foreign affairs, and contacted Jia Deyao through Zeng, and then went to Jia Zhai to negotiate. Jia presented the government's rebuttal of the Eight-Nation Ultimatum, which the delegates thought was too weak to admit.
When he left jia's house, it was 5 a.m. on the 18th, and the negotiations were unsuccessful. After returning to the Preparatory Office for the National Convention, the two groups of delegates briefed each other on the situation and agreed that the Government was no longer sufficient to rely on, did not mobilize the strength of the people, and was unlikely to win a diplomatic victory. Therefore, it was decided to devote all efforts to the national assembly, hold a demonstration after the meeting, and elect Xu Qian, Chen Rixin, and Chen Ziyi as the commander-in-chief of the parade. Early in the morning of the same day, the Beijing Municipal Party Department of the Kuomintang, together with the Beijing Student Federation, the Federation of Trade Unions, the Diplomatic Delegation, and more than 180 other organizations, published an emergency notice in the "National New Daily" and decided to convene a National Convention in front of Tiananmen Square that morning to "swear to die against this atrocity of the second imperialist Eight-Power Alliance."
At 10:00 a.m., people from all walks of life gradually gathered in front of Tiananmen Square, and the participants included more than 80 students from more than 80 public and private colleges, such as Peking University, Normal University, Law University, Women's Normal University, Women's University, CUHK, DPRK University, and Art College, as well as representatives of dozens of groups such as the Beijing Municipal Party Department of the Kuomintang and the Municipal Federation of Trade Unions, totaling more than 5,000 people, most of whom were students. On the rostrum of the conference hung the blood coat of Yang Bolun, who was injured by the guards in front of the State Council yesterday, and two banners, "Oppose the Ultimatum of the Eight Countries National Convention" and "Oppose the Ultimatum Demonstration of the Eight Countries.", the crowd was excited.
At 10 o'clock, the assembly began. Xu Qian first explained the purpose of the meeting, followed by Xu Jilong and Gu Mengyu to give speeches on the reasons for protest. Xu and Meng ju said that the "Xinugu Treaty" was a tool for the great powers to oppress China, and all countries demanded that China abide by it, but Japan assisted the Fengjun in fighting the Nationalist Army in Shanhaiguan, and the countries were silent, indicating that the great powers "have acquiesced to the invalidity of the Xinugu Treaty." Now, on the grounds of the Taku incident, countries are in turn accusing China of violating the treaty and proposing an ultimatum, which is really unreasonable. Therefore, the people were called on to oppose the masses, and then Xin Huanwen, Zhao Jinsan and others reported on the process of petitioning the State Council and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the 17th. Finally, the General Assembly read out and adopted eight articles of the resolution of the General Assembly.
When people from all walks of life gathered at Tiananmen Square, Jia Deyao was convening a state council meeting of key government officials.
During the meeting, Pan Mou, a representative sent by Jia to Tiananmen To "offer condolences," returned to the State Council to explain the situation in Tiananmen, saying that the National People's Congress decided to disband the executive government guards and expel the eight state envoys. Jia Deyao felt that the situation was serious, and immediately called He Delin, the finance minister, to ask whether Li Mingzhong had sent troops to suppress it.
He Delin said that if order could not be maintained, the cabinet would only resign, and Li Mingzhong also agreed. Before noon, more than 60 student representatives went to the hospital to petition and submitted a petition replying to the diplomatic corps' ultimatum. The State Council then discussed the petition together with the opinions put forward by Wang Yifei and others on the 17th. As for how to reply to the diplomatic corps' ultimatum, "the will of the people may be proposed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs". As for how to deal with the masses who came to the State Council to demonstrate, the participants "Jin said that the students went to Jizhao Hutong several times last year, and all of them were sent by the commander-in-chief of Lu to stay in the middle of contact, and it did not cause a major incident, and this time they can still do it." According to this proposal, Jia Deyao immediately sent a telegram with He Delin to urge Li Mingzhong to send troops and contact him to reply to the protest of the mission.
At noon, the tiananmen National Convention finished its agenda, and the chairman announced the start of the demonstration. Because Xu Qian, the commander-in-chief of the parade, said that "the hemorrhoids were bleeding heavily" and left early; Gu Mengyu, Huang Changgu, and other leaders also left one after another, and the post of commander-in-chief of the parade was replaced by Wang Yifei, head of the Guangdong diplomatic delegation.
By the time we got to the State Council, it was 1:20 p.m. Five people, including Ding Weifen, An Ticheng, and Chen Gongyi, were deputies and asked people to see Premier Jia Deyao. When the guards saw the masses, they closed the gate tightly, "the crowd stood at the head of the door and shouted to see Jia Deyao, and the captain of the guard team replied from inside the door that Premier Jia was not in the courtyard, and the crowd was in a big uproar." "When it was, suddenly someone shouted 'Charge! ' Kill it!' So the crowd behind them rushed forward. ...... The guards and the masses were pressed, but at the beginning they exchanged evil voices, and as the conflict between Russia intensified, the guards fired their guns into the air, and the masses still forged ahead courageously and did not flinch. In the end, the guards opened fire with live ammunition and shot at the masses, and the unprecedented drama was completed." This was the first time a shot had been fired. “
When the time came, a number of people fell, and the masses were greatly disturbed and retreated one after another." "When the masses retreated, some shouted in the back, 'Do not disperse!'" The masses returned to the gates of the State Council, and as they gathered, they gradually forced the gates to be closed. "Then there was a clash with the guards, and the guards resumed firing, and the projectiles flew like rain," and the crowd "ran wildly to the east gate to escape," and "the guards continued to shell the masses for more than ten minutes." "At one time, in front of the State Council and outside the east gate, blood splashed and Chen corpses were tired." This is the "March 18 Massacre" that shocked the whole country.
In this tragic case, twenty-six people died on the spot, and twenty-one people died in the hospital due to their serious injuries, a total of forty-seven people, and about 200 people were injured. Of the forty-seven people who died, three were police officers who were killed by mistake in the parade, three were nearby residents and pedestrians who died of stray bullets, four were unidentified, and the remaining thirty-six were marchers, including Liu Hezhen, whom Lu Xun commemorated.
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="85" >4. Why Duan Qirui resigned</h1>
After the massacre, all sectors of society expressed great indignation at the Duan Qirui government. In the evening, more than 200 groups held a joint meeting in the First Courtyard of Peking University to publicly promote seven groups, including the Beijing Municipal Party Department of the Kuomintang, the Guangdong Diplomatic Delegation, the China Relief Association, the International Workers' Support Association, the National New Newspaper, the Beijing Student Federation, and the Beijing Federation of Trade Unions, to organize the Beijing Massacre Aftermath Committee and be responsible for handling the aftermath.
On the 19th, all schools in Beijing were closed to protest the atrocities committed by the executive government. On the 22nd, the All-China Federation of Students called Li Mingzhong, commander of the Beijing garrison, demanding that "Duan Qirui, the first offender in the Beijing case, and Zhang Shizhao, his minions, be detained immediately so that they can be punished according to the law." On the 23rd, people from all walks of life in Beijing held a memorial meeting for the martyrs in the Third Courtyard of Peking University, and nearly 1,000 people attended the meeting. The Beijing Federation of Students decided to send a telegram to the whole country, issue a declaration, organize a speech team to carry out propaganda, and send representatives to comfort the families of the dead and injured. On the 24th, the extraordinary session of the National Assembly sent a telegram announcing Duan Qirui's "Ten Great Sins," arguing that "all political responsibilities in this case should be borne by Duan Qirui alone and subject to the punishment of the people; his criminal responsibility should be led by the court and tried according to law."
On the 25th, the Senate put forward the "Opinion on Questioning Jia Deyao for the Tragedy", asking Jia Deyao to come to the hospital to explain the incident and provide evidence, on the same day, Bao Guohua of Tsinghua University and 350 other students filed a complaint against Jia Deyao and all state councillors, and asked the Beijing Normal Prosecutor's Office to "file a public prosecution together" against all state councilors, "regardless of who the natural person is." Peking University students also filed a complaint against Duan Qirui and Jia Deyao in the tragic case, and the famous lawyer Pan Dadaocao held that Duan and Jia should all bear the same "responsibility for killing people with intent" and asked the procuratorate to prosecute them.
At the same time, various circles in Beijing have set up a "prosecution committee." Some local power figures are also involved. For example, Sun Chuanfang once called the General Prosecutor's Office to demand that evidence be reported and that the "perpetrators of murder" be prosecuted in accordance with the law, "infuriating the people."
The Government was also quick to react. After the tragic incident, due to the unusually serious incident, Jia Deyao held an emergency meeting at 3 p.m. on the same day at the Duanzhai of Jizhao Hutong and invited Li Mingzhong to attend. Duan Qirui personally attended the meeting and said that it would be difficult to maintain the prestige of the government if it was not severely punished. "As a result of the discussion, everyone feels that if there is no way to relieve responsibility in this matter, then there are so many dead people, and the responsibility lies, and there is no way to explain itself."
Therefore, it was decided to arrest Xu Qian, Li Dazhao, Li Yuying, Yi Peiji, Gu Zhaoxiong, and others who had been arrested in Tiananmen Square and given the honorific title of 'Communist Party', and the matter would be summed up."
The attitude of the National Army is crucial in the occurrence of incidents and the handling of the aftermath. As mentioned above, the Nationalist Army was subjected to fierce "red" attacks because of the assistance received by Soviet Russia. For the sake of his own interests, on July 13, 1925, Feng Yuxiang sent a telegram to prevent "redization" to avoid public criticism.
On New Year's Day 1926, Feng Yuxiang resigned by telegram and handed over the command of the Nationalist Army to Zhang Zhijiang. On March 6, Zhang Zhijiang called Duan Qirui and Jia Deyao, hoping to find ways to stop the growing student movement and rectify the study style. When the National Assembly was convened on March 18, Li Mingzhong, a senior general of the Nationalist Army who served as acting commander-in-chief of the Gyeonggi Guards and chief of the beijing police, sent a letter apologizing to the masses for the incident on the 17th, saying that he would do his duty to protect in the future. But the NFL did not keep its promise.
Despite the Nationalists' extraordinary move to put Cao upside down, Wu Peifu did not change his prejudices against the Nationalists. On the 11th, Wu called Zhang Xueliang and Zhang Zongchang: "The Nationalist army has no peace sincerity, please advance as soon as possible according to the original plan and sweep the Red Nest." On the 13th, Li Jinglin, Zhang Xueliang, and Chu Yupu jointly telegraphed, accusing Lu Zhonglin of "supporting Duan the day before, driving Duan today, catching Cao the day before, releasing Cao cao today, between one year, whether one person is virtuous or not, and between one day, the status of the two dukes is mutually easy." Likes and dislikes are impermanent, and enmity is uncertain.
Under enormous military and political pressure from both sides, the Nationalists were forced to withdraw from Beijing on 15 April. After the withdrawal of the Nationalist army, Duan Qirui returned to his private residence in Jizhao Hutong and announced his reinstatement on the 17th. On the 18th, the Feng army and the Zhilu coalition army marched into Beijing. On the same day, Wu Peifu said that Duan Qirui had destroyed the law and shielded "Chihua" and could not be sustained, so he decided to appoint Wang Huaiqing as the commander-in-chief of the Beijing Division's garrison, and ordered the detention of people from the Anfu clan to monitor Duan Qirui.
On the 20th, the provisional executive government in Beijing was reorganized, and Duan Qirui was forced to leave Beijing. Before leaving, he ordered the dismissal of Premier Jia Deyaoben and concurrently held various posts, appointed Hu Weide as prime minister, and ordered the State Council to act as provisional ruling power. Hu "did not dare to obey orders." On the 26th, Wu put forward the idea of "regent forming a cabinet" by Yan Huiqing. On May 1, Cao Kun, according to Wu Peifu's will, declared "going down to the wilderness". On the 3rd, Yan Huiqing's cabinet was reinstated in Huairentang in Beijing, and Yan Fu was appointed as premier of the state and regent of the presidency. However, Feng Fang opposed Yan Huiqing and others from arriving at the post in the form of "reinstatement". This makes most cabinet members unwilling or afraid to take office, and the State Council's administrative affairs cannot be carried out normally.
On June 22, Yan Huiqing was allowed to resign as Premier and Acting Foreign Minister, and Navy Chief Du Xili and Acting Prime Minister. On August 15, Zhang Zongchang sent a letter to Wu Peifu accusing Du Xili of being incompetent and recommending Sun Baoqi to succeed him as prime minister. On October 1, the Beijing government was reorganized, and the State Council dismissed Du Xijue from the post of acting premier by order of the regent, and Gu Weijun, the special director of foreign affairs, was also the acting premier. After a period of time, Beijing successively produced two cabinets, Jin Yunpeng and Pan Fu. On December 1, Zhang Zuolin was inaugurated as the commander-in-chief of the "An GuoJun" in Tianjin. On June 18, 1927, Zhang Zuolin announced in Beijing that he would become the Grand Marshal of the Anguo Military Government, becoming the last ruler of the Beiyang Era.
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