Abstract: Zhouyuan is the largest and richest Western Zhou ruins, and in recent years, the ruins of the city with square shape, rigorous planning and large scale have been confirmed in the core area of the site. Zhou Yuan, also known as "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" in the Jin text, was the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty. The capital in the Jin Wen is the pickaxe capital, which is an important city and transportation hub in the eastern part of Guanzhong, and it is also the hunting ground of the king of Zhou, but it is no longer the capital after King Wu. The misidentification of Hojing as the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty began during the Warring States period, probably from the Qin people who established the capital in the same area.
The capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty is known as Zongzhou, and the documents handed down for more than 2,000 years believe that it is in Haojing, which is the site of today's Fengdong. However, modern archaeological work is increasingly revealing the contradiction between archaeological findings and traditional narratives. The main purpose of this paper is to argue that the original site of Zhou was the capital of the Zhou Dynasty, and that the Jing in the Western Zhou Jin inscription is the Hojing in the literature, and was not the capital for most of the Western Zhou Dynasty. In the light of the archaeological context, I will examine the textual material, which is the key to addressing the political system and the name of place. The article is divided into two parts, which discuss the problems of Zhou Yuan and Ho Jing relatively independently. If it is inappropriate, please correct it.
1. The nature of the original ruins
Zhouyuan is the largest and richest site of the Western Zhou Dynasty, and 80 years of exploration have passed since its confirmation, but its place in the history of the Western Zhou Dynasty is still unknown. Scholars have a variety of views on the nature of the Zhouyuan site, and their understanding has gradually deepened. In the past, the more representative view was based on the large number of copper cellars found that the Zhou Yuan was the settlement of the Western Zhou aristocracy, because it was the birthplace of the Zhou people and the center of religion and etiquette [1]. With the progress of archaeological work, especially the accumulation of unearthed written materials, in recent years, many scholars have pointed out that Zhou Yuan is the "Zhou" in the inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty, and according to the activities of the Zhou kings recorded in the inscriptions, it is proposed that Zhou Yuan was the de facto political center of the Western Zhou Dynasty for a period of time, and the nominal capital was still Zong Zhou Hojing. At present, the nature of Zhou Yuan is generally summarized as "Tuyi ruins", which is a general term when the problem has not been resolved.
The nature of the Zhou Yuan site is unknown, on the one hand, because the records of the Zhou Yuan in the Western Zhou Dynasty are not clear, and on the other hand, because the archaeological work is not sufficient, the structure and layout of the site are not clear, and the important relics are not excavated. In the past two years, Zhouyuan archaeology has made a breakthrough, discovering urban ruins with square layout and rigorous planning. This prompted the author to seriously consider the nature of the Zhouyuan site. By reviewing the written materials, examining the known archaeological findings, and combining the evidence from these two aspects, the author believes that Zhou Yuan was the most important capital city in the Western Zhou Dynasty and the real capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty.
(1) Zhou was originally called "Zhou"
In order to distinguish it from "Zong Zhou" and "Cheng Zhou", contemporary studies often use "Qi Zhou" to refer to the Zhou Yuan of the Western Zhou Dynasty. The term "Qi Zhou" was first used in Mencius Lilouxia and Yi Zhou Shu Zuo Yu, and was a retrospective name during the Warring States period[2]. From the "Zhou Yuan Fat" in "Daya Mian" (the wilderness of Zhou is very fertile) and "Come to marry Zhou" in "Daya Daming", it can be seen that the local place name in the Western Zhou Dynasty should be "Zhou". On this point, scholars have made stronger arguments based on the excavated textual materials, and the main evidence includes:
1. The inscription on the historical wall plate records that after the ancestors of the Wei family took refuge in the Zhou people, "King Wu ordered the Zhou Gong to live in the Zhou Dynasty." It shows that the Wei family had a residence in Zhoudi, and the bronze cellar of the Wei family in the past dynasties was near Zhuangbai in Zhouyuan, and the scholars generally believe that the bronze cellar was not far from the noble mansion [3]. Mr. Tang Lan, Mr. Li Xueqin, Mr. Liu Yu, and Mr. Yin Shengping all pointed out that the "Zhou" in the inscription refers to Zhou Yuan[4], in other words, the place name of Zhou Yuan at that time was "Zhou".
2. There are the following two divination words in the oracle bones of Zhou Yuan:
祠自蒿于周。 （H11:117）
Ding Mao, Wang Zaizhou, Hu Baobu said......
（H1:133+H11:52）[5]
The content of the divination indicates that the place of divination is in Zhou, and Bujia was unearthed in the ash pit after the construction of the Fengxiao Jia group was abandoned. In general, used divination materials are not transported over long distances.
3. A lot of pottery and stone tools engraved with the word "Zhou" have been unearthed in Fengxiao, Licun, Qijia and other places of Zhouyuan ruins, according to Lei Xingshan and Mr. Zhao Qingmiao, there are as many as 36 pieces. Mr. Lei Xingshan pointed out that the "Zhou" inscription pottery was concentrated in Zhouyuan, indicating that these pottery were made in Zhouyuan, reflecting that Zhouyuan is the "Zhou" in pottery texts [6]. In addition, the occasional "Zhou" inscription pottery in Mawang Village and other places in Fengxi may be due to the fact that the pottery still has a certain circulation, which needs to be studied in the future pottery production area.
In addition to the above evidence, the origin of the inscribed bronze artifacts is also very revealing. The author counted the bronze artifacts in the inscription containing "Zhou" and the incident occurred in the "Zhou" land (Table 1). At present, there are 121 such bronze objects, of which 69 have land information, 32 are unearthed in the Zhouyuan area, and the rest are scattered all over the country. Feng Ho or Luoyang, which are considered by some scholars to be Zhoudi, have only 5 and 2 pieces excavated, respectively [7]. The owners of these bronzes were Zhou nobles, and most of the inscriptions were written by them to receive orders in the Zhou region and serve the dynasty as officials. On the one hand, this shows that Zhou was the administrative center, and on the other hand, it also reveals the reason why the bronze artifacts were unearthed in Zhou Yuan. For example, Qiu Wei, an aristocrat who lived in the middle of the Western Zhou Dynasty, who had received the king's ordination in the Zhou dynasty and had traded furs with other nobles before ceremonies held in the Zhou Ju Palace, scholars have pointed out that his position was that he was one of the royal officials. The bronzes of the Qiu Wei family are stored in the west of Dongjia Village at the site of Zhouyuan. Another example is Uncle Mao's son, Shi Tang's father, who once received bows and arrows from the king of Zhou in the archery house of Zhou Xingong, so it is speculated that he served in the archery held by Zhou, or directly participated in the archery, and performed well, and his title "Shi" also shows that he was a military official of a dynasty. Shi Tang's tomb was found in the east of Qijia Village at the Zhouyuan site [8]. The direct reason for the fact that the nobles were officials in Zhouyuan, they lived in Zhouyuan and were buried in Zhouyuan, and their bronzes were cast in Zhouyuan, used in Zhouyuan, buried in Zhouyuan, buried as property or cellared in Zhouyuan, which is the Zhou in bronze inscriptions.
Table 1 Bronze artifacts from the land that recorded the "Zhou" event
It is worth mentioning that the commentaries of the Han and Tang dynasties interpreted the "Zhou" in several chapters of the Shangshu as Hojing[9], which influenced contemporary scholars to still think that "Zhou" was Hojing, or that "Zhou" could refer to Qi Zhou, Hojing, or even many places in the Zhou Dynasty[10]. Judging from the unearthed textual data, the use of "Feng", "pickaxe", "Zhou" and "Chengzhou" in the Western Zhou Dynasty is distinct, and there is no phenomenon of using "Zhou" to refer to multiple places. It is believed that the name "Zhou" in many places is a problem that later scholars have understood. It makes sense to understand "Zhou" in the handed down documents as Zhou Yuan, and this issue will be discussed later.
(2) Zhou was originally called "Zong Zhou"
The problem to be argued in this part is that Zhou Yuan was not only called "Zhou", but also "Zong Zhou".
As early as the 50s of the 20th century, Mr. Chen Mengjia proposed that the Zongzhou in the Western Zhou Dynasty was the Zhou Yuan, but there were very few followers. According to the traditional saying, the word "Zong Zhou" means that Zhou is the suzerain of the world. "Xiao Ya Yu Wuzheng" "Zhou Zong is extinguished, and the anger is stopped". "Zuo Chuan: The Sixteenth Year of Zhao Gong" is quoted as "Zong Zhou is destroyed", and Du pre-note: "Yan Zhou used to be the sect of the world." "Historical Records: The Biography of Bo Yi Lie" "King Wu has calmed the chaos, and the world is in Zhou", and "Zhou Benji" "King Xuan ascended the throne...... The legacy of French, Wu, Cheng, and Kang, the princes restored the Zhou". Mr. Tong Shuye's "History of the Spring and Autumn Period" pointed out: "Those who are the ancestors of the Zhou Dynasty are also the suzerains of the world. "The place names of Zhou Yuan in the early Zhou and Western Zhou dynasties are "Zhou", which is the place where the king of Zhou lived and governed for a long time (see the following text), and there are a large number of temples and palaces of the Zhou royal family (the palace name of Zhou is the most abundant in the golden text), and it is actually very appropriate to call it "Zong Zhou". There is a view that the Western Zhou Dynasty was "King Zuwen and King Zongwu", so the Haojing built by King Wu can be called Zongzhou; and many researchers believe that the "Zong" of "Zongzhou" refers to Zongmiao, which is too rigid. Although the original meaning of the word "zong" is Zongmiao, the meaning of the word has been extended. Although there is a temple in Luoyi, it was only called Xinyi and Chengzhou in the Western Zhou Dynasty, and it is obvious that it will be called Zongzhou if there is not a temple. Only the capital of the dynasty where the king of Zhou lived for a long time can be called Zongzhou. Kong Yingda's "Shangshu Justice" said: "The Zhou Dynasty is the sect of the world, and it is the king's capital." ”[11]
Since the Qin and Han dynasties, "Zong Zhou" has been interpreted as Hojing. Wu Dayi, Chen Mengjia, Li Xueqin and other scholars believe that the Jing in the Western Zhou inscription materials is Hojing, and the opinion has not yet been recognized, but it is correct, and the second part of this article will discuss it in detail. "Jing" appears at the same time as "Zongzhou" in two inscriptions (Shishang Zhuqi and Mai Fangzun), referring to two places. Jing is not "Zong Zhou", and it is unreliable for the Qin and Han dynasties to think that Zong Zhou is a pickaxe.
At the same time, "Zong Zhou" and "Feng" (as a book) and "Cheng Zhou" (Shi Shang Zhuqi, Jing Fang Ding, Shi Song Zhuqi, Xiao Ke Ding) also appear in an inscription, and the references are obviously different. Mr. Chen Mengjia pointed out that Zongzhou is not any of the places in Feng, Hao, and Chengzhou, and most likely refers to Zhoudi [12]. In other words, Zongzhou and Zhou are the same place.
In the earlier texts "Book of Songs" and "Shangshu", the words "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" both refer to the capital of the Zhou Dynasty, but "Zong Zhou" is rarely used, only 3 times (and "Zhou Zong" 1 time), and "Zhou" is used a lot, appearing 20 times. There is no case where both are used in the same literature. The commentaries of the Han and Tang dynasties generally treat Zhou and Zong Zhou as one place[13], which is reasonable from the point of view of usage. If Zong Zhou refers to one capital and Zhou refers to another, then it is obviously unreasonable that Zong Zhou, the capital of the Zhou Dynasty, only appears a few times. "Zongzhou" is a different name for "Zhou", so it is easy to understand the phenomenon that "Zongzhou" is used very rarely.
The use of "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" in the unearthed Western Zhou Jin inscriptions is similar to that of the handed down documents, with "Zong Zhou" being used less (27 inscriptions) and "Zhou" being used a lot, with 69 inscriptions. An important phenomenon is that both never occur at the same time. We know that it is common for an inscription to refer to a place with a place name, because it is easy to confuse understanding when two place names refer to a place in an inscription. Conversely, the two names never appear at the same time, either because they refer to the same place or because they are unrelated. If Zongzhou and Zhou are the two capitals of the Western Zhou Dynasty, their relationship is very close, and the probability of not being mentioned at the same time is not large. The inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty often refer to the activities of the king and the nobles in the two capitals, and Cheng Zhou and Zhou were mentioned at the same time (Song Qi, Xiao Keding, Ying Hou Shigong Zhong), Cheng Zhou and Zong Zhou were also mentioned at the same time (Shishang Zhuqi, Jing Fang Ding, Shi Song Zhuqi, Xiao Keding), and Hojing and Zhou were mentioned at the same time (Gao Di), and Haojing and Zong Zhou were also mentioned at the same time (Shi Shang Zhuqi, Mai Fangzun), which are all examples of inscriptions involving two capitals. In the juxtaposition of Chengzhou-Zhou, Chengzhou-Zongzhou, Haojing-Zhou, and Haojing-Zongzhou, Zhou and Zongzhou are exactly the same, which may refer to the same place name [14].
Treating "Zongzhou" and "Zhou" as one place requires a number of questions: why do there be two different names for a place, what are the differences in their use, and this requires a careful examination of the context in which "Zhou" and "Zongzhou" appear. The author has compiled all the inscriptions mentioning "Zongzhou" into Table 2, and we can see several situations about the identity of the bronze artifact and the reason for the composition:
Table 2 The inscription relates to the identity of the author of the "Zongzhou" bronze ware
The first type, the princes and their subordinates, including the Marquis of Xian, the Marquis of Yan, the Marquis of Jin, the subordinate of the Marquis of Yan, and the subordinates of the Marquis of Jin
, Xing Hou's subordinates as a book of Mai, Wei Hou's subordinates
, a total of 7 cases (most of the bronze artifacts were unearthed in the cemeteries of the princes). The reason for the princes to make utensils is to report on their work or participate in ceremonies, and the reasons for the subordinates of the princes to make utensils include the reasons for the followers of the princes to report on their work or to be sent to the Zong Zhou to do business. The princes and their subordinates were divided into other places, and they called "Zhou" "Zong Zhou", which is very in line with the meaning of "Zhou is the sect of the world" and "Princes of Zhou".
The second is the history of the subordinates of Zhu Bo and his subordinates, including Yong Bo and Teng Guo
[15], Kai Guo Kaizhong's subordinates
[16], a total of 3 cases. The reason for their work was to report to Zongzhou, to participate in rituals, or to follow their superiors to Zongzhou to receive rewards. During the Western Zhou Dynasty, there was a type of local leader who was recognized by the Zhou people, the so-called Bang Bo [17]. Their status is lower than that of the princes, and some are under the leadership of the princes, but the political and spatial relations with the dynasty are similar to those between the princes and the dynasty, such as the "Yisi Wangchen Ten and Three Bo" (Da Yu Ding) who was entitled, and the "Dian Qibo" (Yihou Bo) when the Yihou Pavilion was sealed, and the archaeological work has found the uncle, uncle, and babo of the cemetery. The nature of this kind of Bangbo is similar to that of Fangbo in the Late Shang period, and some of it may have originated from Fangbo who were conquered by the Zhou or who submitted to the Zhou allies.
The third type is the officials who manage the garrisons in various places, including Jing who manages Zeng Eshi, who supervises the goodness of the Feng Shi, and who is the Pig Shi Tsukasa Sima
, Zhengcheng Zhou's Eighth Division's gram, a total of 4 cases. The reason for their work was to be commanded by the king. During the Western Zhou Dynasty, although the divisions in various places were central officials, they were similar to the princes in the aspect of being stationed in other places, and they were nominally the assistants of the princes, such as the good "Xu Zuo" of the supervisor
Hou".
Fourth, the aristocratic officials in the Cheng Zhou, including the scholars, the subordinate of the Gongtai Shi, the subordinate uncle of Wang Jiang, and the Shi Song who managed the Cheng Zhou merchants, a total of 4 cases (the grams of the previous category can also belong to this category)[18]. The reason for the instrument is to report to Zongzhou, or to perform affairs from one place to another in Zongzhou and Chengzhou. Cheng Zhou was the center of the Zhou Dynasty's rule in the east, and there were many nobles and bureaucrats, and there were also Ke who carried out the king's orders and stayed for a period of time. The aristocratic bureaucrats of Cheng Zhou referred to Zhou as "Zong Zhou" in the inscriptions, which had the intention of distinguishing it from Cheng Zhou (inscriptions mentioning "Zong Zhou" often appear "Cheng Zhou", and "Zong Zhou" and "Cheng Zhou" [19]), but the more fundamental reason was that the nobles of Cheng Zhou also regarded Zhou as the sect of the world, which was not fundamentally different from the princes. In addition, in Example 19
is a subordinate of Gongzhong, "Gongzhong" does not look like a prince from the title, perhaps similar to Gongtaishi, a nobleman who lives in Chengzhou.
The fifth, including:
There are 3 pieces of bells, big Yu Ding, and Ban Gui, and the makers are the kings of Zhou and the high-ranking nobles such as Yu and Ban. The inscriptions of the 3 vessels all talk about the civil and military orders (the inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty on the "Mandate of Heaven" basically belong to the king of Zhou and the high-ranking nobles), and the use of "Zong Zhou" seems to have a solemn rhetorical meaning, emphasizing the meaning of "Hehe Zong Zhou", such as the bell inscription says that "the division is matched with the emperor, and the king is the treasure bell of the Zhou Dynasty", which is particularly obvious.
Finally, there is Weiding, Tonggui,
簋、
There seems to be no special reason for the inscription to use "Zongzhou", but it cannot be ruled out that the maker was in a foreign country. For example, Wei He and the same two people were in charge of Jiupi Hechang, Lin, Yu, and Mu, and their positions in managing natural resources might require them to leave the royal capital (Wei Ding was unearthed in Shangluo, Shaanxi). Yi Yudian's and Sitian's people may also have this factor. To sum up, most of the bronze vessels called "Zongzhou" in the inscription were made by nobles in the vassal states and Chengzhou (19/26 for the first 4 types that are more certain, more than 7 percent), and a few may be out of rhetorical intent. Comparing the bronze vessels called "Zhou" in Table 1, it can be seen that most of the makers were nobles in the center of the dynasty. This trend is clear. That is to say, the difference in the use of "Zong Zhou" or "Zhou" in the inscription is mainly caused by the different identities and tones of the makers.
Some of the nobles in the above cited examples were officials in the Zhou and Cheng Zhou, and with the change of status perspective, the inscriptions of the bronzes they made also appeared "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou", which from the perspective of specific individuals, indicating that the name "Zhou" or "Zong Zhou" depends on the narrator's position. For example, Ke, who was originally a nobleman of Zhou, was ordered to "go to the east of Jingjing" in the sixteenth year and was given to the people of the field in the eighteenth year in two inscriptions called the capital by "Zhou", but in the inscription of the twenty-third year he was ordered to "give up the order in Chengzhou, and correct the eight divisions", he called the capital with "Zong Zhou". Analyzing the reason, this is due to the fact that Ke became an official stationed in Cheng Zhou (the later Da Ke Ding was also called "Zong Zhou"), and for Cheng Zhou officials, Zhou should be solemnly called "Zong Zhou". Another example is the history of the Song (Ding, Gui) and the Song (Ding, Gui, pot, plate), due to the connection of the calendar and the same private name of the owner, it is generally considered to be a one-person utensil, but the inscription of the Shi Song vessel is called "Zong Zhou", and the inscription of the Song vessel is called "Zhou", and this problem can also be understood from the perspective of the author of the instrument in different standard narration. According to the content of the two inscriptions, the incident can be reconstructed as follows: Song is a nobleman of Zhoudi. On the fifth day of the third year, Song was ordered to examine the Su, which was a temporary mission. Before the trip could be completed, Song was ordered to manage the newly established merchants of Cheng Zhou on the day of Jiaxu[20]. This new task may have been carried out together because of the fact that Su was not far from Chengzhou, but it was a formal, long-term ordained ministry in terms of rituals. As a result, Song became an official stationed in Chengzhou for a long time, and his identity changed. Both the Song Vessel and the Chronicle Ware were cast after the fact, and the inscription is a retrospective [21]. The reason for the composition of the Song Vessel was that it was ordained by the king of Zhou, so it was written in the tone of a dynastic official, and it is possible that the book of orders was transcribed, calling the capital Zhou. The reason for the creation of Shi Songqi is to accept the Zhang, Ma and Jijin given by Su Bin, which belongs to his own device, at this time he has been stationed in Chengzhou for a long time, starting from the aristocratic position of Chengzhou after the transformation, so he called the capital "Zongzhou". Mr. Lu Liancheng and Mr. Zhao Qingmiao believe that the "exclusion law" applies to the different place names that appear in multiple bronze artifacts made by one person, and it is not the same place. The author believes that the Ke and Song with the names of "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" in bronze ware have the experience of being officials in Cheng Zhou, which is obviously not accidental. The positions and places of office of the aristocratic bureaucrats were not set in stone, and it is easy to understand that they called Zhou Yuan "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" differently in different contexts.
Generally speaking, when foreign nobles had contact with the Zhou (such as the court), and when they composed the utensils, "Zong Zhou" appeared in the inscriptions, and the local nobles of the Zhou rarely used "Zong Zhou", which is the reason why "Zong Zhou" appears much less than "Zhou" in the inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty. Of course, the foreign aristocracy called "Zong Zhou" only a trend, because "Zong Zhou" only has an extra layer of political meaning than "Zhou", but the place referred to is still the same, and it is not unreasonable for them to occasionally use "Zhou". For example, the inscription of Ying Hou Shi Gong Zhong says that "the king is from Cheng Zhou, and Ying Hou regards the king of Gong as Zhou", according to the law mentioned above, Ying Hou should call "Zhou" "Zong Zhou". However, the inscription reveals that the background of the production of this set of bells is that Ying Hou was rewarded for escorting the king of Zhou back to Zhou, Ying Hou was in Zhou,[22] and the chimes were cast in Zhou, which may be the reason why the tone of the inscription was generally customary in Zhou. In any case, such examples are rare to the best of my knowledge [23].
To summarize this part of the discussion, Zongzhou and Zhou are the same place. If Zongzhou and Zhou are two places, then both place names should be seen in the bronze ware made by the princes, and both place names should also be seen in the bronze ware made by the ministers of the dynasty. In the bronzes of the princes, only "Zong Zhou" is basically seen, and in the bronzes of the ministers of the dynasty, only "Zhou" is basically seen, and the most logical explanation is that "Zong Zhou" and "Zhou" are the names of different groups of people for a place from different perspectives. When Mr. Chen Mengjia argued that Zong Zhou was Qi Zhou, he had already pointed out that six bronze inscriptions mentioning "Zong Zhou" "mostly involved the matter of the princes meeting the king of Zhou", which can be described as insightful. Zong Zhou and Zhou are the same place, which means that Zong Zhou is in Zhou Yuan. The handed down documents all say that Zongzhou was the official capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty, which is not problematic from the contents of the court meeting and work report recorded in the unearthed written materials[24], but after the Qin and Han dynasties, Zongzhou was misplaced in Haojing. Regarding the name of Zongzhou, Mr. Tang Lan once suggested that it was after the completion of Chengzhou, which is very insightful [25]. But unlike Mr. Tang Lan's speculation, Zong Zhou did not change his name from Ho Jing. The name of Zong Zhou was developed from the "Zhou" land, and the two major events of the early Zhou Dynasty, the division of the princes and the construction of the Zhou Dynasty, made the original Zhou land become the sect of the world, and thus obtained the name of Zong Zhou[26].
(3) Comparison of archaeological materials of Zhou Yuan and Feng Ho
According to written sources, Zhou Yuan was the Zhou and Zong Zhou, and was the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty. If we look at the archaeological evidence without the stereotype that Zong Zhou is Ho Jing, this is even more clear.
Both Zhou Yuan and Feng Ho have been carrying out archaeological work for decades. From the perspective of the scale of the ruins, the area of Zhouyuan is about 33 square kilometers, and it is a super-large city in the Shang and Zhou dynasties. The area of the Fengdong site is about 9.2 square kilometers, and the area of the Fengxi site is about 8.6 square kilometers, and the two add up to 17.8 square kilometers, which is half the size of Zhou Yuan [27]. From the perspective of the scale of the central area of the city site, the area of Zhouyuan small city is about 1.75 square kilometers, which is much larger than that of Liulihe, Yaojiayuan and other princely cities in the same period. The area of the city is about 5.2 square kilometers, which is about the same as the Chengzhou city of the same period [28]. The ruins of Fenghao have not yet been discovered, and it is estimated that they should be discovered in the future, but it is unlikely that the ruins of 8-9 square kilometers in Fengdong and Fengxi will accommodate 5 square kilometers of city sites.
From the point of view of the connotation of the site, Zhou Yuan's investigation found that there are hundreds of rammed earth building sites, and the excavated Fengxiao No. 3 has a construction area of more than 2,180 square meters, which is the largest single building in the Western Zhou Dynasty at present. There are 27 rammed earth foundation sites found in Kexingzhuang, Huayuan Village, Luoshui Village and other places, and the largest No. 4 foundation site covers an area of more than 1,800 square meters. Zhou Yuan investigated and excavated 9 tombs with tombs, and Feng Hao only found 4 tombs of Uncle Jing with tombs in Zhangjiapo. More than 700 bronzes of various stages of the Western Zhou Dynasty have been unearthed in Zhouyuan, including 7 pieces of royal ware (early to late period), and more than 400 pieces of bronze ware have been recorded in Fenghao, but no royal ware has been unearthed. The various relics of Zhou Yuan are richer than those of Feng Hao, and behind them are more population, more nobles and bureaucrats, and more wealth.
Judging from the layout of the ruins, the Zhouyuan ruins are selected on the broad original surface. The newly discovered city site is square in shape, and a large area of rammed earth is distributed in the northern part of the small city, which may be a palace area; the excavated phoenix chick buildings are completely in the same direction as the city site; a large number of bronze cellars have been found in the big city in the past, which may indicate the official offices and mansions of the noble bureaucracy, and the city is obviously rigorously planned. There is a large area of water lowland near the Fenghao site, and the site is mainly on the elevated Yiwu Ridge, and the urban planning is still unclear [29]. It should be noted that since Li Daoyuan's Commentary on the Water Classic, there has been a view that Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty excavated the Kunming Pond and caused great damage to the Fenghao site [30]. However, modern archaeological work has found the edge of the site in the Western Zhou Dynasty and the extent of the Kunming Pond in the Han Dynasty, and found that the topography near the site has not changed much, and the Kunming Pond in the Han and Tang dynasties was built on the basis of the existing natural waters in the area, which are the Lingnuma, Piyong, and Huangchi in the Zhou Dynasty literature [31].
From a regional point of view, the Guanzhong area, which is Wanggi, is the place where the most Western Zhou bronzes have been unearthed. We counted the number and distribution of copper vessels to examine the density of the nobility in each period [32]. Figure 1 shows the distribution of bronze artifacts throughout the Western Zhou Dynasty, and it can be seen that the number of bronze artifacts unearthed in the western part of Guanzhong, where the Zhouyuan site is located, is significantly higher than that in the eastern part of Guanzhong, where the Fenghao site is located. The lower number of nobles in the eastern part of Guanzhong is related to the degree of development in the Western Zhou Dynasty [33]. With the Zhouyuan site as the center, there is a significant area of dense excavation of bronze artifacts in the western part of Guanzhong. The Zhouyuan site itself recorded 716 pieces of bronze artifacts, and the Fenghao site recorded 432 pieces, only 6% of Zhouyuan.
Figures 2 to 4 show the distribution of bronze artifacts from the early to late Western Zhou dynasties, and it can be seen that Zhou Yuan was always the most important center, while Feng Ho declined significantly after the middle of the Western Zhou Dynasty. 174 bronzes of the early Western Zhou Dynasty, 237 bronzes of the middle Western Zhou Dynasty and 294 bronzes of the late Western Zhou Dynasty were recorded at the Zhouyuan site, and 143 bronzes of the early Western Zhou Dynasty, 176 bronzes of the middle Western Zhou Dynasty and 100 bronzes of the late Western Zhou Dynasty were recorded at the Fenghao site. The bronze artifacts unearthed in Feng Ho have always been less than those of Zhou Yuan in various periods.
It is important to note that the above results have a strong human intervention and are not produced under random conditions. Due to the long-term systematic archaeological work at the Fenghao site, the number of tomb excavations far exceeds that of Zhou Yuan [34], and the proportion of bronze artifacts (198 pieces) obtained from active excavation is very high, accounting for nearly half (47%) of all unearthed bronze artifacts, while most of the bronze artifacts found in Zhou Yuan were unearthed by chance, and only 16% of the bronze artifacts were excavated by active excavation. It is conceivable that if the excavation work of the tombs at the two sites is of the same degree, the difference in the number of unearthed bronzes will definitely be even greater.
In order to rule out the influence of the extent of archaeological work, we can only look at incidental discoveries of various causes (Feng Ho has slightly more engineering construction than Zhou Yuan, but the situation is similar in the two places). In the early Western Zhou Dynasty, 55 bronzes were found in Zhou Yuan, including 102 bronze objects, and 37 were found in Feng Ho, including 56 bronze objects, 31 were found in Zhou Yuan, including 84 bronze objects, and 11 were found in Feng Ho, including 37 bronze objects, and in the late Western Zhou Dynasty, 49 bronze objects were found in Zhou Yuan, including 402 bronze objects, and 16 were found in Feng Ho, including 128 bronze objects. Whether it is the number of units or the number of bronze objects, Zhou Yuan is about 2-3 times that of Feng Ho.
Copper vessels were an important form of wealth for the aristocratic bureaucracy, a material reflection of them, and although they would change hands, they would eventually be buried near the group's residence. Throughout the Central Plains civilization of the Bronze Age, the places where a large number of bronze vessels were concentrated were the political and economic centers of the time. Some researchers may assume that the Western Zhou Dynasty had Feng Ho as its capital, and the nobles only built temples or buried Zhou Yuan in the old capital of Zhou, but this explanation is not only too tortuous, but also means that Zhou Yuan should lack living relics, which is not consistent with the archaeological evidence reflecting the prosperity of Zhou Yuan. Archaeological evidence shows that Feng Hao's position in the early Western Zhou Dynasty was relatively important, and after the middle period it was seriously declined, and the status of Zhou Yuan has always been very important, even in the early Western Zhou Dynasty, when Feng Hao was most prosperous, the number of bronze artifacts unearthed in Zhou Yuan was more than Feng Hao. For most of the Western Zhou Dynasty, Zhou Yuan's status was always more important than Feng Hao's.
(4) The process of change in the nature of the original Zhou
Written and archaeological evidence combine to suggest that the Zhou Yuan was the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty for most of its time. In order to fully illustrate the views of this paper, the author intends to briefly sort out the changes of Zhou Yuan and Feng Ho by combining documents, gold inscriptions, and archaeological materials.
According to "Poetry, Daya, Mian", "Daya, Emperor", "Lu Song·
According to documents such as "Palace" and "Hanshu Geographical Chronicles", the center of the Zhou Kingdom in the Shang period was roughly located in the area of present-day Zhouyuan. Archaeological work shows that the area of the pre-Zhou settlement at the Zhouyuan site is 5-6 square kilometers, which is the largest among the settlements in the Guanzhong area in the same period. Late Shang bronze tombs have been found in the areas of Wangjiazui, Shuang'an, Hejia, and Licun, and the newly excavated Wangjiazui No. 1 building also indicates that the capital of the Pre-Zhou state may have been located here [35].
With the formation of the state, the Xianzhou state that occupied the western part of Guanzhong began to expand to the eastern part of Guanzhong, and at this time it would be subject to commercial forces such as Lao Niupo in the eastern part of Guanzhong. "Poetry, Daya, and the Voice of King Wen" records that King Wen destroyed Chong and moved to Feng, King Wu Ju Ho, and the site of Feng Ho also appeared similar to the remains of the late pre-Zhou period. King Wen's purpose was to continue to expand to the east. Although the situation changed rapidly, it was impossible for King Wen and King Wu to predict the development of history, and it was impossible to predict that Zhou would be able to conquer Shang, so moving the capital to Fenghao was not so much a choice of a formal capital as a temporary base for advancement.
After the Keshang, a political center closer to the east became necessary in order to rule over the newly conquered vast territories. According to the records of the Book of Yi Zhou and the inscription of He Zun, King Wu had planned to establish the Eastern Capital in the Luoyang Basin, but it was not implemented. "Yi Zhou Shu Shi Prisoner" records that King Wu conquered Shang "Wang Naibu from Zhou, conquering Shang Wang Xuan"; after King Wu conquered the Quartet, "the dynasty burned in Zhou" and "sued in Zhou Temple"; "Duyi" recorded that "Wang went to Zhou"; and "Zuo Yu" recorded that "King Wu returned, but he collapsed in December of the year, and he was given to Qi Zhou...... In the summer and June of the first year, King Wu was buried in Bi", these events show that although the ruling center of King Wu was in Ho, Zhou Yuan was still very important. During the period when King Wen and King Wu left Zhou Yuan and took Feng Ho as their capital, Zhou land may have been assigned to the management of Zhou Gong. The Duke of Zhou got its name precisely because its fief was in Zhou. Therefore, when the ancestors of the Wei clan took refuge in the Zhou people, it was logical for the Duke of Zhou to be his "residence" in Zhou Yuan [36].
After the death of King Wu, the center of rule soon changed. According to "Shangshu Duofang" "The king is dying, as for Zong Zhou", King Cheng returned to "Zong Zhou" after the second crusade;
The Ding inscription records that after the return of the Duke of Zhou's Eastern Expedition, he was sacrificed to the "Zhou Temple". "Zuo Chuan Zhao Duke Four Years" and "Chinese Jin Yu" record that the king convened a princes' alliance in Qiyang and rewarded many princes. The inscription of Bao Zun and Bao Gong records that the place of this conference is "Zhou". According to the records of "Kanghe", "Zhaohe" and "Luohe", in the process of the construction of Chengzhou, the place where King Cheng and the Duke of Zhou set out from the west was "Zhou"; "Luohe" said that the construction of Chengzhou was "to make Zhoupi", and it was also clearly recorded that King Cheng said, "Give the boy his retreat, that is, open up in Zhou", indicating that King Cheng lived in Zhou at this time. Traditionally, these "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" refer to Hojing, but it has been argued above that "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" refer to Zhou Yuan, and the Western Zhou Jin Wen can explain that "Zhou" and "Zong Zhou" are not the same place as Hojing (see Part II of this article for details). These evidences indicate that the center of rule in the western part of the dynasty in the early years of King Cheng had returned to the Zhou Yuan. The archaeological discovery of the small city of Zhou Yuan was built during the Shang and Zhou dynasties, which is roughly equivalent to the period of King Wen and King Wu from the period of Fenghao to the early years of King Cheng, and the existence of the city site laid the foundation for the relocation of the ruling center, and it may also be that the construction and relocation of the city were a coherent event. The ruins of the Zhou Gong Temple in Qishan became the final Zhou Gong family fief, also because Zhou Yuan was again under the direct management of the King of Zhou. The reasons for this change are probably both the political situation and the natural conditions. On the one hand, with the completion of the destruction of the Shang Dynasty, Feng Ho's role as an advance base no longer exists, and in order to rule the East, Feng Hao's position is not close enough to the "front", and Cheng Zhou can truly realize this function. On the other hand, there were still large areas of wetland swamps in the eastern part of Guanzhong during the Western Zhou Dynasty, which had not yet been fully developed, and the regional conditions of Fenghao were not as superior as those of Zhou Yuan. In the new situation, Feng Ho was embarrassed to consolidate the territory and rule the east, and became a bit of a chicken rib. Some researchers may think that although Zhou Yuan is important, it does not prevent Feng Ho from being the capital. The author believes that after the completion of Chengzhou, there will only be one real capital city in Zhouyuan and Fenghao, and they will not be paid attention to at the same time, because the distance between the two places is only 100 kilometers, and the location role is roughly overlapping. During the Han and Tang dynasties, it relied on the rule of both the east and the west for a long time, and there was only one capital in the Guanzhong region, which can prove this truth.
During the reign of King Cheng, it seems that he often lived in Chengzhou[37], but he would return to Zongzhou (Zhou Yuan) to hold a large festival, which can be seen from the inscriptions on the offerings to Hou Ding and Shishangqi. As a prince, the marquis returned to Zongzhou to participate in the festival, which may have the meaning of a court, implying that Zhou Yuan was the capital of the west. The inscription on the scholar is based on the year of the event, revealing that Cheng Wang carried out the sacrifice of Dazhen in Zongzhou in the year of the king, and stayed in Beijing (Ho Jing) (when returning to Cheng Zhou) to feast on the nobles of Ho Beijing.
During the reign of King Kang, the court meetings, prisoner offerings, and feudal divisions that occurred in Zhou or Zong Zhou clearly showed that the capital of the dynasty was in Zhou Yuan. The inscription of Yanhou Zhiding says that "Yanhou Zhi's first sight is in Zong Zhou", the inscription of the big Yu Ding in the last years of King Kang records that Yu was sealed in Zong Zhou, and the inscription of Xiao Yu Ding records that Yu is dedicated in the Zhou Temple. What needs to be identified is that the "Shangshu Bi Ming" has the sentence "The dynasty steps from Zong Zhou, as for Feng", which used to be understood as "departing from Zong Zhou in the morning and arriving at Fengyi on the same day", indicating that Zong Zhou was very close to Feng, which was used as evidence that Zong Zhou was Hojing. However, "chao" only means that the departure is in the morning of a certain day, and it is not directly related to the arrival time later. "Shangshu Summoning" has "the dynasty steps from Zhou, then as for Feng", it is about King Cheng starting from Zhou Yuan in the morning and staying after arriving in Feng, which is the same thing as "Bi Ming", and does not indicate that he arrived on the same day. There is a sentence in the inscription of the order of the Ming Dynasty, "October Yue Ji Guiwei, Ming Gong Dynasty as for Cheng Zhou", from the previous text, we know that Ming Gong set off shortly after August Dinghai, more than a month earlier than the arrival of October Guiwei, and the "Chao" here only indicates the morning of the day of arrival, and has nothing to do with the departure time.
During the reign of King Zhao, the commemorative inscriptions made by foreign nobles due to the court show that the capital was still in Zhouyuan. The inscription of Mai Fangzun records that the king of Zhou ordered the Marquis of Xing to be sealed in Xing, and the Marquis of Xing first met in the Zhou Dynasty. There is no mistake (from the inscription on the book, it can be seen that the court will visit the meeting and will stay in Zongzhou for a period of time). When he arrived in Beijing (Ho Jing) on the way to the seal, it coincided with the King of Zhou feasting on the nobility in Ho Beijing
Worship. The next day, the king of Zhou took Xinghou together to give a great gift to Biyong, and encouraged and rewarded Xinghou. Judging from the 200 families granted to the ministers in the later text, this has the meaning of sending off the Marquis of Xing [38]. Xinghou met in Zhouyuan, and then stayed in Haojing for a while, and went to Xingdi to seal it, all the way to the east. The text is smooth. It is also recorded in the book of the Zhao Dynasty, which records that the nobleman of the Cheng Zhou Dynasty went to Zong Zhou to report on his work (see Obey Zong Zhou), and after staying for more than a month, the King of Zhou sent him back. When Gongtai Shi traveled to Fengyi, he rewarded the accompanying book. From Zhouyuan to Fengyi and then to Chengzhou, all the way east, so the understanding is also very smooth. If the Zong Zhou was understood as Hojing according to the previous understanding, it is necessary to explain why Gongtaishi returned to Chengzhou but first traveled westward. Judging from the two inscriptions of Mai Fangzun and Zuo Shu, after the establishment of the ruling structure of the two capitals of Zongzhou and Chengzhou, Fenghao was a necessary place for the Western Zhou nobles to travel between the east and Zongzhou (according to the historical road, Fenghao was also the hub of the southeast to Zongzhou). Throughout the Western Zhou Dynasty, the kings of Zhou repeatedly visited the eastern capital of Chengzhou, and their travels between Zongzhou and Chengzhou were bound to stay in Fenghao. In addition to the factors of the old civil and military capital and the safari ground (see Part II of this article), transportation should also be an important reason [39].
After King Zhao, with the increase in stylized canonical gold documents, we can see many administrative records of the appointment of officials by the Zhou king in the Zhou land. Except for a few records of the Zhou kings in Zhengdi, which are not covered in this article, Zhou Yuan is undoubtedly the most important western capital. Many scholars have pointed out that Zhou Yuan was the de facto capital of the middle and late Western Zhou Dynasty based on the unearthed gold inscriptions, and now we know that Zhou Yuan was a veritable capital city based on the fact that Zhou and Zong Zhou were one place, as well as the newly discovered large city that expanded in the late Western Zhou Dynasty.
When the political turmoil in the late Western Zhou Dynasty, the king of Zhou must not be able to live in Zhou Yuan for a long time. But even after the rebellion of the Chinese people and the flight of King Li, Zhou Yuan still seems to be the political center of the dynasty. In the forty-second and forty-third years of the end of King Xuan, the record of the Emperor was ordained in the large room of the Zhou Kangmu Palace is an example. "Poetry, Xiaoya, New Year" cloud: "Hehe Zong Zhou, praise and extinguish." If we accept that Zong Zhou refers to Zhou Yuan, then this document reflects that the capital was in Zhou Yuan until the Western Zhou Dynasty[40]. Archaeological findings have found that the city wall of Zhouyuan was broken by ash pits in the Western Zhou Dynasty, indicating that the city site was abandoned in the Western Zhou Dynasty. A large number of bronze cellars found in Zhou Yuan show that many noble families lived here on the eve of the Inurong invasion. The bronze cellars found at the Fenghao site are far less than those of Zhou Yuan, indicating that the Rongnan spread to Hojing from west to east, and the nobles had more time to prepare for the escape. These archaeological evidences are consistent with the document. The "Guben Bamboo Book Chronicle" records that "(in the tenth year of the Youwang) Bopan and the Youwang both died in the drama (present-day Lintong)"; the "Chinese Lu Yu" also says that "the Youwang died in the play", and it seems that the Youwang fled east after being defeated by the Rong people. However, the "Bamboo Book Chronicle" says that "(in the eleventh year of King You), the Shen people, the Yan people and the dog Rong entered the Zong Zhou and killed the king and Zheng Huangong", which seems to mean that the King of You died in the Zong Zhou. Due to the proximity of Hokyo to the theater, this account may be taken as evidence that Hokyo was the Jong Zhou. However, considering the age of the Present Bamboo Book Chronicle, the validity of this historical material is questionable.
(5) The literature forgets the nature of Zhou Yuan
Next, we will discuss the problem of the loss of the status of Zhou Yuan in the Western Zhou Dynasty in the documents after the Qin and Han dynasties. Zhou Yuan was the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty, but only a few hundred years later, the people of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty actually forgot about this and thought that Haojing was the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty, which was both unexpected and very interesting, and gave us important enlightenment.
Judging from the existing hand-me-down documents, the theory that Zong Zhou was Hojing was already popular in the last years of the Warring States period, so that it would be adopted by "Mao's Poems" and "Historical Records" and become the dominant statement in later generations. But we do not rule out that there were other theories at that time, and even the circulation of correct knowledge. Sima Qian said in the praise of "Historical Records of Zhou Benji": "Scholars are all called Zhou Fa Xuan, Juluoyi, but in fact, it is not. King Wu camp, Cheng Wang envoy summoned the prince to live, lived in Jiudingyan, and Zhou Fu was full of pickaxes. Until the dog defeated the king of You, Zhou Nai migrated east to Luoyi. It can be seen that Sima Qian's view that he had seen Duluoyi of the Western Zhou Dynasty was only based on his understanding of the history of the Western Zhou Dynasty (such as Wuwang Du Hao), and he adopted Zong Zhou's statement in Feng Hao. From the documents cited above, it can be seen that the geographical knowledge of Qiyang Zhou Yuan was passed down from the Warring States period to the Han Dynasty, and it was no longer clear where "Zong Zhou" meant at that time. This may be because "Zong Zhou" was originally a formal term with political connotations during the Western Zhou Dynasty, and as the political situation changed, the place to which the term "Zong Zhou" referred also changed during the Spring and Autumn Period. "The Biography of Mu Tianzi, Volume 4" "from the west of the Zhou Dynasty", "the Book of Rites and Sacrifices" "that is, the palace is in the Zongzhou", Zheng Xuan's note "Zhou both went to Haojing, and the royal city is still known as Zongzhou", indicating that "Zongzhou" may have been used to refer to the Luoyang royal city where the king of Zhou was located in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty, which is the source of Sima Qian's so-called "scholars are all called". With the long-term political division and the decline of the status of the Zhou Dynasty, "Zong Zhou" was probably rarely used in the Warring States period, and "Zong Zhou" in the Western Zhou Dynasty was no longer common knowledge in Eastern countries.
On the other hand, from the perspective of the social memory of Zongzhou's hometown, the population of Guanzhong was dispersed after the war in the Western Zhou Dynasty, and the number of "Zhou remnants" collected by the Qin people after their arrival was not very large, because the archaeological remains of the early Spring and Autumn Period were rare in Guanzhong. The ruins of Zhouyuan quickly decayed, and there were no remnants of the Spring and Autumn Period in the surrounding area, and it was not until the late Warring States period that the settlement reappeared. In this case, the Qin people may have limited knowledge of Zhou Yuan's past. The story of King Taiwang's relocation has been handed down, but the less commonly used upper-class cultural term "Zongzhou" is still understood only by the upper class.
Compared with Zhou Yuan's oblivion, the Qin people still have a certain understanding of Feng Hao, and "Zuo Chuan: The Fifteenth Year of the Duke of Xu" records that "Qin was returned to the Marquis of Jin...... Naisha Zhulingtai", indicating that there were still buildings and could be used in the Lingtai during the reign of Qin Mugong [41]. "Historical Records: Qin Shi Huang Benji": "The envoy passed through Huayin Pingshu Road from the night of Kanto, and someone held a bi to cover the envoy and said: 'For my legacy, I will leave the pond king. Zhang Yan said: "King Wu is a pickaxe, and King Wu is also a king of picks." It shows that the legend of King Wu is spread in the local area of Feng Ho. There are many relics of Qin culture at the Fenghao site, such as the Spring and Autumn Tomb in Huayuan Village, the Warring States Period Site and the Qin Tomb in Kexingzhuang. The story of Feng Ho may be passed down through the Lingtai and the Pickaxe Pond.
In the process of unification, Qin began to emphasize the legitimacy of the Western Zhou Dynasty through its historical traditions, and it is said that Zhou Taishi Dan said to Qin Xiangong that "the first Zhou and the Qin state will be united and separated, and they will be reunited for five hundred years, and the overlord will come out at the age of seventeen" ("Historical Records of the Zhou Dynasty"), reflecting this political intention. It was also during the period of dedication to the prince, the capital of Qin, Liyang. Later, it was all Xianyang. Due to the close proximity of the Fenghao site, the relocation of the capital of the Qin state to the eastern part of Guanzhong was also related to the eastward expansion and conquest of the world, and Fenghao, as the old capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty, was linked to the legitimacy of the Qin capital. "Historical Records: The First Emperor of Qin" said: "The first emperor thought that there were many people in Xianyang, and the court of the first king was small. I heard that King Wen of Zhou is Feng, and King Wu is pickaxe. Between Feng Ho, the capital of the emperor is also. It is the camp as the palace in the south of the forest garden. The concept of "between Feng Ho, the capital of the emperor" can easily derive sayings such as "Hojing is the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty" and "Hojing is the capital of Zongzhou". Subsequently, the Han Dynasty built Chang'an, the capital of the Qin Dynasty, and this concept may have been further strengthened during the Western Han Dynasty. In short, Feng Ho's belief that the Zong Zhou may have started with the Qin people. When it is included in an influential document such as the "Historical Records", it becomes "correct" historical knowledge.
The capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty is only a simple matter of fact, and it seems that everyone should know the knowledge of the Eastern Zhou people, but it has been misremembered in the documents formed hundreds of years after the fall of the Western Zhou Dynasty, which seems to be an unbelievable phenomenon, which once again reminds us that the inheritance of historical knowledge does not depend on its correctness. As a historical researcher, we should remain skeptical even in the face of the most widely circulated documents (the issue of the capital city of the Western Zhou Dynasty has been litigated for a long time, and the important reason is that the traditional theory has not been reviewed). Of course, this is also the charm of historical research.
2. Also on the Beijing issue
The Jing in the Jin text is a matter of divergent opinion in the study of the history of the Western Zhou Dynasty. Jing is a place visited by the king of Zhou many times, and it is one of the centers of the Western Zhou Dynasty, but it is still inconclusive which place in the literature is so far. The determination of Beijing involves the status of a series of place names such as Zongzhou, Feng, Hao, and Zhou, and is related to the overall understanding of the history of the Western Zhou Dynasty.
The character has not yet been recognized, but many scholars believe that it has nothing to do with the "pickaxe" of "Hojing", and that "Jing" and "Zongzhou" appear at the same time in the two inscriptions, not in the same place, and the Qin and Han dynasties all believed that Haojing was Zongzhou. Based on these two reasons, the current academic community generally believes that Jing will not be the pickaxe Jing in the literature. In the first part of this article, the author argues that Zong Zhou should refer to Zhou Yuan, not Ho Jing, and the second reason mentioned above is no longer valid. This part is going to analyze the relevant information of the word "" and revisit the Ho Kyung theory, which is rarely supported at present. Jing is the pickaxe Jing in the literature, which can solve many problems in the current research, so that Feng, Hao, Zhou, Zong Zhou, and Cheng Zhou have their own belongings.
(1) The problem of the party
There are more than 20 records of "Jing" and "" in the known Jinwen materials (both from the early to the late Western Zhou Dynasty), and the frequency is ranked after "Zhou", "Chengzhou" and "Zongzhou". From these records, we can know the names of a few palaces in Beijing (Shanggong, Xugong, Damur, Zhongyue, Xuegong), there are Biyong, Dachi nearby, and the king of Zhou often goes to hunting, sacrificing, and rewarding, especially from the inscription of Wu Huding, we can know that it should be not far northwest of Bi. On the basis of this information, scholars have mostly examined Beijing through the historical background and the interpretation of the character "". In the past, the understanding of Jing was summarized mainly as Ho Jing Shuo, Feng Jing Shuo, and Fang Shuo [42]. There are important differences in the details of the various statements (e.g., where the "square" is located). Liu Yu, Lu Liancheng, Zhao Qingmiao, and others have a clear summary of this, and will not repeat it in this article [43]. In the past 40 years, Ho Jing said that only Li Xueqin and Zhou Hongwei seemed to support it, and Feng Jing said that because there was another Fengdi in the Jin text, where King Zhou repeatedly appeared, it could correspond to Feng in the literature, and no one still supported it[44]. At present, the mainstream view in the academic circles is to read "Fang" as "Fang" or "side", and it is believed to be the "Fang" in the "Invasion of the Pickaxe and Fang" in "Xiao Ya June", and the specific location is near the Fenghao site. However, there are many questions about the evidence on which this view is based.
First of all, the "Fang" in "Xiao Ya June" is a place name in the north of Zhou according to the meaning and old note, not near Fenghao in the hinterland area. The context in which "Fang" appears is "
The bandit Ru, the whole dwelling in Jiao Sui, invaded the pickaxe and Fang, as for Jingyang", the direction of the place names before and after is relatively clear, and the pickaxe and Fang can only be between Jiao Sui and Jingyang. "Xiao Ya Out of the Car" cloud "The king ordered Nanzhong to go to the city in the square." Get out of the car Peng Peng, and get out of the Yangyang. The Son of Heaven ordered me to be the other side of the city. Hehe Nanzhong, Qiang Yu Xiang", indicating that the north of Zhou has a square land. Handed
The inscription of Situ Axe "Situ Beizheng Artemisia Lu (?)" indicates that there were also Artemisia lands in the north of Zhou. In order to prove that this Artemisia is the hinterland of Haojing, Mr. Liu Yu assumed that the Zhou division had been expelled to the south of Haojing, so Yun "marched north". However, this is tantamount to saying that Hojing has fallen, and the "northern expedition" of Jiyun should have a base in the south, and 20 kilometers south of Hojing has been the Qinling Mountains. In order to prove that "Fang" is the hinterland, Mr. Huang Shengzhang and Mr. Du Yong proposed that "Invasion and Fang" refers to the destination of the invasion, not to reach the place, but this does not conform to the usage of "invasion" and "as for" in excavated and handed down documents, which Mr. Zhao Qingmiao has well elaborated [45]. In short, it is unconvincing to believe that Fang Di wanted to overturn the ancient theories in the vicinity of Feng Ho, but also failed to smooth the original meaning of the original text of "June".
Secondly, Fang said that the inscription of Gao Gong (integrated 5431) reads, "Wang Chu."
The "side" of "side" is regarded as a different text of "", and the argument "" should be read as "square" or "side". However, the "亼" above the word "" is inverted, which is a stable side in the ancient characters, and is not the same as that of "side"
"General, there are no examples of falsification. Gao 卣 for a long time, the existing is a copy of the Song Dynasty, the word "side"
", and "
"The word (Chu 簋) omits or mutilates the "茻" character after the " character
"Similar, it may be a mistaken copy of the Song people. There are more than 20 existing inscriptions of "Jing", and none of them is written as "Panjing". In this case, it is not appropriate to use an inscription that does not see its original appearance as evidence.
Thirdly, Fang said that the reason for excluding the Hojing theory is that there are already places where the word "Artemisia" is written in the Jin Wen and oracle bones, such as:
German Fang Ding (integration 2661): Only the king of March is in Chengzhou, and the king of Yanwu is artemisia and salty. Wang Ci Debei Twenty Peng, as a treasure Zun Yi.
Zhou Yuan oracle bone H11:117: Ancestral hall from Artemisia in Zhou.
Zhou Yuan oracle bone H11:20: Ancestral hall from Artemisia Yufeng.
Fang said that "Artemisia" refers to the "Hojing" in the literature, so Jing naturally can no longer be Hojing. However, Mr. Li Xueqin has pointed out that "Artemisia" should be read as "suburbs" [46]. The meaning of the inscription of the German Ding is that the gods of King Wu are sacrificed from "Artemisia" to Chengzhou, and the oracle bones of Zhou Yuan mean that they choose to sacrifice in Zhou or Feng, and the places where the gods are welcomed are "Artemisia". It is understood that it is natural to welcome the gods from the outskirts of the city of Chengzhou (Luoyang), Zhou (Zhouyuan), or Feng (Fengxi)[47]. If "Artemisia" is understood as a pickaxe, it means to Luoyang and Zhou Yuan to welcome the gods from hundreds of miles away, which obviously does not make sense[48]. Therefore, although several cases of "Artemisia" in the inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty can be used as a false text for "pickaxe", they do not refer to the pickaxe capital.
Finally, and most importantly, there is a lack of philological basis for pronouncing the character "" as "Fang". Fang said to analyze the "" word from the word, ""sound, analogy"
（蒿）”“
(Chun)" and other words with "high" and "tun" as the sound notes, this may be very large, but it is already speculation. Fang said that further speculation is "from the sound of "" and "Fang", which is somewhat taken for granted [49]. Mr. Li Xueqin once commented: "A misleading way about this note is to think that it is the sound of the lower half of the 'square'. The second half of the 'square' is not necessarily from the 'square' sound, and this sound note has never been seen as 'square'. [50] This is a very sober and pertinent opinion," "It is not necessarily read." Moreover, from the perspective of textual interpretation, it is speculated that the pronunciation should be verified by word examples, but Fang Wei has not been able to provide sufficient word examples to prove that "" should be read "Fang".
Looking back at the controversy over Hojing's theory and Fangshuo's theory, scholars such as Wu Dashi, Chen Mengjia, and Li Xueqin, who held Hojing's theory, generally looked at the big picture, and although "the character cannot analyze its phonetic meaning", based on the important position of Jing in the Western Zhou Dynasty, the title of Jing, and the existence of Biyong, etc., it is believed that only the historical Hojing can be comparable[51].
The scholars who hold the argument also recognize that the Biyong and Dachi of the Zhou king's fishing and hunting in Beijing are very consistent with the Biyong, Xiyi, and Yichi near Haojing described in the "Book of Songs", but they think that "none of them can be understood with the sound of the pickaxe"[52], so they deny the possibility of Haojing and claim that the capital is near Haojing. This means that there was a very important capital in the Western Zhou Dynasty, but it was not well known in history, and the famous Hojing in the literature was completely absent in the Jin text. In the past, it was explained that the reason why Ho Jing was not seen was because Jin Wen called it "Zong Zhou", but the first part of this article has argued that Zong Zhou actually refers to Zhou Yuan, not Ho Jing. In this case, it is possible that Kyo is Hokyo is very large. If we can verify that Kyung is Hokyo at the literal level, the current tortuous and complex problems will become simple and straightforward.
(2) The word "" is measured
The crux of the Beijing problem is that the character "" has not been truly read. It was precisely when Mr. Li Xueqin saw this that he re-explored the "" from the literal level [53]. Although his argument is not accepted because the evidence is not strong, it has shown us the way: first, we should clarify the configuration, sound, and meaning of "". Although rare in paleographic materials, there are two divination words in the oracle bone inscription:
Geng Chenbu, Wang Zhen: I am gone. June. (Collection 20547)
Yi Weifu: Qi Zi Yisi, Hui
。 (Tunnan 768)
One of the "
"And" and "from which the word is derived"
"Obviously one word. Since it is an independent word, it must have a clear sound and meaning. There is not much information about this word, and the author would like to make a bold guess here. The word is from 亼, and the bottom is from the square, and the original meaning of the word can be inspired by the word "order" with the same structure. The paleographic writing of "ling"
The upper one is an upside-down mouth, and the lower one is a kneeling person, and the glyph indicates that the upper and lower commands are given, which is an ideogram. Lin Yiguang's "Wenyuan" Volume 6: "(Order) from the mouth to the people...... The elephant speaks with a trumpet, and the man crouches to listen. "Compare the way of making words" and ""
It may be the original ideographic meaning of the "號令" of "號令" related to the meaning of "order".
The words "number" and "order" can be mutually trained: "Shuowen" "order, issue number". "Yi Juan" "涣 Khan Qi Da No.", Zheng Xuan's note "No., Ling Ye" ("Anthology Tokyo Fu" note quoted in "Yi" Zheng Note). In the classics, the words "號" and "order" are often said in succession, such as:
"Chinese Yue Yu Shang": "Yue Wang Gou Jian perched on the Huiji, and it was ordered to the three armies to say: Where my father, brother Kundi and Guozi are surnamed ......" "Rites and Moon Order": "(The Moon of the Autumn Season) is the month, and the order is strictly enforced." "Wu Zi Lishi": "The husband sends an order and people are happy to hear it, the teacher moves the people and people are happy to fight, and the soldiers are happy to die." These three are also the things that the master of man can rely on. "The Book of Rites: Commentary": "The number is issued and the people say that it is the harmony, and the upper and lower blind dates are called benevolence." ”
All this shows that the relationship between "number" and "order" is very close. At the same time, there is a clear difference between the two. The object of the "號" meaning of "號令" is not a specific individual, but a plural of three armies, people, people, or a region, such as:
"Zhuangzi Tian Zifang": "Why not call in the country and say: 'Those who do not have this way and serve for this will die for their crimes!' So mourn the five days of the public number, and there is no one in the country of Lu who dares to obey Confucianism. Lu Deming's "Commentary": "No., No. order." "Lü's Spring and Autumn Season: Huai Pet": "The old soldiers entered the enemy's realm...... As for the outskirts of the country...... The first voice came out: 'The soldiers are also coming, to save the death of the people.' High temptation: "No., order." "The Book of Rites and Music": "The bell is sonorous, the sonorous is to stand up, the number is to stand horizontally, and the horizontal is to stand up." Zheng Xuan's note: "No., the order is so the police are also." ”
This connotation of "號" is exactly the same as "
The word corresponds from the inverted mouth, so we can understand that its glyph indicates the issuance of orders to a place or an area. Later, one of the meanings of the word "號", which refers to the transmission of information over a large area through audible sounds or visual signs (not limited to language and writing), should come from this original meaning.
The word "" itself is not common, and the word from "" in the golden text is only ""
, the latest belongs to the middle of the Spring and Autumn Period (
）。 None of the above characters are found in Shuowen, indicating that the ideogram of "號" in this "號令" may have been replaced by other characters in an earlier period. The character "號" that was later popularized was first seen in Lao Gui in the middle of the Western Zhou Dynasty. in the inscription
, Mr. Zhang Guangyu is subordinate
, which Mr. Chen Jian reads as "swamp" [54]. The left part of the word is from the number, Mr. Zhang Fuhai analyzed the shape of the "number" under the number and said: "Zishan number, so the word "number" is from the mouth from the province. [55] During the Warring States Period, the "number" (
Xihui 269;
Wangshan Jian), as well as the "number" in the Sleeping Tiger Land Qin Jian and Qin Zhao version, are developed from this type of form.
"Speaking of the Text: The Ministry of Words": "諕, 號也, from the words of the tiger." Duan Yu commented: "This is the same as the phonetic meaning of the trumpet, and the mouth bluff is also read as Ruohui." Where the sound of the trumpet tiger is the fiercest, so they are all from the tiger. The note points to a series of words for the call sign from the tiger. In this way, there are several sources of the character "號", and the characters from the number and tiger later replaced the early ideogram of "號" of the "號令" (the exact time is not clear).
(c)
Word case analysis
The above article analyzes the configuration of "", and proposes that it may be the first ideogram of the "號" of "號令". Below we explore the word examples of zigzags.
The word "from, from. "" as a sound note, "茻" as a meaning note, indicating that the grass and trees are lush. The scope of use in the Western Zhou Jin Wen is very narrow, and almost all of them are used as place names, that is, the word "pickaxe" of "Hojing" in later documents. The ancient pronunciation of "pickaxe" belongs to the box mother and the sound of "" is "number", which also belongs to the box mother and the house, and the pronunciation of the two is the same. There is a lot of evidence in the hand-me-down documents and excavated texts, such as: "Shuowen"
, earth and skull. from
Trumpet. Reading Ruohao";
, the stone is like jade. From the sound of the jade trumpet. Reading Ruohao"; Peking University Han Jian's "Anti-Prostitution" "contains the bow of the black horn", and the "bow of the black horn" is the "bow of the black number" in the literature; the "Book of Days" of the Sleeping Tiger Land Qin Jian's "Xingxing Ancestral Hall" "its meaning is called Da Changxing", and "謞" should be read as "number". "" is the original character of "pickaxe" of "pickaxe", and "pickaxe" is a later borrowed word. In addition to being used as a place name in the Western Zhou Dynasty Jin Wen, only different usages can be seen in the inscription, so it has become the key to determining the pronunciation of "". This inscription is well-known for its involvement in the Western Zhou dynasty of the retainer system, but there are still some interpretive problems and deviations in the overall understanding [56]. The following is a relevant paragraph, and then explain the author's reason:
Only the king was born in the tenth month of Dinghai, Rong Ji entered the right Mao, set up the middle court, Rong Bo called for Mao and said: In the ancestral examination of the death of Si Rong's office, the former ancestor also made the death of the father, not Xuan,
My family mourns. Today, Yu Fei dared to perform the first public and then Sui, Yu Mao was the first official, and now Yu only ordered you to die in the palace and people, and you did not dare to be unkind. Four ......
The former ancestor also caused his father to die......
In the past, your grandfather made your father ruler. In the past, people were understood as the people of Beijing, but the author believes that "" should be read as "artemisia" or "薧", which means cemetery. "Hanshu Guangling Li Wang Xu Biography" "Artemisia summons Xi Guo Men to read", Yan Shigu notes "Artemisia, dead man". This meaning is also written in the book as "薧", "Shuowen Death Department" "薧, the dead man's inside", and "Jade Chapter: Death Department" "薧, 薧li, Huangquan also, the dead man's inside". The inscription on the Zeng Ji Wuxian pot during the Warring States period says: "Only the twenty years of the king, the saint."
The wife of Zeng Ji is useless, and my house is incomparable. Mr. Liu Xinfang pointed out that the "Artemisia Xian" in the inscription refers to the cemetery, and the "鄗閒□Sheng" in the Chu official seal belonged to the officials who managed the cemetery [57]. The people in the inscription are the people who manage the tombs, that is, the subordinates of officials such as the tomb people and tomb doctors of the Zhou Dynasty, and Mao's father once held the position of the tomb people of the Rong family.
No, my family is mourning.
When something unfortunate (referring to someone dies), it is delivered to my house for funeral purposes. "Cup" through "Shu", training goodness, "not Shu" is still unlucky. "Yi Zhou Shu Duyi": "Wang Naisheng Fen Zhifu looked at Shangyi, and sighed forever and said: 'Woohoo is not ladylike!'" 弼 also has the meaning of sadness and pity, which is interpreted as not being blessed by heaven's mercy.
When Mr. Qiu Xigui interpreted the word "", he had reinterpreted the word Mao according to the glyph. "" means to pay and [58].
, the glyph is "
", the old interpretation is "", read as "column", or think that it is not known. The reason for interpreting "" is that the lower half of the word is recognized as "Zhu" or "Shu", and the whole character is considered to be related to 彔博
The "" in the cover (integrated 4302) is the same. In the case that "take" should be interpreted as "", pay for the funeral of "the minister of my family's pillars", and the meaning of the text is obviously incomprehensible. Carefully observe the rubbing, you can see that the upper end of the zigzag under the "hole" is arrow-shaped, and the lower end is divided into two parts, which is different from "Zhu" and "bundle", and should be interpreted as "yellow". This way of writing is the closest to the writing of "yellow" in the late Shang Dynasty, and it is different from the writing style of adding a horizontal in the general circle of the Western Zhou Dynasty. However, in the late Western Zhou Dynasty, the "yellow" from which this and Xuan Shengwei were derived can still be seen in the way of writing without horizontal drawing (Fig. 5).
From the acupoint, from the yellow word should be interpreted as "圹 (壙)", the acupoint is the symbol, and the yellow is the sound note. "Saying Wen Tubu": "Circle, trench also." The word "圹" refers to the tomb in the three "rites", such as "Rites and Rites", "As for the coffin, the clothes are contained." "Zhou Li, Fang Xiang's" "Great funeral, the first coffin." and the tomb, enter the circle, and hit the four corners with Ge".
Mourning, originally refers to the death of a person, "Shu Jinteng" "King Wu is mourning", by extension, refers to the etiquette of mourning the dead, and "Analects of the Eight Hundreds" "mourning is not mourning". "With mourning" is a complement to the object "圹", which limits the use of 圹.
Today, Yu Fei dared to serve as the first public and then the first official, and Yu Mao was the first official......
Now I dare not trample on the old burial path of the cemetery, so I try to use the officials of the first cemetery[59]. 履, the old interpretation of "dream (dream)", through "contempt";
Nowadays, scholars have generally changed the interpretation of "shoes". Mr. Qiu Xigui has analyzed in detail several ways to write the character "履" in the Western Zhou Jinwen, among which the "履" in the inscription is very close to this character [60]. Comparing Figure 6, it can be seen that it adds an eyebrow-shaped "page" from the top, and the lower part is from the boat, omitting the "sign" side, and there should be no doubt about the interpretation of "shoes". "Shoes" means to trample, such as "Xiaoya Xiaomin" "like facing the abyss, like walking on thin ice".
"萑遂", the old interpretation is "advance and retreat", and now it is read as "old tunnel". The glyph of "萑"
The vertical pen on the left side of the word is not like the "辵" side, it may only be the damage to the surface of the bronze, so the interpretation of "in" is not accurate. In oracle bone inscriptions, "萑" is often used as the "old" for "new" (Fig. 7)[61], and the addition of "mortar" under the Western Zhou Jinwen can be regarded as an additional phonetic note, so it is inferred that "萑" originally had the pronunciation of "old". "Sui" is read as "tunnel", "Jade Chapter, Fubu", "tunnel, tomb road", "Zuo Chuan, Twenty-five Years of Duke Xu", "King of the Jin Dynasty." Wang Xiangli, the blessing of fate. Please, Föhsh". Rong Gong was a nobleman at the level of the Western Zhou Dynasty, and it is certain that his tomb has a tomb road.
This sentence of the inscription explains the reason for the use of Mao - the activities in the cemetery did not dare to damage the existing tombs of the ancestors, and Mao's father knew the situation of the Rong Gong family cemetery best. "Rites", "Zhou Li" and other documents have the following descriptions of the duties of the tomb people:
"Etiquette and Funeral": "The house, the tomb camp." Zheng Xuan's note: "The tomb people, there are those who are in charge of the trillions of the cemetery, and the camp is also dudu." "Zhou Li, Diguan, Tomb People": "The tomb people are in charge of the cemetery, distinguish its trillion domain and make a map, and the burial of the first king is in the middle, with Zhaomu as the left and right. All the princes dwelled before the left and right, and the princes and scholars dwelt behind, and each of them belonged to his clan. Whoever dies in the army will not enter the trillion domain. Those who have merit are in the forefront. Take the rank as the degree of the mound seal and the number of trees. On the day of the great funeral, please pay for it, and then it will be a corpse. And the pipe, with the degree as the mound and tunnel, the mourning tool. and burial, the words of the car like a man. and the hole, holding the axe, and then hid the murder weapon. The main tomb position, the tomb area, and the tomb are forbidden. Whoever sacrifices to the grave is a corpse. All princes and ministers who are buried in the tomb shall be forbidden to give them signs and stomp on them. ”
According to the literature cited above, the tomb person is in charge of granting Zhaoyu, the main tomb, building the tomb, the tomb road, the tomb mound, etc., according to the scale, and drawing drawings to help manage. Although the inscription only mentions the pit and the tomb, it is clear that it can be compared with the literature.
Today, Yu only ordered you to die in the palace, and the people ......
Now I order you to be in charge of the construction of the cemetery and the caretaker. It is not only a cemetery, but also a building for sacrificial activities in the cemetery. There are some discoveries of tomb buildings in the aristocratic cemeteries of the Western Zhou Dynasty, but no large-scale buildings have been found in later generations. Now that there is documentary evidence, future archaeological excavations should pay more attention to revealing the form of cemetery architecture [62]. According to the records of the "Zhou Li", there are hundreds of people under the mound people, such as the government, history, Xu, and disciples.
To sum up, Rong Bo's words to Mao are to the effect that Mao's grandfather and father are both subordinates of the Rong family, and Mao's grandfather asked Mao's father to manage the cemetery for the Rong family. When someone dies, it is paid for by Mao's father (of course, there are other burial matters, but the inscription does not go into details). Now Rong Bo did not dare to damage the tomb of the first father, so he used Mao as an official and continued to manage the cemetery building and the people who guarded the cemetery for the Rong family. In the past, there were problems with the reading of the characters "壙", "履", and "舊", and the meaning of the text was not well dredged; However, from the inscription of Chu Wei (4246-4249), it is known that it was directly appointed by the king of Zhou and was a royal domain[63]. Rong Bo should not have the right to hand over the palace and people here to his own retainers to manage. Now we believe that the palace and the people are actually the cemetery buildings and the tomb keepers, so that the inscriptions can really be read through [64].
The inscription is a rare Western Zhou Dynasty document related to cemetery management, and its content deserves further in-depth study from multiple perspectives, but for the purpose of this study, its most important significance is to explain that "" can be pretended to be "薧", which provides evidence of the pronunciation of the character "". Let's take a look at the two divination words in the Shang Dynasty oracle bone inscriptions:
Geng Chenbu, Wang Zhen: I am gone. June. (Collection 20547)
B is uncertain: Qi Ziyi, Hui. (Tunnan 768)
The word "徝" in the first divination means "patrol" here, and there are two types of words that follow it. The first type is noun place names, as objects, such as "Wang Xifang" and "Wang Xi".
The second category is verbs, such as "Wang Xiva."
Fang" and "Wang Zheng" (Collection 7231), "va" and "zheng" are both verbs, which can be understood as a linked patrol expedition ("zheng" may also mean expropriation), and the word "徝" may also be read off after it. The first "" after the divination, the "oracle bone script forest" is interpreted as a place name, but the author thinks it can be understood as the verb "號", Wang Zhen asked: whether it is a patrol order. The oracle bone inscription records that the Shang king was on a certain side many times, and the "Lü's Spring and Autumn Huai Pet" said that when the army entered the enemy's territory, it was necessary to "speak out"; and the "Zhuangzi Tianzi Fang" "why not be in the middle of the country". The governors, party officials, and other officials under the Zhou Li Di Guan spoke several times about gathering the people and reading the state law, which illustrates the importance of assemblies and oral preaching in ancient times (and still do today).
"Is" in Article 2 is a title. The similarity in the structure of the oracle bone inscription is "Gong Si"
Si" is the deceased who is sacrificed. It may be read as the "number" of the name and the name. "Zhou Li, Da Zhu" "distinguish six numbers, one is called the god number, the second is the ghost number, the third is the show number, the fourth is the animal number, the fifth is the thunder number, and the sixth is the coin number". "Isi" is probably equivalent to the ghost number and the show number, and it is the name of the object of sacrifice. "Zhou Li, Chunguan, Male Witch" says that "male witches hold the name of worship, Wangyan, and conferral of titles", which shows that the title of the god to be sacrificed is conferred by the sorcerer. It is possible that this divination is about the choice of a ghost name.
Through the above analysis, the author believes that the original "pickaxe" of Ho Jing was originally changed from "號" and "" to the word "high" after the Eastern Zhou Dynasty. The Kyo-kyo in the Jin Bun-ri is supposed to be the Ho-kyo in the hand-me-down literature.
(4) Ho Kyung in the literature and Kyung in Jin Wen
Below, we will examine the function and status of Hojing in the Western Zhou Dynasty by comparing the records of Hojing in hand-me-down documents and the unearthed Jinwen on Beijing. The records of the Hojing area are relatively rich in the hand-me-down documents, mainly in the Book of Songs.
"Daya Wenwang Voice": "Fengshui East Note, Wei Yu's achievements." The four sides are united, and the emperor is maintained. The emperor is unconvinced, from west to east, from south to north. The Emperor is the King of Kabwei, and the house is Hojing. Wei Turtle Zhengzhi, Wu Wang Chengzhi. "Xiaoya Fish Algae": "The fish is in the algae, and there is a head awarded." The king is in the pickaxe, and he is not happy to drink. The fish is in the algae, and there is a tail. The king is in the pickaxe, drinking and having fun. The fish is in the algae, depending on its pu. The king is in the pickaxe, and there is his dwelling. "Zhou Song, Zhenlu": "Zhenlu is flying, and Pixi is flying." I am polite, and I am also Srong. There is no evil in it, and there is no evil here. A few nights of dreams, with eternal reputation. ”
"Xiaoya Baihua": "Baihua is sloppy, and white grass is bundled." The son is far away, and I am alone. Yingying Baiyun, Lu Pi Kanmao. The days are difficult, and the son is not the same. The pond flows north, dipping the rice fields. Xiao Ge is sad and misses the people of Bishuo. Qiao Bi sang salary, and it was baked in the simmer. Wei Bishuo people, hard work my heart. The drum bell is in the palace, and the sound is heard outside. Thoughts are sorrowful, and they regard me as a step. There are cranes in the beams, and cranes in the forest. Wei Bishuo people, hard work my heart. The mandarin duck is in the beam, and the left wing ...... "Daya Lingtai": "Through the beginning of the Lingtai, through the camp." The common people attack it, and it will not be successful. Don't be anxious at the beginning, the common people come. The king is in the confinement of the spirit, and the deer is in wait. The deer is wet, and the white bird is white. The king is in the spirit swamp, and the fish jumps in the mot. The industry is a fir and a drum is a drum. On the drum bell, in the music of the Yong. On the drum bell, in the music of the Yong. The drums meet. Reclining Gong. "Mozi Ming Ghost": "King Xuan of Zhou killed his minister Du Bo and did not live up, Du Bo said: 'My king killed me and did not live up, if the dead are ignorant, then stop.'" If I die and have knowledge, within three years I will make it known to you. In its three years, King Xuan of Zhou joined the princes and the fields were in the garden, and the field carts were hundreds of times, from thousands, and the people were full of wilderness. In the middle of the day, Du Bo rode a white horse in a plain car, Zhu Yiguan, held a Zhu bow, carried Zhu Ya, chased King Zhou Xuan, shot on the car, the center folded the ridge, and died in the car. "Chinese Zhou Yushang": "Du Bo shoots the king Yu Yan." ”
The above-mentioned documents describe the scenery in the area of Haojing, including Biyong, Xiyu, Huangchi, rice fields, fish beams, Lingyuan, Lingmarsh, aquatic plants, water birds, fish, and deer, which are concentrated in the water environment, which is due to the fact that the Fenghao area mostly originates from the water system and ponds and marshes in the Qinling Mountains; the activities of the Zhou kings mentioned include drinking and living in peace, drumming, and hunting, which is due to the fact that there are many fish and birds in the waters, and there are many wild beasts in the Nanshan Mountains, which are suitable for building the ruler's garden, and the most famous one is of course the Lingyuan of King Wen cited above[65].
Examining the Jinwen of the Western Zhou Dynasty, there are a small number of ordination and sacrifices that occurred in Beijing, and the rest can be divided into three categories (Table 3). The first category is the fishing and hunting, wine enjoyment and related activities of the king of Zhou, which mostly occur from April to August, and are seen in Mai Fangzun, Jing Ding, Bo Tang Father Ding, Qi Gui, Jing Gui, Jing Di, and Lao Gui, accounting for a large proportion. The scenery that appears in the inscription is Biyong, Pichi, Dachi, Da Marsh, Zhoulong, fish, Hong Bird, Tiger, White Deer, and White Wolf, which are completely consistent with the scenery of Hojing reflected in the literature. The inscription "Wang is in Beijing, calling for fishing in the big pond, and Wang enjoys wine" is very similar to the content of "Fish Algae". In addition, in the inscription of Chu Gui, Chu was ordered to "Si Despise the official inner master boat", which also corresponds to the fact that there are more boats and boats near Hojing.
The second category is the reward given by the king of Zhou to the local nobles at all levels when he arrived in Beijing, which can be found in
Fang Ding, Bai Jiang Ding, Yu Ding, Xian Gui, Shi Mao pot, also accounted for a considerable proportion, these bronze vessels belong to the local nobles in Beijing, often unearthed in the Feng Ho site.
The third type is the king of Zhou in Beijing", sometimes with fishing and hunting activities successively, seen in Shishang Zhuqi, Mai Fangzun, Gao Dian, Xiaochen Jing, Bo Tang Father Ding. Due to the differences in the understanding of the word "", the specific meaning of this kind of content is still unclear, and the author will only talk about a little immature idea here.
There are two kinds of opinions on "" in the academic circles, one is that "" is a kind of sacrifice, and the other is that it has nothing to do with the sacrifice and is read as "pavilion", or understood as "food" [66]. In addition to the number of "jing" in the Western Zhou Jin text, there are other examples of words that should also be considered uniformly, such as:
Ding (Integration 2740): King of the Empire Vadongyi. Decree of the Sacrifice
Shi Lu said: There is a division with the teacher's family, and then or
伐
。 Fubei. With Cha Gong Bao Zun Ding.
Shu Ding (integration 2708): Bingwu, Wang Xiangshu
Bei Twenty Peng, in the Lang
(a), with the treasure of the father
。 Only the king's chamber, in September. Dogfish. Lv Fangding (integration 2754): The king of the fifth month of the death of Bachen Cairenxu
(?) Room. Lu Yan in the big room. Wang Yi, Lu Jian, Santong, Bei Xianpeng. To the king of Yang Hugh. With Cha Bao
。 [Its] children and grandchildren will use it forever.
Writing the book of the instrument (Ding, Zun, 卣, Jue, 觯)[67]: Taibao Yongyan,
Yanhou Palace, Taibao gave the book of Huanbei, used as the father Xin Bao Zunyi. Geng book.
In the Ding inscription, "" is followed by the personal name "Gong", which constitutes a verb-object phrase to limit the use of the Ding, and "Gong" refers to the above "sacrifice Gong", which is a living person, not the object of sacrifice. In the inscription of the Emperor of the Emperor, "" is the activity carried out by the Shang King in the large room of the Emperor, and in the inscription of the inscription, "" is the activity of the Zhao Gong in the house of the Yan Hou, if it is said to be some kind of sacrifice, but the object of the sacrifice cannot be seen, so this possibility is not large. Judging from the meaning of these inscriptions, it is more reasonable to assume that "" has something to do with food. The glyphs of "" from 宀 and from food may both be symbols, indicating eating indoors. The rest of the part is written in two ways, one is written
, Mr. Chen Hanping and Mr. Wu Kejing believe that it is the word "pill" [68], another work
, which is generally considered to be "夗" (Figure 8). "丸" and "夗" are both Yuanbu characters, which have similar pronunciations and can be replaced, and are likely to have the effect of phonetics. Based on these factors, it is speculated that the word "" may indicate the meaning of the guest of pleasure. Judging from the inscription "Wang Chu Ho" on the high block, it is a relatively important event that the Zhou kings of the past dynasties will hold in Hojing. The author understands that the "Jing" in the Jin text probably refers to the banquet of the local nobles from the king of Zhou to the capital. The second type of thing that happened in Beijing - the king of Zhou's reward to the nobles of Beijing may occur after the feast, and the essence is of course a means of entrapment.
To sum up, the characteristics of the Jing in the unearthed gold inscriptions are the same as those in the handed down documents, which affirms that the Jing is the Hokyo. Jin Wen and documents reflect that there are not many palaces in Hojing, and the activities of King Zhou are rare, and there are no government affairs such as court meetings. Mr. Huang Shengzhang once pointed out: "Wang Lai's residence here (Beijing) is a temporary recreation and entertainment, and the ministers of the hundred officials and the central government are not located here. Mr. Lu Liancheng, Mr. Du Yong, Mr. Zhou Hongwei and others also pointed out the amusement function of Beijing. These written materials correspond to the status and environment of the Fengho site reflected in the archaeological materials. In stark contrast, what happened in the Zhou Dynasty was mainly the large festivals and princely meetings held by the Zhou kings (see Part 1 for details), and there were never fishing, hunting, and other activities. This discrepancy shows that Hojing was not the real political center of the Zhou Dynasty.
(5) Ho Jing Fei Zong Zhou
The Jing in the Jin Wen is the Ho Jing in the handed down documents, and the determination of the Ho Jing allows us to understand that the Zong Zhou in the Western Zhou Dynasty was not the Ho Jing.
Zongzhou was the capital of the Western Zhou Dynasty, but the written materials of the Western Zhou and Spring and Autumn periods do not clearly record the location of Zongzhou. The hand-me-down documents of the Qin and Han dynasties unanimously say that Zong Zhou is Hojing:
"Poetry, Xiaoya, New Year": "Hehe Zong Zhou, praise and extinguish." Mao Chuan: "Zong Zhou, Ho Jing also." "Poetry, Wang Feng, Huang Li": "Huang Li", Min Zong Zhouye. As for Zong Zhou, Dr. Zhou's military service, the palace room of the old Zongmiao, all for the subversion of the Millet and Min Zhou's room, he couldn't bear to go and made a poem. Zheng Jianyun: "Zong Zhou, Ho Jing also, called the Western Zhou." "Huangfu Mi's "Imperial Century": "King Wu is from Feng Juhao, and the princes are Zongzhi, which is for Zong Zhou. However, the bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty will appear in both Zong Zhou and (Ho) Jing:
Shishang Zhuqi (integration 5421, 5422, 5999, 9454): only Wang Dazhen Yu Zongzhou,
In the year of Beijing, in May, when Xin You, Wang Lingshi looked at Shi Yin in Chengzhou.
Mai Fangzun (integration 6015): Wang Lingpi Xinghou out of bad, Hou Yu Xing, if February, Hou saw Yu Zong Zhou, and died. HUI Wangjing,
Worship. If the next day, in Bi
, the king rides in the boat, for the great gift, the king shoots the big fowl, the Hou rides in the red boat from, praise [69], salty. On the day of the king, the king entered the bed with the Hou, and the Hou Xixuan Xuange died.
Scholars Chen Mengjia, Liu Yu, and Yin Shengping pointed out that different place names appearing in the same inscription are not the same place. This view is quite plausible in the context of all the inscriptions involved, and the authors of the ancient inscriptions did not inexplicably refer to a place with two different place names in one paragraph, causing puzzling confusion. The above inscription shows that in the Western Zhou Dynasty written materials, Zongzhou and Haojing are two places, and the statement after the Qin and Han dynasties is unreliable.
In the first part of this article, the author argues that the name "Zong Zhou" was developed on the basis of "Zhou", which has a strong political connotation, and it is actually the same place as "Zhou", and the Western Zhou period refers to Zhou Yuan. Ho Kyung is not Zong Zhou, which is consistent with this conclusion.
In the Western Zhou Dynasty, there was a large garden of the royal family, and the king of Zhou could feast, reward the nobles, fish, hunt and recreation, and train the children of the nobles during his stay;
So far, the capital and main centers of the Western Zhou Dynasty involved in this article can be clearly defined as follows (Table 4): Zhou and Zongzhou refer to Zhou Yuan, Xinyi refers to Zhou in Luoyang, Feng refers to Fengxi, and Jing refers to Haojing and is in Fengdong. The literature and the Jin Wen are all distinct and unmixed.
exegesis
[1] Liu Yu, "Jin Wenjing Kao", Archaeology and Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1982, and Zhu Fenghan, "Shang and Zhou Family Morphology", Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 2004.
[2] "Mencius: Lilouxia": "King Wen was born in Qizhou and died in Bi Ying, and the people of Xiyi are also. "Zhao Qi Note": Qi Zhou, Bi Ying, place names also. The old town of Qishan next week, near Yiyi. "Yi Zhou Shu Zuo Yu": "King Wu has returned, but the year is December to collapse the pickaxe, and Qi Zhou. [3] Ding Yi, "Zhou Yuan's Architectural Remains and Bronze Cellars", Archaeology, No. 4, 1982. [4] Tang Lan, "A Brief Discussion on the Significance of the Bronze Ware Group in the Western Zhou Dynasty Microhistory Family Cellar - Explanation of the Inscriptions on the New Wall Plate of Fufeng, Shaanxi", Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1978; Li Xueqin, "Bronzes and Zhouyuan Ruins", Journal of Northwest University (Philosophy and Social Science Edition), No. 2, 1981, Yin Shengping, "On the "Zhou" in the Golden Text", Archaeology and Cultural Relics, No. 3, Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the Shaanxi Archaeological Society, 1983. [5] Liu Ying, "Analysis of the New Decoration of Zhou Yuan Oracle Bones and Related Issues", Unearthed Documents, vol. 9, Zhongxi Book Company, 2016. [6] Lei Xingshan, "On the "Zhou" Land and Pre-Zhou Culture from the Taowen "Zhou" at the Zhou Yuan Site", Mr. Yu Weichao Memorial Essay Collection, Academic Volume, Cultural Relics Publishing House, 2009, and Zhao Qingmiao, "On the "Zhou" Land and Related Issues in the Western Zhou Dynasty Again", Three Generations of Archaeology (8), Science Press, 2019. Mr. Zhao Qingmiao believes that the pottery unearthed in Mawang Village in Fengxi is evidence that Feng once claimed Zhou. [7] For example, Mr. Cao Wei believes that "Zhou" in Jin Wen refers to abundance, see Cao Wei, "Also Talking about "Zhou" in Jin Wen", Archaeological Research (5), Science Press, 2003. Mr. Guo Moruo believes that "all the names of Zhou in Yi Ming refer to Zhou", see Guo Moruo, "The Catalogue of the Illustrated Interpretation of the Two Weeks of Jin Wen Ci - Ling Yi", Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, 1999. [8] Luo Xizhang, "The Newly Unearthed Bronzes in Zhouyuan, Shaanxi", Archaeology, No. 4, 1999. [9] For example, "Shangshu Summoning" "The dynasty is from Zhou, then as for Feng", and the pseudo-Confucian legend "Cheng Dynasty is from Haojing, then as for Feng, tell Wenwang Temple about moving the capital". [10] For example, Mr. Yin Shengping believes that "Zhou" refers to Qi Zhou and Hojing ("On the "Zhou" in Jin Wen), and Mr. Zhu Fenghan believes that the "Zhou" in classics and Jin Wen should refer to the capital city where the king of Zhou lived, and that Zong Zhou and Cheng Zhou can be called Zhou, see Zhu Fenghan, "'Zhao Hu', 'Luo Huan', He Zun and Cheng Zhou", Historical Research, No. 1, 2006, and Mr. Zhao Qingmiao believes that "Zhou" can refer to Qi Zhou, Haojing, and Feng ("Revisiting the 'Zhou' Land and Related Issues in the Western Zhou Dynasty"). [11] See "Shangshu Justice: Summoning Edicts", but Kong Yingda then said that "King Wu has all been in Ho, so Zhizong Zhou is Ho Jingye" - this is because he does not know that after King Wu, the royal capital moved back to Zhou Yuan, as detailed below. [12] Mr. Chen Mengjia said: "Zongzhou is not Feng and Hao, but also the location of Zongmiao. See Chen Mengjia, "Western Zhou Dynasty Bronze Dating (II)", Journal of Archaeology, vol. 10, 1955. [13] Zhou and Zong Zhou are generally regarded as Hojing, and only a few Zhou are interpreted as Zhou Yuan, such as "Daya Jianghan" "Yu Zhou was ordained", and Zheng Jian "Zhou, Qi Zhou also". [14] Mr. He Jingcheng speculated that the two had the same meaning based on the fact that Zong Zhou and Zhou did not appear at the same time, but he believed that "Zong Zhou" was Hojing, and "Zhou" sometimes referred to Hojing and sometimes Qi Zhou, see He Jingcheng, "The Administrative Organization and Operation Mechanism of the Government of the Western Zhou Dynasty", Guangming Daily Publishing House, 2013. [15] Shi Jing is in the Shouyangzhai Collection. The M7 stolen from the cemetery in Zhuanglixi, Tengzhou, unearthed a group of historical artifacts, which can be known as the nobles of Tengguo. The Ding inscription indicates that he was also rewarded for hunting with a certain Teng duke. Mr. Han Wei argues in the article "The New Jin Wen and the Re-recognition of the Titles of the Western Zhou Princes" (Bronze and Zhou History Essays, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2022) that the Bo in the inscription is an unenthroned Tenghou, and if this is correct, then this example can belong to the first category. [16] Kai Zhong was probably the younger brother of Kai Hou, and his status was lower than that of Kai Hou, so he was attached to this class. If the owner of the device is also a subordinate of Kaihou, it can also be classified into the upper category. [17] See Shao Bei, "The Fate of Feng Xu and the Western Zhou Waifu System", Historical Research, No. 2, 2019. [18] Shishang was ordered to meet with the nobles of the Chengzhou Dynasty when the king of Zhou left Chengzhou and went to Zongzhou and Haojing, and his bronze artifacts were unearthed in Mapo, Luoyang, indicating that Shishang was a nobleman stationed in Chengzhou. Gongtaishi went to Zongzhou to report on his work (see suit), he must not be a local nobleman of Zongzhou, and the book was unearthed in Luoyang, so it is speculated that Gongtaishi, the boss of Gongtaishi, was probably a nobleman stationed in Chengzhou. The artifacts of Gongtaishi were also unearthed in Lutai Mountain, Huangpi, Hubei, which probably reflects the marriage relationship between the nobles of Chengzhou and Nantu, which was the hub of the Western Zhou Dynasty's management of Nantu. The shape of Shugui is imitated from a kind of hard pottery pot imported from the south to the Central Plains in the late Shang period, and the age is relatively early. The Wang Jiang in the inscription may be the Empress Wu Yi Jiang, who lived in Cheng Zhou with King Cheng, so the uncle sent by her was a nobleman stationed in Cheng Zhou. [19] The "Duofang" and "Bi Ming" that use "Zong Zhou" in the "Shangshu" talk about "Luoyi" and "Chengzhou" respectively, which can also be understood from the perspective of "dialogue". [20] There was a difference of 17 days between Jiaxu and Ding Si, and it was too late to travel back and forth between Zhou and Su, so it can be seen that Song had not yet made the trip. [21] Bronze casting requires a process, and all bronze objects were not made on the day of the said event. Mr. Chen Mengjia's suggestion that the Song and Shi Song are "the same year, the same month, and different places" is not accurate, they only recount what happened in the same year and month of the same year. He used the "exclusion method" to think that "Zongzhou is not Zhou" is also inappropriate ("Western Zhou Bronze Dynasties (II)"). [22] In the early and middle Western Zhou Dynasty, the Zhou Dynasty relied on the finished Yong bells imported into the Yangtze River basin to assemble them, and it was only in the late Western Zhou Dynasty that they mastered the technology of casting Yong bells with sound rhythms. During the Western Zhou Dynasty, the popular use of chimes was always in Guanzhong-Jinnan, and almost no was found in the East. Therefore, the whole set of Ying Hou Gong Gong Zhong can only be cast by Zhou Yuan. [23] The only other example is that Yu called the capital "Zong Zhou" (大盂鼎) in the 23rd year of King Kang, and "Zhou" (小盂鼎) in the 25th year of King Kang. [24] The inscriptions of the princes' court are concentrated in the early Western Zhou Dynasty and have not yet been found in the middle and late periods, which may reflect some kind of change in the politics of the Western Zhou Dynasty and deserve in-depth study. [25] Mr. Tang Lan proposed that King Cheng renamed Xinyi as "Cheng Zhou" and renamed the original Hojing as "Zong Zhou", see Tang Lan, "Explanation of He Zun Inscriptions", Cultural Relics, No. 1, 1976. [26] There is a view that "Zhou" is the abbreviation of "Zong Zhou", such as Mr. Wu Qichang said: "Jin Wen example, where it is called Zong Zhou alone, that is, it is simply summarized by the word Zhou. ("The Examination of the Interpretation of the Yenching Journal", No. 9). This reverses the development of the two place names. [27] For the basic information of the Fenghao site, please refer to "Eighty Years of Fenghao Archaeology", Science Press, 2016. [28] The excavation report of the city site in the late Western Zhou Dynasty in Luoyang did not disclose the scale of the city site. According to the proportional scale, the city site is about 2600 meters long from east to west, and about 1900 meters wide from north to south, which is very close to the city site of the late Western Zhou Dynasty in the Zhou Yuan, see "Trial Excavation of the Ancient City Wall of Luoyang Ancient City of Han and Wei Dynasties", Journal of Archaeology, No. 3, 1998. [29] Fu Zhongyang, "Water System and Settlement Layout of Fengjing Site", Jianghan Archaeology, No. 5, 2019. [30] (Northern Wei Dynasty) Li Daoyuan's "Water Jing Note: Weishui": "The capital of King Wu of Zhou is also ...... Since Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty wore the Kunming Pond to the ground, the foundation structure has been degraded, and there is nothing to investigate today. [31] Hu Qianying, "Han Kunming Pond and Its Related Relics", "Supplement", Hu Qianying Zhou Cultural Archaeological Research Anthology, Sichuan University Press, 2000, Han Chang'an City Working Group, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, "Drilling and Trial Excavation of Han and Tang Kunming Pond Ruins in Xi'an", Archaeology, No. 10, 2006, Afang Palace and Shanglinyuan Archaeological Team: "Important Archaeological Discoveries of Western Zhou Relics in Xi'an Han and Tang Dynasty Kunming Pond Ruins Area", Archaeology, No. 11, 2013. Regarding the nature of Biyong, the traditional view is that it is an artificial circular pond (Pi, Biye; Yong, Ye, Shuize), with the Mingtang School Palace, and its function is a ceremonial building. However, from the "Book of Songs" of the Zhou Dynasty ("Daya Wenwang Yousheng", "Zhou Song Zhenlu", "Xiaoya Yuzao") and Jin Wen, it can only be seen that it is a large water body that can be fished and hunted. Therefore, many contemporary researchers have pointed out that Biyong was originally a natural water body (probably nearly circular in shape) in Fenghao. The author agrees with this view. Piyong, Lingnuma, Lingtai and Lingyu are one, originally the Zhou Dynasty royal family relied on the natural water system wetland near Feng Ho to build a garden, garden, the Zhou King can fish and hunt here, but also carry out the military and physical education of the children of the nobles (the Han Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty have the situation of training the children of the nobles in the royal garden), and occasionally there are sacrifices and administrative activities. Biyong is an early royal garden in the mainland, and the Ming Hall of the Han Dynasty is an artificial building built with the legend of the Zhou Dynasty. When discussing the Western Zhou Dynasty, there is no need to fall into the trap of past scriptures. [32] Statistics involving 2,524 bronzes unearthed in the Guanzhong area, see Li Yue, "Statistics and Analysis of Western Zhou Bronzes Unearthed in the Guanzhong Region", bachelor's thesis, Peking University, 2022. [33] Due to environmental reasons, the degree of development in the western part of Guanzhong has been higher than that in the eastern part of the country from the Neolithic to the Western Zhou Dynasty, and the number of settlements is more than that in the east, see Song Jiangning, "Investigation of the Phenomenon of the Transfer of the Central Area from Prehistory to the Qin and Han Dynasties in the Guanzhong Basin: Also on the Reasons for the Huge Difference in the Connotation of the Zhouyuan and Fenghao Ruins", Southern Cultural Relics, No. 4, 2017. [34] According to published materials, 1,038 tombs were actively excavated at the Fenghao site, and 606 tombs were actively excavated at the Zhouyuan site. The theft of Fenghao's tomb was slightly better than that of Zhou Yuan (57% compared to 70% for Zhou Yuan), so more bronze artifacts were unearthed from the excavation. [35] "Excavation Harvest of Zhouyuan Site in Baoji, Shaanxi Province in 2020~2021", Important Archaeological Discoveries in China in 2021, Cultural Relics Publishing House, 2022. [36] (Han) Zheng Xuan's "Poetry Spectrum: Zhou Nanzhao Nanpu": "King Wen was ordered to be a city in Feng, which is the place where Zhou and Zhao are divided, and it is the mining land of Zhou Gongdan and Zhao Gongxi...... The second son also guards the land. The "Historical Records of the Lu Zhou Gong Family" collection quoted Zhou Zhou as saying: "The Zhou land where the king of ether lives is its mined city, so it is called the Duke of Zhou." Based on this, Mr. Li Xueqin pointed out that Zhou Yuan was a Zhou Gong Caiyi, but he believes that this situation ran through the entire Western Zhou Dynasty, see Li Xueqin's "Bronzes and Zhou Yuan Ruins". [37] See Zhao Guangxian, "Cheng Zhou Kao - and Discussion with Comrade Ma Chengyuan", Chinese Literature and History Review, No. 1, 1989. [38] There is an opinion that the activities of the king of Zhou and the Marquis of Xing in Biyong occurred on the day after the Marquis of Xing was seen in the Zhou dynasty, and this is used as evidence of the proximity of the Zhou and Jing dynasties, which is a clear misreading of the inscription. Mr. Lu Liancheng pointed out that the activities in Piyong took place at the Zhou king
The day after the enshrinement in Beijing, this matter was not explained how long the inscription was written before the Xinghou Dynasty saw Zong Zhou, see Lu Liancheng, "Discussion on Beijing and Related Duyi Seen by Jinwen in the Western Zhou Dynasty", Chinese Historical Geography Series, No. 3, 1995. [39] See Xu Lianggao, "The Mystery of the Zhou Capital's Site Selection Fenghao", Three Generations of Archaeology (V), Science Press, 2013. [40] According to the shape and ornamentation of the white tripod of the prince of Yu Xuan, Mr. Feng Feng pointed out that the white plate of Yu Jizi was made in the twelfth year of the reign of the king and had entered the Spring and Autumn period (see Han Wei, "A Study on the Jinwen Family of the Western Zhou Dynasty", Ph.D. dissertation, Peking University, 2007). The inscription records that Zibai received the reward at the Zhou Temple Xuanxie. If this is the case, then until the early Spring and Autumn period, when the two kings were juxtaposed, Zhou Yuan was still being used as the capital. [41] Yang Bojun's "Notes on the Left Biography of the Spring and Autumn Period" believes that it is the Lingtai of the Qin State, not necessarily the Lingtai of the Western Zhou Dynasty. [42] Ho Jing said that Wu Daxi, "Shuo Wen Gu Ji Supplement and Interpretation", Chen Mengjia, "Western Zhou Dynasty Bronze Dynasties (II)", Journal of Archaeology, vol. 10, 1955, Li Xueqin, "Wang Yu and Hojing", "Let's talk about Hojing", Traditional Culture Research, vol. 6, Gu Wuxuan Publishing House, 1997, Zhou Hongwei, "The Trial Solution of the Problems of the Western Zhou Capital", Chinese Historical Geography Series, Vol. 29, No. 1, 2014. Feng Jing said that Guo Moruo, "The Catalogue of the Fortnightly Golden Texts", Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, 1999. For Fang Shuo, see Wang Guowei, "Zhou Jingkao", Guantang Jilin, Zhonghua Book Company, 1959; Huang Shengzhang, "On the Dialectic of the Problem of "Jing", Artemisia, Feng, and Bang in Jin Wen", Zhonghua Literature and History Review, Vol. 4, 1981, Liu Yu, "Jin Wenjing Kao", Archaeology and Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1982, Wang Yuzhe, "Re-Discussion of the Western Zhou Dynasty and Jingdiwang", Historical Research, No. 1, 1994, Wang Hui, "Jin Wenjing is Qin's "Afang" Theory", Journal of Shaanxi History Museum The third series, Northwest University Press, 1996, Du Yong, "The Book of Poetry, June, and Jin Wenjing's Geographical Problems", Studies in Chinese History, No. 3, 2018. Unless otherwise specified, the views mentioned in this article can be found in the articles cited above. [43] Lu Liancheng, "Discussion on Beijing and Related Duyi Seen by Jinwen in the Western Zhou Dynasty", China Historical Geography Series, No. 3, 1995, and Zhao Qingmiao, "A Re-examination of Several Issues in Jin Wenjing", Bronze and Jinwen, vol. 3, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2019. [44] See Liu Yu, "Jin Wen Jing Kao", Archaeology and Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1982, and Lu Liancheng, "Discussion on Beijing and Related Duyi Seen by Jin Wen in the Western Zhou Dynasty", China Historical Geography Series, No. 3, 1995. [45] Zhao Qingmiao, "A Re-examination of Several Issues of Jin Wenjing", Bronze and Jin Wen, vol. 3. [46] Li Xueqin, "Shi Jiao", Wenshi, vol. 36, Zhonghua Book Company, 1992. [47] See Dong Shan, "The Four Interpretations of Jin Wen in the New Shang Dynasty", Interpretation of Unearthed Documents and Inherited Classics, Zhongxi Book Company, 2019. [48] Mr. Guo Moruo said: "The Zhou family held a spring festival for King Wu in Hojing, and King Cheng was unable to come in person in Chengzhou due to the matter, so he waited for his blessing after the sacrifice. This is an explanation based on the misinterpretation of the word "bare " as the word "fu", and King Cheng is the most crucial person in the sacrifice to the king of Wu, and if there is something important, it seems that the date should be changed, rather than not going to the sacrifice. Mr. Huang Shengzhang said that the sacrifices were held in two places in succession, but there is no clear history of the continuous sacrifices in the two places. These explanations are hardly convincing. [49] For example, Fang Junyi "from the word, from the Fang, from the Fang, should be the red text of the Fang" ("The Interpretation of the Yi Ware of the Relics"), Wang Guowei "should be from the side of the sound of the word" ("Zhou Jing Kao", "Guantang Jilin" Volume 12), Guo Moruo "The word from the sound of the word, when from the sound of the Fang, immediately from the ancient characters of the side. Huang Shengzhang's "Jing and Cong Qi in the Jin Text, (Fang) Sound is 'Fang' ("On the Dialectic of the Problem of "Jing (), Artemisia, Feng, and Bang in the Jin Text"); Wang Yuzhe "The character follows from the Qian, and from now on, the sound of Fang is very obvious" ("Re-Discussion of the Beijing Diwang in the Western Zhou Dynasty"). [50] Li Xueqin, "Let's Talk About Hojing", Traditional Culture Studies, vol. 6. [51] For example, Wu Dashi's "Appendix to the Supplement of Shuowen Gu" said: "There are many ancient artifacts" in Beijing, and the old interpretation is next to Beijing. Da Sheng steals the ancient pickaxe Beijing, and the word must not be from the word from Jin Conggao...... Feng a lot of grass, pickaxe woods, ancient from the fang, it can not be called Beijing, it is undoubtedly a pickaxe Beijing. Chen Mengjia's "Western Zhou Dynasty Bronze Dynasties" said: "Jin Wen Ho Jing Zhi pickaxe, the word can not analyze its phonetic meaning. Therefore, it was decided that it was a pickaxe: "poems" and "books" are called Feng and Fengyi, and pickaxes are called Beijing; "Wen Wang Yousheng" is called "Haojing Piyong", and Biyong is the big pool, and the big pond of Jinwen in the Western Zhou Dynasty is in "Haojing". Li Xueqin's "Wang Yu and Hojing" said: "Judging from the literature, the most commonly called 'Jing' in Zhou Duyi is Hojing. Qi Zhou is called 'Zhou' (Zhou Gongzhi Zhou) in paleographic materials, and Feng is called 'Feng', which does not seem to be the place name discussed here. Moreover, Qi Zhou and Feng are no longer royal capitals after King Wu. The only one that can be most in line with 'Beijing' is Ho Jing. "Let's talk about Hojing" said: "The best evidence that it is Hojing is that there is Biyong there...... There can be no more such buildings in locations other than Hokyo. [52] Liu Yu, "Jin Wenjing Kao", Archaeology and Cultural Relics, No. 3, 1982. [53] Mr. Li said in the article "Wang Yu and Hojing": "The crux of the problem seems to be in the interpretation of the characters. The word "from", never simply from the "square", many people think that it is from the "square" sound, I am afraid it is wrong. I venture to guess that ''' is the first text of the character '敫' in later generations...... The words from the sound of "敫" are all in the evening part, and the words with the sound of "high" are the same as the words. This is natural from the word "敫" and "pickaxe". See Traditional Culture Studies, vol. 6. [54] Zhang Guangyu, "Xinjian Lao Gui Inscriptions and Their Chronology", Archaeology and Cultural Relics, 2005 Supplement to Ancient Characters (III), pp. 64-68, and Chen Jian, "The Three Supplementary Interpretations of 'Rong Cheng'", Unearthed Documents and Paleographic Research, vol. 6, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2015. [55] Zhang Fuhai, "Reading the New Western Zhou Dynasty Jin Wen Occasional Acquaintance", Studies in Ancient Characters, vol. 27, Zhonghua Book Company, 2008, pp. 233-236. [56] In the past, there has not been much in-depth discussion of the inscription on the Mao Gai, but Mr. Guo Moruo's opinion is the most representative, and he only briefly explained the key part of the inscription: "Gai said that he did not hang Haotian, and took away the ministers of my family's pillars, because he was not lulu." See Guo Moruo, "The Illustrated Catalogue of the Fortnightly Golden Texts", Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, 1999. [57] Liu Xinfang, "Artemisia Palace, Artemisia Leisure and Artemisia Li", Chinese Characters (New 24th Issue), Art and Culture Press, 1999, pp. 113-120. [58] Qiu Xigui, "Interpretation", Qiu Xigui Academic Essays, vol. 3, Fudan University Press, 2015. [59] Mr. Dong Shan believes that "爯" can be read as "inheritance", which means to inherit the old office of the former father. See Dong Shan, "The Understanding of the Oath Inscription of the Great River Estuary in Yicheng", Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Archaeological Research of the Rui Kingdom Unearthed in Hancheng, Shaanxi Province and the Archaeological Research of the Zhou Dynasty, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2014. [60] Qiu Xigui, "The "Shoes" in the Bronze Inscriptions of the Western Zhou Dynasty", Qiu Xigui Academic Papers, vol. 3. [61] Chen Jian cites nine examples in his article "The Importance of the Periodization and Classification of Yinxu Divination to the Interpretation of Oracle Bone Scripts", see Chen Jian, "Collected Essays on the Interpretation of Oracle Bone and Golden Scripts", Thread Binding Books, 2007. [62] "Dadaili Mingtang" has the word "Artemisia Palace": "(Mingtang) is in the suburbs, thirty miles in the suburbs. Or think that the Ming Hall, the dynasty of King Wen is also. Vermilion grass grows a leaf every day, to the fifteenth day, gives birth to fifteen leaves, and falls on the sixteenth, and finally repeats. Zhou Deze Qia, Artemisia Mao thought that the palace pillar, the name Artemisia Palace also. It is said that Artemisia Palace is a Ming Hall, but it is obviously legendary and exaggerated. [63] See Zhao Qingmiao, "A Re-examination of Some Issues in Jin Wenjing", Bronze and Jin Wen, vol. 3. [64] Perhaps "" is the original character of "薧", and the name of Beijing is due to the fact that this is the burial place of King Wen, and he does not dare to make a decision, so it remains to be examined. [65] Regarding the confinement of the garden in the area of Feng Ho, "Mencius Liang Hui Wang Xia" said: "The confinement of King Wen is seventy miles away. "Mencius, Liang Hui Wang" cloud: "King Wen takes the people's power as the platform as the swamp, and the people are happy, saying that its platform is called Lingtai, saying that its swamp is called Lingnan, and it is happy that it has elk, fish and turtles." The ancients and the people were happy, so they could be happy. [66] Liu Yu, "The Significance of the Jin Wen Sacrifice", Jin Wen Treatise, Forbidden City Publishing House, 2008, and Liu Zhao, "A Few Words in the Interpretation of Oracle Bone Inscriptions", Ancient Characters Examination and Interpretation Series, Yuelu Publishing House, 2005. [67] Wang Jing, Cao Dazhi, An Nina, Guo Jingning, "Important Inscriptions Unearthed at the Liulihe Site in the Western Zhou Dynasty Prove the History of Beijing's Three Thousand Years of City Building", China Cultural Relics News, December 24, 2021. Thanks to Ms. Wang Jing for providing the X-ray of the inscription. [68] Chen Hanping, "Speaking of the Quartet and the Names of the Quartet", Slaying the Dragon and the Absolute Thread, Heilongjiang Education Publishing House, 1989, and Wu Kejing, "The Continuation of the Interpretation of the Word "Pill": Starting from the Discussion of a "Di" Character as Seen in Tsinghua Jian", Proceedings of the International Symposium on Philology (100th issue of Chinese Characters), 2020. [69] For the interpretation of the word "like", see Xie Mingwen's "Try to Say Mai Fangzun's"
Journal of Ancient Chinese Studies, No. 4, 2016.
Author: Cao Dazhi, School of Archaeology and Museums, Peking University, Research Center for Chinese Archaeology, Peking University, originally published in the Journal of the National Museum of China, Issue 7, 2023