Yang Xuedong et al.: Pressure-based system, a concept that describes and explains the operating mechanism of the Chinese government
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Abstract:"Pressure-based system" is a local original concept that describes and explains the operating mechanism of the Chinese government, and has been valued by peers in Chinese politics and governance. The explanatory power of the concept of pressure-based system comes not only from the comprehensive understanding of the operation of the system, but also from its vivid descriptive power. The concept of pressure-based system is a scholarly and physical refinement of the vivid practical discourse of local officials, and is systematically constructed from the aspects of historical origin, evolution process and specific operation. The formation of the pressure-based system is an institutional choice in the process of China's catch-up modernization, and traces, connections and reference objects can be found in the "limit" system in traditional politics, the "mobilization system" in modernization, and the "development-oriented country". The formation process of the concept of pressure-based system shows that it is an important way to produce and explain the academic concept of contemporary politics and governance in China by taking root in empirical facts, setting theoretical coordinates, and attaching importance to the transformation of practical discourse into academic discourse. China's rich governance experience and innovation provide fertile soil and continuous impetus for the production of more original concepts.
Keywords: pressure-based system, Chinese government operation, academic concepts, practical discourse
The vivid description and academic and physical explanation of the operating mechanism of the contemporary Chinese government by the "pressure-based system" have received the attention and affirmation of domestic and international peers, and the number of citations on CNKI has increased year by year. From the perspective of concept generation, the pressure-based system is not an abstract theoretical construction, but originates from reality, and is a scientific, physical and chemical refinement of China's governance practice and political operation process. The pressure-based system vividly shows the process of transmitting political and administrative orders from top to bottom, forming pressure, driving governments and departments at all levels to achieve governance goals and improving the speed of governance, which is the expansion and evolution of the traditional mobilization system in the new context of marketization and accelerated modernization since the reform and opening up. With the increase of national governance tasks and the improvement of governance goals, the operation scenarios of pressure-based systems have spread from the early economic field to more fields such as social management and ecological governance, and have been manifested at different levels and departments. Especially in major public safety risk events, the pressurized drive and layer-by-layer increase characteristics of this mechanism are more obvious. The expansion of the operation scenario of the system further verifies the explanatory power and integrity of the concept of pressure-based system.
This paper is divided into four parts: the first part introduces the formation and development of the concept of pressure-based institutions, the second part discusses the origin of the system and the institutional mechanisms for the success of late-modernizing countries from a historical perspective, the third part places the concept in a larger theoretical coordinate and compares it with other concepts that explain China's political and governance mechanisms, and the last part tries to discuss the formation mechanism of the academic concept and the enlightenment for the construction of independent knowledge system on the basis of sorting out the formation and construction process of the concept.
1. Physical, physical and chemical refinement of governance practice
The concept of pressure-based system originated from a long survey published by the research group of "Research on the Operational Mechanism of County and Township People's Congress" headed by Professor Rong Jingben, and its attention from the academic community was due to the reprinting of it by Xinhua Digest (No. 12, 1997) and the publication based on the report. The group was mainly composed of researchers from the former Central Translation and Translation Bureau, including Professor Rong Jingben, researcher Gao Xinjun, Professor He Zengke, Yang Xuedong, and Professor Cui Zhiyuan, who was teaching at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology at the time. In 1996, with the help of Wang Quanzheng, then deputy director of the People's Congress of Xinmi City, Henan Province, the research group conducted an investigation in Xinmi City, Henan Province for nearly a month, including interviews with municipal departments and enterprises, township surveys in villages, and collection of historical documents.
The investigation report was drafted separately, and Yang Xuedong was in charge of the operation of the current system (the third part of the report, "Operation of the Pressure System"). In the process of writing, he refined the operation mechanism of the government and put forward the concept of a pressure-based system based on some vivid statements collected from conversations with local officials, such as the working method is "pressurized-driven", the incentive method is "one hand black yarn hat and the other hand high index", and the working state is "ants in a hot pot". This novel and vivid concept has been recognized by Prof. Jingben Rong, the leader of the research group, and other members of the research group. When proposing this concept, Yang Xuedong, in order to avoid confusion with the "pressure group" that explains the operation of the American system, also suggested that if it is translated into English, it can be translated as "pressurized system". This suggestion was not adopted.
The survey report defines the pressure-type system as the quantitative task decomposition management method and the materialized evaluation system adopted by the first-level (county, township) political organizations in order to achieve economic catch-up and surpass and complete the various indicators issued by the superiors. In order to accomplish the task of catching up with and surpassing the economy and the various targets, the political organizations at this level (with the party committees and the government as the core) quantify and decompose these tasks and targets layer by layer, and assign them to the lower-level organizations and individuals, ordering them to complete them within the specified time. Rewards and punishments are then given in political and economic terms depending on the results achieved. Since some of the main parts of these tasks and indicators are evaluated by the "one-vote veto" system (i.e., once a task is not met, its annual performance is regarded as zero, and various advanced titles and awards are not allowed), organizations at all levels actually operate under the pressure of this evaluation system. Stress-based systems also have built-in mechanisms for decompression, namely "relationships" and "statistics". The former is an informal system, while the latter is an informal system. The role of these two "pressure reducing valves" is mainly reflected in the distribution of the second stage of the operation of the pressure system and the evaluation of the completion of the fourth stage of the index task. When the target task is distributed, the subordinate department will try to use various relationships to bargain with the superior about the difficulty of the work, in order to reduce the amount of the target task and obtain more remuneration commitments from the superior. When the evaluation of the target task is completed, the lower-level departments may, on the one hand, try their best to intercede with the higher-ups through their relationships, highlight their achievements, and hide their mistakes; on the other hand, they can take advantage of the loopholes in statistical work to make a fuss about statistics.
Since Xinmi City, a resource-based and fast-growing city in the central region, is not representative, the research team did not propose that the "pressure system" is a general concept applicable to the whole country, and this concept only summarizes the process of distribution and completion of governance tasks and the mechanism on which it depends, and does not elevate it to the institutional level. After 1998, the research group launched the second round of research topics around the "reform of the political system at the county and township levels", expanded the research objects, and added two survey sites in Qindu District, Xianyang City, Shaanxi Province and Wuxi City, Jiangsu Province, while continuing to investigate Xinmi in Henan. As the scope of the survey expanded, the research group became more confident in the applicability of the concept of pressure-based institutions. In 2000, Yang Xuedong further elaborated on the "pressure system" as a chapter in his doctoral dissertation. He summarized the operating mechanism of the pressure-based system into three types, namely, quantitative task decomposition, problem solving mechanism with the participation of various departments, and materialized multi-level evaluation system. In his research, he tried to explore the conditions of the times and the institutional conditions under which the system emerged. He believes that in essence, the pressure-type system emerged under the pressure of modernization and marketization, and the extension of the traditional mobilization system with the goal of catching up and surpassing is a product of the process of China's system transformation, and can be regarded as a transitional form in the system change. It introduces the economic contract responsibility system into political life, and uses material stimulus to drive the political process, so that organizations and individuals can compete for resources, rankings, and personal promotion in order to obtain more material satisfaction. On this basis, Yang Xuedong distinguishes between the pressure system and the mobilization system, and further clarifies the characteristics of the pressure system in time and space.
In 2007, Yang Xuedong revisited Xinmi in Henan, Wuxi in Jiangsu Province and Xianyang in Shaanxi Province and found that with the improvement of industrialization, urbanization and globalization, the economic development level of the three places is in the leading position in the region. The pressure-type system formed in the process of marketization and rapid economic development has not weakened with the improvement of the level of economic development, but has been further consolidated and spread to more areas of governance, and a "first-in-command" mechanism for important work has emerged, and a more powerful reward and punishment mechanism has been established. For local governments, the sources of pressure are more diverse and complex, in addition to the top-down pressure on political performance, the pressure of horizontal intergovernmental development competition and the bottom-up pressure of social demand, the role of capital as a pressurer is more prominent, thus forming the four major sources of pressure of the pressure system. As a kind of consensus, economic development enables the four pressures to converge, but the diversification of higher requirements and social needs makes the pressure hedging and offsetting, and it is more difficult for local governments to make independent choices.
In the new era, with the establishment of top-level design as the concept of national governance operation, the institutional environment for the operation of the "pressure system" has undergone profound changes. With the support of political requirements and management technology, various departments have more consciously decomposed task indicators layer by layer, conducted pressure layer by layer to promote work, and established various working mechanisms for pressure conduction (such as supervision and supervision, assessment and inspection, work classes, etc.), pressure conduction is more refined, "process management", "trace management" and "top management" are normalized, the original pressure reduction mechanism has been effectively inhibited, and the rigidity of the pressure system tends to be obvious; on the other hand, the pressure content and sources have been adjusted significantly. The pressure exerted by higher-level governments has shifted from a single economic growth target to a pluralistic comprehensive governance goal, and the pressure undertaken by local governments has expanded from a single economic development to social and people's livelihood, environmental protection and other fields. With the construction and development of digital government, the government's response to public pressure has higher requirements, and the transmission path of public pressure has become more diverse and complex. The occurrence of major public safety incidents also drives the self-adjustment of the pressure-based system. While the pressure is driven by strengthening, some local departments and cadres have seen "lazy government" and "lazy government" behaviors such as "shirking responsibility" and "lying flat", as well as upgrading and revising formalism such as "traceism" and "programmed risk avoidance". This paradoxical phenomenon suggests that the role of the "pressure reducing valve" mechanism is more worthy of in-depth discussion.
2. Examine the pressure-based system in historical coordinates
To test the explanatory power of a concept, we should place it in historical coordinates to see whether the operating mechanism it reveals also exists and plays a role in other historical scenarios. Although the "pressure system" is an explanation for how political forces play a greater role in the process of catching up with and overtaking China's modernization, the phenomenon of exerting pressure to drive subordinates to accomplish tasks exists in different historical periods, albeit in different institutional forms.
The "limit" system in traditional Chinese politics has the characteristics of a pressure-based system. The so-called "limit" refers to the timely completion of the quota on time, and the "ratio" emphasizes that the local government forces the arrears to pay the arrears in time through various means. The ratio limit was established in the Ming Dynasty, and a relatively unified institutional system was gradually formed in the Qing Dynasty. In the Qing Dynasty, the degree of restriction has undergone an evolution process from "ten restrictions" and "flexible restrictions set by various localities" to "two restrictions on the upper and lower busy", which reflects the conflict, debugging and optimization between the institutional construction at the central level and local practice. The core of the adjustment of the "ratio" system lies in the trade-off between the setting of the enlistment period and the enlistment cost. On the one hand, in order to strengthen the control and intervention of local servitude, the central government has exerted tax pressure on local governments and set a work target of 30 restrictions a year. In order to complete the task of taxation, the local government implements the policy through some compulsory means, but it only considers the effect of tax payment, ignores the cost of taxation, and reduces the effectiveness of policy implementation. On the other hand, some localities can constantly revise the system promulgated by the central government according to the pros and cons in the practice of the enslavement policy, such as in the ninth year of Kangxi, Xiaoshan County, Zhejiang, implemented two restrictions, and revised the 30-year limit, and the former eventually became a nationwide system. It can be seen that the central government retains appropriate discretion for the implementation of local policies. The "limit" system shows that in the process of task decomposition of the national special work of "enslavement", the central government divides it into four procedures: supervision, payment, inspection, and collection, and thus builds a system of conscription from the central government to the local government, forming control over the expropriation of conscription. Facing the two-way pressure of the central deadline and the people's delay, the local government also retains some autonomy, and can actively build a more detailed ticket system to reduce the drawbacks in the process of conscription and collection, and independently adjust the deadline according to the situation of the state and county, forming its own special "limit" system, so as to have an impact on the central policy.
After World War II, in the wave of modernization, some late-developing modern countries achieved catch-up success. The typical institutional arrangements for these countries to effectively transform catch-up pressures are "development countries" and "mobilization" systems, respectively.
The term "development-oriented country" originated from the practice of the rapid economic rise of East Asian countries represented by Japan and South Korea after World War II. In 1982, the American political scientist Chalmers Johnson first proposed the concept of a developmental state based on the empirical model of Japan's rise. This concept has gradually spilled over to other East Asian countries and regions such as South Korea and Singapore, and has been continuously upgraded theoretically, forming the theory of a developmental state. This theory argues that the important achievements of East Asian countries depend on their common institutional genes. First of all, the East Asian region has a tradition of "strong states" and generally has strong national capabilities. With a stable bureaucratic system and political elite, and relying on government agencies to promote project planning and social mobilization, it provides the political prerequisites for government intervention in economic policy and promotes the country's economic and social modernization. Second, the "development country" focuses on the development model of economic policy and attaches importance to the government's involvement in the formulation of industrial policy. Through state intervention and planning in economic development and industrial structure, it has a comprehensive impact on the economy from the macro level, forming a middle way that is different from the planned economic system represented by the Soviet Union and the free market economic system represented by the United States. With the development of the economy and society, the theory of the "developmental state" has shifted from the initial discussion of the institutional characteristics of the state itself to the focus on the social conditions under which the role of the state is played, such as Peter Evans's proposal that "embedded autonomy" is the characteristic of the developmental state. Nonetheless, the theory of the developmental state is an explanation of the institutional arrangements formed by the state to achieve rapid development under the pressure of modernization, but it emphasizes more on the institutional arrangements at the national level, especially the capacity and autonomy of specific functional departments and bureaucratic teams. As China's economic system shifts from planning to market, there are more similar characteristics of East Asian countries in economic development, and developing countries have gradually become an important reference for understanding the economic pattern and operation mechanism of the Chinese government. Some scholars have used this concept to explain local economic development, proposing "local development-oriented government". This concept emphasizes more on how local autonomy can be exerted to achieve local development, and the formation of autonomy comes to a considerable extent from the decentralization of superiors and the setting of development goals, especially the existence of competition between localities. In short, we can see the shadow of a stressful system in the operation of a development-oriented state.
In terms of institutional genealogy, the mobilization system is most closely related to the pressure-based system. Political mobilization is a common choice for many developing countries to achieve independence and construction, but few countries have been able to achieve development success through political mobilization. However, in the process of China's salvation and survival, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has successfully integrated the goals of the party, the state, and the society, and established a set of highly efficient mobilization systems through the comprehensive coverage of party organizations and a complete planned economic system. This system sets economic growth targets in the form of executive orders and pools resources through political mobilization. In the economic sphere, the pressure-based system is not so much a new system of government operation as a variant of the mobilization system under the conditions of the development of the market economy. Its basic mode of operation is to use political means to promote economic growth and other tasks. As a result, there is a high degree of continuity between the two systems. First of all, under the mobilization system, the government emphasizes a high degree of obedience, and the higher level government controls a large amount of core resources so that it can influence and motivate the lower level of government, and then can transmit the task indicators of economic development to the lower level through administrative pressure. Second, the principle of "the party managing cadres" enables the higher-level government to elevate a certain development task to the level of a "political task" through the party's organizational system, and to take the adjustment of the positions of the responsible persons of lower-level units as an effective means of supervision and encouragement. In addition, the strengthening of local and departmental interests under the mobilization system forces the higher-level departments to continuously increase the pressure on their tasks to ensure the passage of government decrees and the effective completion of development tasks. The formation of the pressure-based system depends on the effective support of some institutional frameworks left over from the mobilization system, which can ensure that the higher-level government can exert influence and pressure on the lower-level government through these institutionalized mechanisms. At the same time, the pressure-based system has integrated the color of the market economy system into the original mobilization system, which to a certain extent provides autonomy for the policy choices of lower-level governments.
3. Pressure-based institutions in conceptual dialogue
To test the explanatory power of a concept, it is also necessary to have a dialogue with the same type of concepts, understand the similarities and differences between them, and analyze their respective explanatory boundaries. In addition to the pressure-based system, there are also original concepts of how governance works in contemporary China, such as fiscal federalism, the project system, promotion tournaments, administrative contracting systems, and sports-style governance. Although these concepts rely on different disciplinary resources, specific areas of concern, and governance mechanisms, they all try to explain why China's system can operate effectively and why the initiative of governance subjects, especially local governments and officials, can be stimulated.
The "project system" was born out of the adjustment of the fiscal and taxation relations between the central government and the local government under the reform of the tax-sharing system, and the intensification of the central financial power enabled it to realize the redistribution of fiscal funds through "special projects" and "projects". The project system includes the process of "awarding contracts" by state departments, "packing" by local governments, and "grabbing packages" by villages or enterprises (or other grassroots social organizations), in which the central government transforms the national development strategy and the central government's intentions through the establishment of "projects", and absorbs local governments into project competition in the form of economic incentives to form project authority. The difference between the "project system" and the "pressure system" is that: first, the project system emphasizes the guidance of the behavior of the lower level government through the project itself, but in the process of implementation, it weakens the power decomposition ability of the lower departments in the section system, and forms a greater concentration of departmental power on the "rules", while the pressure system relies more on the layers of government at all levels to achieve the task goal, and gradually transmits the pressure to the grassroots level. Second, the project system is a kind of non-hierarchical competitive authorization from the central government to the local government, and guides the behavior of local governments through economic incentives of financial funds, which is different from the way in which the pressure system implements political pressure through political tasks and administrative instructions. Finally, the project system focuses on the control of special tasks, and its operation mode has strong market attributes. The central government integrates a certain development task into a special project, and the local government realizes the acquisition of project funds through competitive mechanisms such as bidding and bidding, which is the application of the market-oriented mechanism in the government's operating mechanism. On the other hand, the pressure-based system emphasizes the overall control of comprehensive affairs, and focuses on the political instructions under the traditional mobilization system, which is an overall presentation of the operation of the entire system and has strong characteristics of a planning system.
The "Promotion Tournament" emphasizes that superiors drive the development of subordinates by setting economic development goals, supplemented by promotion incentives. The core interpretation mechanism is the principal-agent relationship. Both the promotion tournament and the pressure system emphasize that the higher-level government relies on political power to exert influence on the behavior of the lower levels, but the pressure-based system emphasizes more on the influence of the residual mobilization system under the planned economic system on local behavior, and believes that the higher-level government can decompose specific tasks and quantify indicators based on the advantages of monopoly resources, and use a combination of political and economic means to motivate the grassroots government to give priority to completing certain political tasks. The promotion tournament relies on the context of the market economy, emphasizing the key role of "political incentives" in intergovernmental relations, and the higher levels of government can mobilize all levels of government to participate in the race of economic performance by inducing local governments to compete on key economic indicators in various ways. In terms of the scope of their effects, in most cases, the promotion tournament is only applicable to all levels of government below the provincial level, and plays a limited role in the promotion of higher-level officials. The pressure-based system has become a mechanism that runs through the operation process of all levels of government in China, and its explanatory power and coverage are more comprehensive than those of promotion tournaments.
The "administrative contracting system" borrows the theoretical resources of the "contract system" of economics (translated as the contract system) and the "bureaucratic system" of sociology, and is regarded as an organizational form in which the bureaucracy uses the contract contracting method to achieve management goals. This concept can be regarded as a generalization and explanation of the contract system that emerged after the reform and opening up. The administrative contracting system combines "vertical administrative contracting" and "horizontal promotion competition", and further explains the operation mechanism of promotion tournaments. On the one hand, the administrative contracting system believes that the layer-by-layer contracting between the upper and lower levels within the formal organization is similar to the market-oriented relationship within the enterprise, and on the other hand, it emphasizes that although the higher-level government enjoys formal authority and residual control as the employer, the contractor (lower-level government) enjoys discretionary power, so it still enjoys a greater degree of autonomy (actual control) while bearing the pressure of the employer's economic and political performance. Both the pressure-based system and the administrative contracting system pay attention to the generalization of the economic contracting system and its impact on the governance mechanism, but the administrative contracting system borrows more theoretical resources, while the pressure-based system attaches more importance to the description of the operation of the system and the discussion of the consequences.
"Movement-style governance" inherits the governance methods of political mobilization during the revolutionary period, corresponding to "normalized governance", and is regarded as adapting to the governance needs of China's social transformation stage. In the use of means, it emphasizes the orientation of solving practical problems, deviating from the formal system to build a quasi-formal operating mechanism, and emphasizing the use of mobilization means to achieve cross-departmental and In terms of organizational form, it is emphasized that the higher-level government breaks the original bureaucratic institutional structure and adopts the form of competitive authorization to give political incentives to the lower-level government, so that the lower-level government can break the departmental boundaries and integrate the resources in the administrative system to complete the tasks and objectives set by the higher-level government, so as to achieve a high degree of concentration and coordination of resources at all levels of government in the same field in the short term. Sport-style governance is closely related to stress-based systems. The pressure-based system provides an institutional premise and transmission mechanism for the effective implementation of sport-based governance, so that the higher-level government can effectively transmit the task objectives to the lower-level government, and change the attention distribution of the lower-level government by exerting pressure. It is precisely by relying on the support of the pressure-based system that the higher-level government can bypass the normalized bureaucratic system and concentrate local resources in a short period of time by setting temporary targets. In addition, sport-style governance is one of the manifestations of the operation of a pressure-based system. Under the pressure system, the higher-level government adopts the means of movement governance to strengthen the authority and legitimacy of the organization and realize the unified allocation of resources. In response to the political pressure of the higher level government, the lower level of government also showed a positive response to the goal of movement-style governance, and then realized the concentration of resources in the target area.
Compared with other concepts such as the project system, promotion tournaments, administrative contracting system and sports governance, the pressure system is more holistic and structural, and it is not a summary and analysis of a certain management method (such as the project system), a certain incentive method (promotion championship), a certain organizational mode (administrative contracting system) or a certain behavior mode (sports governance), but a summary of the dynamic mechanism of the operation of the entire system, especially the characteristics of the system that can be perceived by ordinary people. The project system, promotion tournament, administrative contract system, and sports governance are proposed thanks to the knowledge resources of sociology and economics. At the same time, the three of them have a strong governance technology orientation, which is an analysis of the effective operation of China's governance from the micro level of institutional operation. The pressure system and the other four concepts are not mutually exclusive, but mutually supportive. It is precisely because of the structural conditions of the pressure system of the upper and lower levels of the government that the project system, the championship system, the contract system and the sports governance can be effectively operated. Project-based systems, championships, contract-based systems, and sports-based governance focus more on the analysis of governance techniques and incentive methods, while pressure-based systems emphasize multiple pressure-driven mechanisms. It is worth emphasizing that these concepts try to describe and explain the operation mechanism of the Chinese government from different perspectives and using different theoretical resources, trying to reveal the mechanism of local government agency in the operation of China's political system, and trying to construct a set of analytical frameworks based on China's governance practice and China's local characteristics, which have contributed to the construction of China's independent knowledge system of public management.
4. Summary and discussion
General Secretary Xi Jinping said, "Theoretical innovation can only start from problems. In a sense, the process of theoretical innovation is the process of discovering, screening, researching, and solving problems." The formation of the concept of pressure-based system is a problem-driven physicochemical process. Researchers conduct in-depth investigations in specific places, and through exchanges with local officials, summarize and refine their institutional perceptions and vivid discourses, thus forming a concept with both descriptive and explanatory power. This concept's visual depiction of the way of governance in contemporary China has made it recognized by the practitioners, including the practitioners. It is precisely because it is more descriptive that the room for improvement in physics and chemistry is also limited.
China is undergoing the most profound and great transformation in human history, with rich policy innovation and dynamic institutional arrangements, which not only shows that maintaining institutional diversity is an important condition for the success of late-developing modern countries, but also requires researchers to reveal the general mechanism of effective governance through diverse institutional arrangements, which requires us to enhance our historical awareness and comparative awareness, and put the concept into the historical coordinate system and theoretical spectrum for testing. When studying the China issue, Chinese scholars should especially bear in mind the academic mission of finding general mechanisms in the midst of complex phenomena, and must not get lost in the appearance of experience, nor can they completely rely on the supply of independent knowledge systems by rapidly updating and logically powerful political discourses, and must maintain professional sobriety, adhere to academic theories, and activate academic imagination.
In the first volume of his History of Economic Analysis, Schumpeter describes the process of transforming imagination into concepts in the midst of complex facts. He called it a dual process of "gathering facts" and "proposing theories". On the one hand, according to the facts, the concepts are put forward and collaged into the picture of the theory, and on the other hand, according to more facts, the concepts are modified, the concepts are discarded, and the relationships between the concepts are constructed, so as to maintain the orderliness of the pictures. In this way, a coherent and appropriate picture can be gradually formed. In order to continuously produce concepts about Chinese politics and governance, it is necessary to constantly collect facts, form concepts, test concepts through new facts, and then construct theories. This is a "never-ending trade-off" process for Chinese scholars.
[Author: Yang Xuedong, Hu Tianyu.] Among them, Yang Xuedong is a member of the Chang'an Street Reading Club and the director of the Department of Political Science of Tsinghua University.
Note: Authorized to publish, this article has been selected and included in the "Chang'an Street Reading Club" theoretical learning platform (People's Daily, People's Political Consultative Conference Daily, Beijing Daily, Xinhuanet, CCTV, National Party Media Information Public Platform, Vision, Beijing Time, Surging Government Affairs, Phoenix News Client "Chang'an Street Reading Club" column synchronization), reprinting must be uniformly marked "Chang'an Street Reading Club" theoretical learning platform source and author.
Editor-in-charge: Qiu Shiyi, preliminary review: Cheng Ziqian, Chen Jiani, re-examination: Li Yufan
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