The next morning, when I was still asleep during the day because of my night work, President He Liankui ran to the dormitory in a rage and called me up, even saying that I was in trouble. It turned out that Chiang Kai-shek was very angry when he saw this news, and immediately issued an edict saying: This newspaper is a military newspaper of our army, and foreign correspondents have always relied on the newspapers of Chinese military organs to report on the situation of China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. Of course, this is not trivial, but my distress He Liankui naturally understood in his heart, and after he asked the source of the news, he left. He Liankui is a close confidant of Political Minister Chen Cheng, and the matter was quickly overcome, but I can't do it anymore. Within a few days, He Liankui went to me, and he didn't blame the incident, but said, "It's not appropriate for you to run a newspaper, right?" I can transfer you to the Chongqing Japanese Prisoner of War Management Center to take care of the Japanese prisoners, you have studied in Japan, and it will come in handy. Originally, I didn't want to work in the "Sweeping Daily", let alone be dispatched by them, so I took the opportunity to say: "I am from the north, and I am very uncomfortable with the water and soil when I came to Chongqing, and I have scabies all over my body, and I want to go back to the north, so I will not go to the prisoner of war center." This reminds me again that not long after I first arrived at the newspaper office, the Central News Agency sent a press release reporting on the news that Wang Jingwei, who had left Chongqing, had a communique on negotiations with the Japanese authorities in Hanoi, slandering the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and betraying the country and surrender......ing...... Yunyun.
I listened to the reason in the words, and I couldn't understand for a while, what is the relationship between Chongqing and Wang Jingwei? At that time, the progressive newspapers discussed that in addition to the bright Wang Jingwei, there was also the "hidden Wang Jingwei" Yunyun. After that, it was widely rumored that German Ambassador to China Todmann was used as an intermediary to mediate and negotiate peace between Japan and Wang-Chiang, and that China and Japan were jointly anti-communist. After that, I was exiled in Xi'an, and the local Qinqiang Theater used this as material to make up a new play, in which Chiang Kai-shek sang to Tao Deman: "As long as my brother helps me, please go to the tavern and drink the wine." For this reason, the theater screenwriters and actors have suffered. At that time, although He Liankui didn't explicitly say that I was wrong, his face was unhappy, and when he looked at his words, I knew that there was a ghost in it, and I couldn't help but be angry! Judging from He Liankui's attitude of asking me to "open the way", he had already caught a cold with me, and I didn't want to suffer this kind of anger for 80 yuan a month, so I rejected the suggestion that he should introduce me to the prisoner of war management center.
After Cao Xianghua learned about these things, he came to me and said, "Since you want to go back to Shanxi, I have a friend here, Wu Qi, who is also an old student studying in Japan, and who came from the law department of Tokyo Imperial University, and he is the brother-in-law of Chen Zhuo, director of the wartime press inspection bureau of the Kuomintang Military Commission. Cao Xianghua also enlightened me that these positions are all places where the Kuomintang controls the news mouthpiece, and we should try to take advantage of the opportunity to occupy its seats. He also said a very popular analogy, saying that this is called "occupying the pit and not". I trusted Cao Xianghua very much at that time, regarded him as a big brother, and agreed to him. He led me to meet Wu Qi, who was also very enthusiastic, saying that we are all classmates studying in Japan, and you are willing to help, and we are very welcome. Wu Qi was staying at the house of his brother-in-law Chen Zhuo at that time, and introduced me to Chen Zhuo again. Chen Zhuo, a veteran warlord who was then the head of the Kuomintang Military Command Department and the director of the wartime press inspection bureau, politely thanked me for my help and said that if there was anything, he would talk to Mr. Wu. I have this acquaintance with this Chen Zhuo.
In 1947, after I was arrested in Shanghai by agents of the Kuomintang Central Bureau of Unification, Hu Feng was running around to rescue me in a frenzy outside, and because he heard me talk to him in his daily conversation, when I went to work in the Kuomintang Shanxi Press Inspection Bureau during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the top leader was Chen Zhuo, so he wrote a letter to Ah Yong in Nanjing, asking him to find this Chen Zhuo to bail me out. But Ah Yong and Hu Feng didn't know this Chen Zhuo, of course there was no result. However, in the "Third Batch of Materials on Hu Feng's Counterrevolutionary Group" published in 1955, Hu Feng's letter to Ah Yong dated September 26, 1947, that is, the letter from Ah Yong asking Chen Zhuo to bail me out was actually cited as evidence of the crime of "the close relationship between Hu Feng and his clique members and the Kuomintang spies." It was not until 1980 that this historical fact was corrected in a document issued by the Central Committee on the rehabilitation of the "Hu Feng counterrevolutionary clique." The document cites a review report issued by the Ministry of Public Security as saying: "Hu Feng once wrote to Ah Yong to ask Chen Zhuo to rescue Jia Zhifang, but after investigation, Chen Zhuo, Hu Feng, and Ah Yong did not know each other. In September 1947, in order to rescue Jia Zhifang, who was arrested by the Kuomintang, Hu Feng thought that he had heard Jia say that he knew Chen Zhuo, so he wrote to Ah Yong to try to find Chen Baojia. I can't find it because I don't know him. Therefore, it is not a fact to say that Hu Feng and Ah Yong have an 'intimate relationship' with the spy leader. "Wu Qi gave me the rank of lieutenant colonel at that time and appointed me deputy director of the Shanxi Wartime News Inspection Department. In February 1944, I immediately set out and returned to Qiulin Town, Shaanxi Province, which was the headquarters of the Second War Zone Governor and the seat of the Shanxi Provincial Government in Yan Xishan, not far from Yichuan County, from where I had traveled south on foot half a year earlier, and now I am back there.
Passing through Xi'an, I found Wang, a fellow villager who had traveled south with me half a year ago, and asked him for help. Before the war, he studied at Chaoyang University in Beiping, but was sentenced to prison by the Kuomintang regime for "crimes against the Republic of China" and imprisoned in an army prison for five years before he was released after the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War. He found a few fellow villagers as clerks and went to Qiulin Town to work together. In fact, I rarely take care of things, and most of the work is done by Wang. He's older than me, and he's a little more experienced. At that time, I became acquainted with Comrade Wang Shiying, director of the Eighth Route Army's office in Shanxi, who also held the title of deputy chief of general staff of the 18th Group Army. He is a native of Hongdong County, Shanxi. According to him, he was a graduate of the fourth phase of Whampoa, and in the thirties, he did special work in Shanghai, specializing in "dog fighting", so he called himself a "dog fighting team member". I have been in touch with Wang Shiying ever since.
In the summer of 1944, my sister-in-law Li Xinghua, with the help of Zhou Zuoren, took her younger brother Li Guanghua and her three-year-old son Lin Lin and left Beiping for Yan'an. Due to the complicated political situation in this area, including the enemy's puppet occupation area, Yan Xishan's second-war zone, and the Kuomintang-ruled area, I managed to connect with the Xi'an Eighth Route Army Office through Sun Shiyi (Shen Ying), manager of the Xi'an branch of Xinhua Daily. Wang Shiying, who often comes to my place, said that he sent two guards to send them directly to Yan'an, and there was no need to make a detour to Xi'an. However, considering the complicated environment I was in, I would immediately attract the attention of others when I walked around, so I could only ask a staff member to send them to Yichuan County as a relative, and then hire a carriage to Xi'an. Shen Ying, manager of the Xi'an branch of Xinhua Daily, was my brother's classmate, who had returned from studying in France, and we met in Beiping as early as 1938, and we met again in Wuhan in the summer of 1938. After Li Xinghua and the three of them arrived in Xi'an, they waited for nearly two months in the shop opened by my family in Xi'an, and then waited for the big truck from Yan'an to get on the big truck from Yan'an and reunite with my brother who had gone to Yan'an in 1938.
I did not stay in Qiulin for a full year, and around the Spring Festival of the following year, I suddenly received a secret telegram from Cao Xianghua through Wu Qi, saying that Chongqing had received a secret report from the party and government authorities in Shanxi, saying that I had "color" and asked for a replacement, and that he wanted me to try to leave so as not to have an accident. I had a premonition of this outcome, and I took this opportunity to write to the Chongqing bureau to formally resign from them, and quietly left Qiulin, returned to Xi'an, and began my wandering life again. Later, I heard that after I left Qiulin Town, Wang and other staff members I brought with me were dismissed from their posts by the new ones sent by Chongqing to replace me.
I am not a writer in my study, but I have experienced all kinds of complicated scenes, all kinds of social relations, and all kinds of political and social figures in my life, and these strange people will continue to appear in this memoir. Inspect a lifetime, go in and out of black, black and white, and hover among everyone and ghosts, but the light of the ideal that I yearn for and pursue in my heart has never been extinguished. Therefore, if you are together, you will stay, and if you are not together, you will go, although you are wandering in all directions, your heart is tied to it, and you have a clear conscience. Since these two things are to be censored in the ideological reform movement, then censor them.
I told Cao Xianghua, who was working in the East China Bureau at the time, and he said, "You should go and participate in the ideological transformation and explain these issues clearly, because the underground party arranged for you to go, and this is your credit." Speaking of this, he suddenly sighed, and said with a smile: "Before liberation, we liked chaotic ministers and thieves, but now that we are in power, we like loyal ministers and filial sons." Some friends close to me also persuaded me to go, so I reluctantly did. Sure enough, after arriving at the Institute of Political Studies of the Revolutionary University, these experiences were only explained in general, and no one studied them deeply. There are two key points that I have been assigned to talk about above: one is the relationship with the Communist Party, and the other is the relationship with Hu Feng. From this, I was also alerted to the fact that making friends with Hu Feng was also a political "problem". I will have a chance to write about these two issues in the future, so I will not talk about them here for the time being.
After three months, the study ended. In fact, this is a political censorship, in which people who are deemed to have political or historical problems are transferred from their original professors or school administrative leadership positions to other provinces and places, and some are even demoted from professors to middle school teachers. Although the leaders also announced a conclusion about my ideological style, saying that I was "three-eyed" - "no organization, no leadership, and no masses", I still returned to Aurora University. At that time, the College of Arts of Aurora University and the Aurora Women's College of Arts and Sciences were merged, and the College of Arts established three departments: Chinese, English, Education, and a Department of Nursery (remodeled from the Department of Home Economics of Aurora Women's College of Arts and Sciences). I became the head of the Chinese department, and for the first time I was considered a "cadre". Since then, the ideological transformation movement of intellectuals has been rolled out in all schools, and each school has set up a study committee to lead the ideological transformation of teachers, and most of the committee members are cadres sent from outside, including from the Municipal Bureau of Higher Education, the Organization Department of the Municipal Party Committee, and cadres from the Public Security Bureau. After the ideological reform, the faculties were adjusted, the foreign-run church schools and private universities were abolished, and I was transferred to Fudan University, which was in August 1952, where I spent the second half of my life in the most humiliating and unforgettable part of my life.