First, the development of Ulema
The Egyptian Ulema enjoyed a high social, economic, and professional status during the Mamluk rule. Although the Ottoman occupation further deprived Ulema of many of its privileges, over time Ulema gradually regained its influence and even increased. The religious scholar Ulema was prominent and popular during the Mamluk and Ottoman dynasties, as they were intermediaries between the people and the Sultan Empire.
Ulema fulfills its basic functions in Muslim society: to fulfill religious norms; Follow Islamic values and traditions; Bridging social divisions and maintaining social stability and unity; cultivate literate intellectuals; As the voice of the people and act as an intermediary between the people and the rulers. In Ottoman Egypt, the role of the ulema was particularly necessary in the brutal exploitation and chaos of society, and they were also a necessary link between the ruling class and ordinary people.
First, in its relations with the ruler and the ruled, Ulema can give the ruler a veneer of legitimacy, and those in power would be wise not to provoke Ulema to support the regime. From the point of view of the rulers, the Ulema was a useful tool, and both the Ottoman sultans and the Mamluk rulers generally showed respect for the Ulema and supported them in various ways. Whenever the Mamluk emir was in a political crisis, he turned to Ulema for help, and the emir's petition to the Ottoman central government also required Ulemma's signature.
When they try to enact a new decree or adopt a new measure, they are often willing to negotiate a compromise if Ulema openly opposes it. Likewise, Ulema needs the regime's protection. They need to rely on the authority of the rulers to maintain social discipline, suppress heresy, and resist the violence of criminals, rebels, and sometimes even the masses of the people. More importantly, they need to rely on regimes to defend against the destruction of religious communities and subversion of their beliefs by foreign invaders such as pagans or Christians. Ulemma's relationship with the regime illustrates the interpenetration of the state and society in political, social organization and economic life.
Ulema enjoys some kind of immunity, of course this immunity is not absolute, the degree of which varies greatly depending on the personality of the Pasha or Bey in power. However, Ulema is not necessarily loyal to any particular regime, faction, or form of government. Ulema usually did not interfere in politics and cared little about which emir or pasha would become their ruler. However, in order to avoid conflicts that could be detrimental to the people, they occasionally strongly support a political initiative, such as the appointment of a new emir or reconciliation between Beys. Because of the special role that the Ulema played in society, they were in a privileged position, but they were, after all, closer to the people than to the ruling class. As the voice of the entire Muslim community, Ulema has a responsibility to defend the interests of the people.
The ruling class also prefers to use Urema's role in order to negotiate and reach compromises with the people rather than resort to coercion in order to broaden the mass base of its rule. Secondly, in terms of education and learning, the Ulema of Egypt during the Ottoman Empire did not produce creative construction for cultural development, and the academic atmosphere of Azhar fell into a dry period. Hasanal-Hijazi, an 18th-century poet and writer, ironically likened Azhar to "a heavy, dry and stiff stone that Ulema made their turbans larger and their sleeves wider in order to be the masters (of the people)."
But Ulema is, after all, a religious intellectual elite, an authoritative interpreter of Sharia law, and a steward of family, business, education, and legal affairs. They are not an independent class, but a group of people belonging to various social classes, who permeate all aspects of Egyptian society, giving it cohesion and stability. Regardless of their social status, Ulema is someone recognized for their ability to learn. Those who devoted their lives to learning, seeking knowledge under the guidance of scholars of various religions, produced a large number of works, although their knowledge was limited to traditional religious subjects and religious studies, there were also some ulema interested in algebra, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, logic, and other sciences.
In Egyptian society, there are a large number of Ulema from humble origins, mostly from rural areas, who came to Cairo alone to study, and even some Ulema were ashamed of their origins and tried to hide it. But some of the Ulema have maintained lifelong ties to their homeland, even after Cairo's fame. Once or twice a year, they return home to issue fatwa orders to villagers, settle disputes, arrange marriage contracts, or act as religious authorities in the village.
Al-Azhar and other religious schools attract young villagers because villagers were forbidden to settle in Cairo until the 19th century. The only way to legally settle in Cairo and thus gain opportunities for social mobility is to pursue knowledge (Talabal-'ILM), and the source of knowledge is in Cairo. Thirdly, in terms of economic conditions, Ulema is not a single socio-economic class, only a few Ulema are very wealthy, but most of them are poor. Government and individual donors provide Ulema with social benefits to ensure that they can at least maintain a minimum subsistence.
Of course, there are also ulemas with high social status, such as Ulema who runs the Wakhf Religious Foundation, which has the opportunity to receive a high fixed income, and some ulema who have their own slaves and slave girls, even Mamluks, which is very unusual for civilians. However, the vast majority of Ulema make a living from teaching, increasing their income by issuing fatwa, copying manuscripts, etc. There is plenty of evidence that competition for teaching positions is fierce. The Egyptian Ulema often went to Istanbul to persuade influential people there to appoint them to teaching and other positions in Egypt (a situation that was extremely common in the 16th century).
In addition, there are some Ulema engaged in commercial trading activities. The Egyptian Pasha also reduced the pension allowance of the Ulema for this reason, believing that they were actually merchants. An Ottoman edict dated August 1734 clearly states that Ulema "entrepreneurs" were treated favorably by the government and were sometimes exempt from taxes. The Jawali poll tax for Christians and Jews is one of Ulemah's regular sources of income, and most of its income comes from the Wakhf Religious Foundation, which is the basis for maintaining the normal functioning of religious institutions.
Finally, the composition of the Ulema community in Egypt during the Ottoman rule was very complex, and the Ulema from different regions enriched the intellectual and religious life of Egypt, either to study in Egypt or to stay in Egypt on their pilgrimage to Mecca. The largest group of Ulema foreign groups in Egypt during this period were the Maghrebs, who had been integrated to varying degrees into Egyptian social life, where there was a sizeable Maghreb community at the time. They entered Al-Azhar and achieved brilliant academic achievements.
Under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the Ulema of Istanbul also had a large space for activity in Egypt and had a great influence, which was reflected in Egyptian religious schools and mosques, many of which exhibited Istanbul's architectural style. But it is worth noting that the famous Istanbul Ulema did not arise in Egypt, and even if it did, it did not remain in Egypt and did not affect the academic and religious life of Egypt.
Second, the centrality of Al-Azhar
Al-Azhar's development and centrality are concrete manifestations of the development of Islamic culture in Egypt during this period. Founded since the Fatimid dynasty, Al-Azhar has been the center of Egyptian Islamic culture, with unique prestige and high status, is an ancient and relatively well-established religious learning institution, and is also a rich chapter in the history of Ottoman-Egyptian culture. In conclusion, the great Azhar retained its independence and prestige as an Islamic institution of higher learning, the strict hierarchy of grades and salaries taught in the Istanbul school, and the organizational structure of the Turkish and Slavic lands, which were not imposed on Egypt as an Ottoman province.
During Ottoman rule, the Ottomans destroyed many Muslim institutions in Cairo. But Al-Azhar was never destroyed. As the central institution of Al-Azhar, some Egyptian pashas also donate funds to carry out charitable activities for the people. Foreign Muslim travelers such as Evliya Celebi and many pilgrims admired Azhar, acknowledging it as the world's unrivalled great, rich, and respected center for religious learning and transmission.
In the 17th and 18th centuries, Al-Azhar was regarded entirely as a religious institution in Ulemah, and many other religious schools existed in Cairo, but they were insignificant compared to Al-Azhar, and many of their teaching positions were held by Al-Azhar Sheikh. Al-Azhar University has a student population of about 3,000-5,000, taught by about 70 religious scholars, as well as a number of assistants and lecturers.
The mode of teaching is mainly carried out in the style of medieval religious schools, without any admission requirements, prescribed study courses and examinations, and students can decide on the course of study. Unlike the Ottoman religious school system, teaching at Al-Azhar University was more individualized, and Sheikh could be promoted to professor with the unanimous consent of his colleagues, subject to formal confirmation by Egyptian authorities.
Tensions and clashes between ethnic groups within Al-Azhar are frequent, and Al-Azhar is not only the largest mosque and the most important and universally respected Islamic institution, but also the nerve centre of public opinion in Cairo, serving as a venue for popular discontent and protest. The demonstrations were generally initiated by students in an attempt to express their dissatisfaction through Al-Azhar. In more serious cases, resident students close the gates of Al-Azhar, disrupting classes and prayers at mosques there and nearby, and in more extreme cases, students climb minarets and curse the emir. In this case, shops in nearby areas are closed, either in solidarity with the protests or to prevent clashes with the authorities.
However, demonstrations against the Egyptian authorities will inevitably end in disastrous, and most of them will be ruthlessly suppressed by soldiers. Of course, they also realized that it would make more sense to pressure the authorities through Al-Azhar, who enjoyed some immunity and that their special status represented the ruler's intermediary with the people, who could submit their demands to the Egyptian authorities by filing a petition.