The kmt chairman election is now being held on the island of Taiwan, and the biggest attraction of this election is that Zhang Yazhong, the president of Sun Wen School, accidentally became a dark horse, and a "whirlwind of Zhang Yazhong" was blown within the KMT. Whether he is elected or not, his ideas and spirit are truly admirable. Behind him actually represents the strong dissatisfaction of the grassroots in Taiwan with the elite forces of the Kuomintang. For hundreds of years, Taiwanese society has been controlled by the powerful, and ordinary people have no channel to speak out. Because of its antiquated and rigid system, the Kuomintang has long been controlled by the powerful forces in the party and its children. The dividends of cross-strait exchanges are also controlled by the powerful compradors, and young people have no sense of gain and will naturally throw themselves into the DPP's Taiwan independence camp. And Zhang Yazhong shouted out the voice of the Kuomintang grassroots and even the grassroots in Taiwan, which will make the people have expectations. What is the specific situation, and wait for the next slow way.
Zhang Yazhong whirlwind
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="5" > the history of the struggle between the magnates and grassroots in Taiwanese society for a hundred years</h1>
Since the chenggong era, Taiwan's high-level politics has been monopolized by the elite. For a long time, the Taiwan region has been a society with complex ethnic groups, diverse classes, and a serious disconnect between the development of the people's livelihood and economic development and the reserve of natural resources. After Zheng successfully closed Taiwan, in view of the complex social conditions and public opinion in the local area, he did not vigorously reuse the indigenous people of Taiwan. Most of his heavy generals followed his old squad from the mainland period, and Chen Yonghua, the head of his Chinese ministers, served as Zheng Chenggong's advisor to the army from 1656, assisting Zheng Chenggong and Zheng Jing's father and son for decades. The general Liu Guoxuan of the Zheng clan also defected to Zheng Chenggong in 1654 and achieved great military achievements for many years. After the Qing Dynasty unified Taiwan, Chen Yonghua's son Chen Mengqiu was successively promoted to a higher rank and a jinshi, and he was also the first Taiwanese jinshi after Taiwan was included in the territory of the Qing Dynasty. Zheng Ketuan led the people to surrender, and Liu Guoxuan was also entrusted with heavy responsibilities after returning to the Qing Dynasty, and finally the official was appointed to the general army of Tianjin, with a high position of authority. After Liu Guoxuan's death, he was also awarded the title of Grand Master of Guanglu and the title of Prince Shaobao( Shaobao), and was extremely honored.
Liu Guoxuan
Whether it is a change of power or a change of dynasty, these elites in Taiwan can still maintain their wealth and glory for a long time. Because they monopolize the best political, economic, and educational resources, it is easier for their children and grandchildren to rise to the top than ordinary people. More importantly, the central government's appointment of Taiwan's traditional elite is less expensive than the development of new politicians, with whom new rulers are happy to work. However, the people at the grassroots level were not so lucky, and a large number of Soldiers of the Ming And Zheng Army were forcibly relocated to Fujian and other inland areas after the surrender of the upper echelons, in order to reduce the centrifugal forces on the island of Taiwan. This is also to better monitor, control, and disintegrate these tens of thousands of fresh troops, and the result is that the high-ranking officials of the elite class, Houlu, ordinary soldiers and their families have left their homes. In fact, from this time on, contradictions arose between the local grassroots and high-level people in Taiwan, and the people of the Ming Zheng Clique were lost. This is also why in the several grass-roots rebellions that broke out in Taiwan later, some people carried the banner of the Zhu Ming Dynasty, some people carried the banner of the Heaven and Earth Society, and even some people used the banner of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, but very few people carried the banner of the Ming Zheng clique.
Some people in Taiwan once revolted under the banner of the Heaven and Earth Society
During the reign of the Qing Dynasty, Taiwanese politics was under the responsibility of Manchu and Han officials personally appointed by the imperial court, and Taiwan's local forces turned to civilian development. Five major families, such as the Wufeng Lin Family and the Banqiao Lin Family, have appeared successively, and their reputation is prominent. There are indeed many elite elements among them, such as Lin Weiyuan, Lin Wencha and other representative figures in the middle and late Qing Dynasty, who have made great achievements in the political arena. The term "magnate" originally did not have an obvious positive and negative orientation, but simply a noun to describe identity attributes. But when the resources of society are fully grasped by the descendants of these people and other latecomers are excluded. The word "magnate" began to change its flavor. In particular, when the descendants are reluctant to make progress and only know how to enjoy the rich material resources on the merit books of their ancestors, the people at the bottom will be dissatisfied with them. Especially during the Japanese occupation of Taiwan, many representatives of the squires turned into eagles and dogs for the Japanese, standing behind the Japanese army. For example, Gu Xianrong, the head of the Lukang Gu family in the five major families, was once the guide of the Japanese army into Taipei City, monopolizing the local camphor trading rights in Taiwan. After the Kuomintang arrived in Taiwan, because it was the core backbone composed of powerful people, Shunshi began to recruit and co-opt the local squires in Taiwan. The Kuomintang welcomes all local tyrants who have taken the initiative to defect to the Kuomintang. And for those squires who were not willing to be ruled by the Kuomintang and wanted to create trouble in society, the Kuomintang also carried out a strong crackdown.
A magnate during the Japanese occupation period
When the Kuomintang gained a firm foothold in Taiwan, because of its internal bad atmosphere, the original elites re-emerged a new Kuomintang elite class after absorbing the Taiwan native faction, and formed a clear intergenerational inheritance. Fathers pass on to sons, sons pass on to grandchildren, and the glory and wealth are endless. For example, the position of Taoyuan County Governor once had the situation of "one door and three county chiefs", and in 1960, Wu Honglin, who had been a member of the Taoyuan County Council for nearly a decade, became the governor of Taoyuan County. His son, Wu Boxiong, also served as taoyuan county magistrate in 1973 and later became the honorary chairman of the Kuomintang within the Kuomintang. Wu Zhiyang, the third generation of political representatives of the Wu family and son of Wu Boxiong, became the governor of Taoyuan County in December 2009. "One discipline and three county governors" is not only a kind of reputation, but it also reflects the solidification of the Kuomintang's high-level class, and the magnate monopolizes a large number of resources. It is precisely because the top level of the Kuomintang is controlled by the powerful and powerful that there is a situation in which there are wild widows and there is no way for the sons of the cold to be promoted. The upper position of the children of the family will naturally squeeze out the living space of the children of the cold door. With the passage of time, more and more people buried in the party have formed non-governmental forces, and the emergence of the DPP has opened a window for these people. Many figures who could not emerge from the KMT have shifted camps one after another and become cadres in the DPP. And the ordinary people also saw that the powerful and powerful in the Kuomintang were in charge. In the 1970s and 1980s, when Taiwan's economy was taking off, the people's living conditions were good, and they would not care about this. However, with the sluggish development of Taiwan and the outbreak of various problems, the people's feelings for the DPP, which is born in the grassroots, have naturally doubled, and the KMT, which is in power and power, has also fallen into a relative gloom.
Wu Boxiong "Three County Governors of a Family"
<h1 class="pgc-h-arrow-right" data-track="24" > why young people support the DPP, because the cross-strait dividend is monopolized by the powerful</h1>
In 2008, cross-strait relations ushered in the spring, coinciding with the era of the mainland's economic take-off. Cross-strait exchanges and trade have created enormous economic value, and the eight-year-long Period of Ma Ying-jeou was supposed to be a period of extreme happiness on the island of Taiwan. However, when the tide receded, we suddenly found that the dividends of cross-strait trade had been plundered by the powerful compradors, and the channels of interests were basically in their hands. Ordinary grassroots young people do not have any sense of gain to speak of, which is why young people have begun to fall to the DPP's Taiwan independence camp. Young people in Taiwan were originally a very pragmatic group, and if they can gain tangible benefits from cross-strait relations, then they will definitely not become pawns and vanguards in sabotaging cross-strait relations. According to Taiwan's 2016 economic figure analysis,
Taiwan's economic figures
However, the more frightening figure is the annual income of people over the age of 30, which is a full two decades backwards, which is not as good as the income figures of 1997. According to the same report, in 2016, Taiwan:
"The average annual income of 1.432 million people aged 30 to 34 is 591,000 yuan, an increase of nearly 10,000 yuan over the previous year, but it is still not as good as the 602,400 yuan in 1997, and the income is reversed by 19 years; the average annual income of 1,583,000 people aged 35 to 39 has an average annual income of 669,000 yuan, an increase of 0.38 million yuan over the previous year, and it is also not as good as 669,600 yuan in 1997, which is also a 19-year setback."
Judging from the report, the actual economic situation in Taiwan society does not advance or retreat, and the people's income is not as good as that of twenty years ago, and the people still have no sense of gain under the circumstance that the cross-strait dividend is so prosperous. So where did the huge dividend between the two sides of the strait go? Nature has entered the pockets of Taiwan's elite, and the richer the richer the poorer they are, the poorer they are. The most prominent problem is the young people, who have just entered the society and have not yet saved. After all, the older people have experienced the prosperity of that year and still have some foundation to speak of, but the young people have nothing. In the face of such a Kuomintang, it would be nice if young people were not hostile. Therefore, the DPP Tsai Ing-wen raised her arms, and young students gathered to respond, becoming the representative of "natural independence". In fact, they only transferred their anger to the Kuomintang because they had no chance to be promoted and did not have savings in their hands.
The crisis behind Taiwan's prosperity
It is in this vicious circle that the distance between the Kuomintang and the grass-roots people is getting farther and farther away. Almost none of the kmtones in the upper echelons after Ma Ying-jeou were of commoner origin. Zhu Lilun's father-in-law was a political tycoon, and his father was the designer of Chiang Kai-shek's Cihu Mausoleum. Wu Dunyi's father, Wu Xi, was a member of the Nantou County Council, and Hao Longbin's father was Hao Baicun, the former head of the administrative body. The whole Kuomintang was filled with the smell of money and power, and a large number of young family members poured in. Including Lian Shengwen, son of former party chairman Lien Chan, and Jiang Wan'an, son of former Kuomintang vice chairman Jiang Xiaoyan. Until the emergence of Han Hanyu, his "common people's slogan" won the resonance of the grassroots people in Taiwan. In fact, these children of the family and the representatives of the magnate are not useless, and they can also play a great role in some professional fields. However, after all, the election is facing the entire grassroots, and if it cannot "ground the gas" to get the resonance of the people and cannot suffer the suffering of the people, it can only be a void. The young master of the family, the young master of the family, is still okay with the wind and the moon, but if he really wants to mingle with the people, his origin will become a burden.
Most of the top brass of the Kuomintang are the sons of powerful people
Zhang Yazhong's appearance is very similar to Han Hanyu, Zhang Yazhong is a political amateur, no factional constraints and no magnate background. This has made many grassroots people have expectations, hoping that he can become a spokesman for the grassroots and change the actual environment in which the powerful and powerful in the KmT are in charge. It was precisely under these circumstances that the "whirlwind of Zhang Yazhong" appeared, which was not only a cry of the grass-roots people, but also a protest against Zhu Lilun, the second generation of officials, Jiang Qichen, a rich man, and Zhuo Boyuan, a traditional bureaucrat. Scholars are cowardly, Zhang Yazhong is a scholar, but he has shown extraordinary combat strength. He directly targeted Lee Teng-hui's legacy within the KMT, which was one of the reasons why he was able to attract the support of senior KMT members. As a veteran of the political arena who has been immersed in Vanity Fair for many years, both Jiang Qichen and Zhu Lilun are already stuck in the mud and cannot extricate themselves, and it is simply empty talk to completely clean up the muddy waters in the KmT. Zhang Yazhong can on the contrary go light, whether he can be elected in the end, he has already conveyed the voice of the grass-roots people, which should also be a wake-up call for the KMT. There are only electoral calculations and no core ideas; there are only cross-strait dividends and no cross-strait feelings; only the KMT, which shares the spoils of interests and has no merits, will be completely defeated by the DPP and reduced to a bubble sooner or later.
Mr. Zhongshan, the world is public
The real enemy of the KMT is not the DPP, still less the mainland, but a high-level force in the party that is only interested in profit and clings to power. Under the spiral of ever-increasing hostility between the two sides of the strait, military reunification and urgent reunification are still the most effective means of eliminating the Taiwan independence forces. But if we still have expectations for the Taiwan region, then the KMT is bound to change. Whether Zhang Yazhong can finally win or not, his awe-inspiring righteousness and call for change are real issues that the KMT should face squarely in the future. We will wait and see how the future of the two sides of the strait will develop.