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Confucianism is the most far-reaching academic school in traditional Chinese culture. Confucius was the founder of Confucianism, but the origins of Confucianism can be traced back to the earlier Zhou Gong.
First, the source of Confucianism
Regarding the origins of Confucianism, some people trace it back to the Book of Hetuluo. As we have already explained, the Book of River Tulo is more of a symbol than a detailed one.
Regarding the origin of Confucianism, in the Book of Han and Yiwenzhi, Ban Gu put forward a saying: "The Confucian stream, covered by the officials of Situ, helps the Junshun Yin yang Ming enlightenment also." You Wen in the Six Classics, pay attention to the occasion of benevolence, Zu Shu Yao Shun, Charter Wen Wu, Grandmaster Zhongni, to repeat his words. Han Yu, a Tang Dynasty man, also said: "Yao Yi is the Shun of Chuan, Shun is chuan zhi Yu, Yu yi is chuan zhi tang, tang is chuan wu zhou gong, Wen Wu Zhou gong is confucius, Confucius passed on Meng Ke, and the death of Ke cannot be passed on." [1] These claims trace the origins of Confucianism back to the distant Yao Shun.
The first yaodian in the classic Shang Shu tells the story of Yao Shun Zen Rang. Yao Shun has also always been a recognized sage of Confucianism. Modern history tells us that many of the stories about Yao Shun are false trusts of later generations, and are not entirely true and credible. Regarding the YaoDian, scholars now generally regard it as a document of the Warring States period. Although Yao Shun's era is of great significance to the origin of Chinese civilization, it will certainly have a certain influence on the origin of Confucianism. But, as we have just said about the Book of River Tulo, this effect can only be indirect.
Some people also trace the origin of Confucianism back to the Xia capital Erlitou. The Erlitou site does contain a very rich cultural information. The emergence of the Xia Dynasty is a landmark event for the Chinese nation to cross the threshold of civilization. Some scholars trace the origins of Confucianism back to Erlitou, because in their view, the ritual system of Sacrifice and Tomb in Erlitou can be regarded as the source of the "ritual" spoken of by Confucianism. As far as the Confucian rituals are concerned, the origin is very early, and we can even go all the way back to the Yangshao period, or the Pei Ligang period. As long as there are human beings, there will be rituals related to human beings. Obviously, to trace the origin of Confucianism back to Erlitou from this perspective is to confuse the generality and particularity of etiquette.
Mr. Hu Shi opposed the tracing of the origin of the Hundred Sons and Hundred Families to a distant three-generation regime, and he once had an article called "The Theory of the Sons Not Producing The King's Official", which was published in the "Ancient History Discernment". [2] Later, in response to the origins of Confucianism, he also wrote a special article "Speaking of Confucianism". [3] In Hu Shi's view, the origins of Confucianism can be traced back to the Yin Shang Dynasty. Hu Shi's article also has a certain truth, for example, Confucius himself is a descendant of the Yin Shang royal family, Confucius also regards himself as the queen of the Yin people, Confucius himself said: "To the Yin people also." [4] The State of Lu also had a large number of descendants of the Yin people, and the land where the State of Lu was located was once the center of gravity of the yin Shang Dynasty's rule, and it was also the area where the rebellion against the Zhou people in the early years of the Western Zhou Dynasty was the most intense. After the fall of the Yin Shang Dynasty, a large number of Yin people lived here, and they also had a complete clan organization. And "Confucianism", before Confucius, was indeed a profession, equivalent to the "broadcast hosting" major in the School of Journalism and Communication in modern universities. It mainly trains the hosts in ceremonies such as weddings and funerals. However, we should see more that the State of Lu is, after all, a vassal state divided by the Zhou people. During the Spring and Autumn Period, people repeatedly lamented that "Zhou Li is all in Luyi". [5] Therefore, when we trace the origins of Confucian culture, we still have to start with Zhou culture.
Moreover, regarding the origin of Confucianism, Confucius himself once said: "To speak without doing is to steal compared to my old Peng." [6] Confucius's words certainly have an element of self-effacing, but they also show that Confucius has some inheritance and some support. What Confucius wanted to inherit was the liturgical civilization of the Zhou Dynasty, and Confucius said, "I am depressed and wenya, and I am from Zhou." [7] Confucius also said, "If there is any use for me, I am the Eastern Zhou Hu?" [8] He devoted his life to the inheritance and restoration of the Lile civilization of the Zhou Dynasty. For the Lile civilization of the Zhou Dynasty, Zhou Gong was undoubtedly the person who made the greatest contribution. Confucius expressed his admiration for the Duke of Zhou many times, and Zi Said: "Even if I am in decline, I will not dream of seeing the Duke of Zhou for a long time." ”[9]
Statue of Zhou Gong
2. Zhou Gongqi
Duke Zhou was the son of King Wen of Zhou, with the surname Ji (姬) and his maiden name Dan (丹). In those days, as an aristocratic man, surname and first name were not directly linked together. Zhou Gong can be called Zhou Gongdan or Shu Dan, but not Ji Dan.
The "Shang Shu Biography" once summed up the cause of Zhou Gong's life as follows: "One year to save the chaos, two years to overcome Yin, three years to practice death, four years to build Hou Wei, five years to become a Zhou, six years to make liturgical music, and seven years to become a king." [10] "One year to save the chaos" means that King Wu of Zhou died of illness two years after the destruction of Shang. King Wu's son, King Cheng, was young and had to be regent by the Duke of Zhou. The remnants of the Shang Dynasty, led by Father Wu Genglu, the son of King Shang, colluded with Guan Shu and Younger Brother Cai Of the Zhou Dynasty royal nobleman Zhou Gong to launch a large-scale rebellion, which was successfully suppressed by the Duke of Zhou. Moreover, the Duke of Zhou also killed Uncle Guan and exiled Uncle Cai. Guan Shu is the ancestor of today's Guan surname, and Guan Shu's fiefdom is in the Guancheng District of present-day Zhengzhou, Henan. Uncle Cai is the ancestor of today's Cai surname, and Uncle Cai's fiefdom is in Shangcai. Later, Uncle Cai reformed himself, and Zhou Gong released him again.
"Two years of Ke Yin" refers to the second year of the regency of the Duke of Zhou, who once again launched an attack on the remnants of Yin Shang. When the Western Zhou Dynasty destroyed the Shang, it was actually a sneak attack. After the King of Shang had just finished fighting, he launched a surprise attack, and the victory was somewhat accidental. In order to appease the power of the merchants, King Wu of Zhou divided the father of Wu Genglu, the son of the King of Shang, into the Yin Shang region and commanded the remnants of the Yin Shang. As a result, Wu Genglu's father instead launched a rebellion. The Duke of Zhou launched a crusade against the remnants of Yin Shang and killed Wu Genglu's father. After that, Zhou Gongfen enfeoffed Wei Ziqi as the Duke of Song and commanded the remnants of Yin Shang, and the feudal state was in present-day Shangqiu, Henan.
In the third year of the regency of the Duke of Zhou, the Duke of Zhou launched a crusade against the eastern tribes that supported the rebellion of Yin Shang. In terms of ethnic origins, the Zhou people came from the West, while the merchants came from the East. The scale of the battle of the Zhou Gong's Eastern Crusade was far greater than that of the Battle of Makino, in which King Wu destroyed the Shang. Only then did the zhou people's rule stabilize. It can be said that the cause of the demise of the Zhou people was officially completed until the Zhou Gong. Zhang Yinlin, a famous historian of the Republic of China period, said: "After the Zhou Gongdong Crusade, the power of the Zhou people reached their Far East. As far as the steps of the Zhou people's outward development are concerned, the Zhou Gongdong Expedition is more important than wang Keshang. ”[11]
After completing the Crusade, the Duke of Zhou carried out a large-scale division in order to further consolidate the fruits of victory. Mainly the children and heroes of the Ji surname. The more important princely states were: the State of Lu, in The Land of Yan, was Qufu. This was the fiefdom of the Duke of Zhou, and since the Duke of Zhou could not leave, he sent the eldest son of the Duke of Zhou to go there. When The Duke of Zhou warned him when Bo Yan was leaving, he said: I am the son of King Wen, the younger brother of King Wu, and the uncle of King Cheng, but I dare to be proud and complacent at all, and it is often difficult to complete even eating and bathing, which is known as "one mu and three hairs." Three spits and three feedings in one meal". [12] At that time, the Six Tribes of Yin were also enfeoffed to the State of Lu. The State of Lu played a role in stabilizing the rule of the Zhou people at the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty. This can be proved by the Shangshu Fei Oath.
Map of the situation of the Zhou GongDong Crusade
The State of Qi, a fiefdom of Taigong Wang, was in Yingqiu, Shandong. And gave him the task of "The Five Marquises and Nine Uncles' Daughters To Supplement the Zhou Room". [13] Weiguo, In Xinxiang. This was the fiefdom of Uncle Wei Kang, who was the younger brother of the Duke of Zhou. After quelling the Rebellion of the Yin people, the Duke of Zhou moved some of yin to Luoyang and sent his younger brother Uncle Kang to the place of the Yin people. From the literature such as "Kang Yu" and "Wine Curse" given by Zhou Gong to Uncle Kang, it can be seen that Zhou Gong attached great importance to Uncle Kang. At that time, he was also given the Seven Tribes of Yinmin. The Song Kingdom, in Shangqiu, was a fiefdom of micro-sons. Legend has it that Wei Zi was the brother-in-law of Qiu and was a sage. He defected to the Zhou people before he died. It is possible that he lost the battle for the throne and fled. After destroying Wu Geng's forces, the Duke of Zhou sealed the micro-son in Shangqiu to manage the descendants of merchants. Confucius was his descendant. The State of Yan, in the area of present-day Beijing, was a fiefdom of zhao gong. Of course, Zhao Gong has also been holding important positions in the dynasty, and he has also sent his sons to go. However, the early history of the Yan state is not very detailed, and even the lineage of the Yan state in the literature is incomplete. The State of Jin, near present-day Dai County, Shanxi. It was a fiefdom of King Cheng's younger brother Uncle Tang. During the Spring and Autumn Period, the Jin State became an ally of the Central Plains. Legend has it that King Cheng took a piece of tung leaf to his brother when he was playing and said to his brother: Just seal this for you. Seen by Shi Guan, Shi Guan said to King Cheng, "The king has no jokes." Therefore, King Cheng sealed Uncle Tang to the State of Jin, and at the same time gave him the surname jiuzong of Huai. Cai Guo, in today's Henan Xincai, Shangcai and other places. Uncle Cai's son was able to sincerely repent, so he sealed him to the Cai Kingdom. There are also some small countries such as Jiang, Mao, Cao and so on.
These sub-feudalisms at the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty were actually armed colonization, and the countries that were divided were also armed strongholds one by one. Later, with the development of strength, it gradually expanded to the surrounding areas. These princes at the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty played an important role in consolidating the rule of the Zhou Dynasty. Through the division of the princes, the Zhou people's control over the world was much stronger than that of the Xia and Shang dynasties.
In the fifth year of the regency of the Duke of Zhou, the construction of Chengzhou Luoyi was completed. In the early years of the Western Zhou Dynasty, the original capital of the Zhou people, Hojing, was near Xi'an, known as Zong zhou. However, Zong Zhou's location in the northwest, in a remote corner, was not conducive to controlling their newly acquired vast land in the east, and the Zhou people urgently needed to establish a new capital in the east. According to the literature, in order to build this new capital, Zhou Gong once measured the shadow of the sun all over the world. To this day, there is also a monument known as the "Zhou Gong Observation Deck" in dengfeng town, Henan. In the end, Zhou Gong and others came to the conclusion that Luoyang was in the world. In the Book of Shang, it is called "in the earth", which is the center of the earth. The "Records of History" also says: "The king of Cheng is on the throne, and the subordinate of the Duke of Zhou is Fu Xiangyan, who is the camp of Zhou Luoyi, and this is the world, and the princes are all in the four directions of the tribute." ”[14]
After the completion of Luoyi, the Duke of Zhou moved the "Yin Stubborn", that is, the most rebellious and stubborn elements among the Yin remnants, to the vicinity of Luoyang and controlled it. In the "Book of Shang", he left the admonitions issued by the Duke of Zhou to these Yin stubborns, which is the famous "Great Curse". Zhou Gong repeatedly preached a theme in the "Great Commandment", that is, how the Zhou people were able to destroy the Shang, and explained to the Yin stubborns the reasons why the Zhou people obtained the Mandate of Heaven.
In the sixth year of the regency of the Duke of Zhou, he completed the production of ceremonies and music. This will be covered in more detail later.
Legend has it that in the seventh year of his regency, king Cheng had reached adulthood, he returned power to king Cheng, called "Fuzi Ming". [15] In the Book of Shang, there is also a record of the Zhou Gong's earnest teachings to King Cheng, namely "Wu Yi". After the return of the Duke of Zhou, King Cheng did not let the Duke of Zhou return to the fiefdom of the State of Lu, but put him in charge of the affairs of the entire east in Luoyi. He also had another important minister at the time summoned the duke to be responsible for the affairs west of Shaanxi County. This is the historical Zhou and Zhao Ergong "dividing Shaanxi and ruling". After the death of Duke Zhou, he asked to bury himself in Chengzhou, expressing his reluctance to leave Chengwang. King Cheng buried the Duke of Zhou back in the ancestral tomb of the Zhou people, saying that he did not dare to take the Duke of Zhou as his subject. In addition, in the process of mourning for the Duke of Zhou, the etiquette procedures that could only be used by the Son of Heaven were used. It was also stipulated that the State of Lu, as the fiefdom of the eldest son of the Duke of Zhou, could use some of the ceremonies of the Son of Heaven, such as offering sacrifices to the heavens. The sacrifice of heaven was originally a privilege unique to the Son of Heaven, but the monarch of the later Kingdom of Lu was also allowed to sacrifice to the heavens, but the sacrifices used were different from those of the Son of Heaven. Later, Lu Gongbo also served as a secretary in the Zhou Dynasty.
Regarding the regency of the Zhou Gong, there are also some untrustworthy points in the literature. For example, in the "Shang Shu Jinteng" chapter, when King Wu was ill, Zhou Gong prayed that he was willing to take his place, and put the words of prayer in Jinteng. Later, King Cheng became suspicious of the Duke of Zhou, and the Duke of Zhou fled to the State of Chu. As a result, earthquakes and heavy winds and rains occurred. Soon King Cheng discovered the prayer hidden in Jinteng and took Zhou Gong back. So some magical phenomena happened, and everything that was blown down by the wind automatically rose up. Such a miraculous record is probably beyond the trust of people today.
III. Zhou Gong's Contribution to Confucianism
As an important founder of Chinese culture, Zhou Gong also made important contributions to the emergence of Confucianism.
First of all, Zhou Gong was the first to put forward the political ideology of people's humanism.
Although the four words "people-oriented" were first fully expressed by later generations. However, the people-oriented mentality has been around for a long time. At least Zhou Gong put forward the idea of "protecting the people" very clearly.
The Zhou people were originally very weak and were called "Little Bang Zhou". The Shang Dynasty was originally very powerful, known as the "Tianyi Shang". However, Xiao Bang Zhou actually destroyed the Tianyi Shang. Such a result has a very strong impact on both the loser's businessman and the victor's Zhou ren, why is history like this? Before that, someone had reminded the King of Shang that we should be more careful with our enemies. The Shang King's answer was full of indifference: "Am I born with a destiny in heaven?" [16] God is watching over me, don't worry! But in the end, God mercilessly abandoned him. Zhou Ren realized that "the Destiny of Heaven is normal" is a basic fact. [17] So what is the basis for the transformation of destiny? The group of politicians in the early years of the Western Zhou Dynasty, led by Zhou Gong, conducted an in-depth historical reflection, and they believed: "The emperor has no relatives, but virtue is auxiliary." [18] Heaven blesses only those who are virtuous. The question is, how does Heaven know who in the world has virtue and who does not? Zhou Gong said: "Heaven sees itself as its own people, and heaven hears from its own people." [19] That is to say, The Heaven is seeing through the eyes of the people and hearing through the ears of the people. In the end, Zhou Gong came to the conclusion: "What the people want will be obeyed." [20] More than three thousand years ago, our forefathers realized that it was not the illusory gods who determined the direction of the wheel of history, but the people in real life! As a result, Zhou Gong put forward the political proposition of "protecting the people". "Protecting the people" contains the meaning of preserving the people, compassion for the people, loving the people, ensuring the people, and benefiting the people. In "Wuyi", Zhou announced that King Jiecheng should emulate the previous Xianwang and King Wen, "knowing the dependence of the villain, he can protect the common people" and "protect the small people, and benefit the widows". [21]
King Shang was famous for inventing the "Cannon Burning Punishment", but torture did not save him from defeat. It is precisely based on the understanding of the lessons of the Shang Dynasty that the Duke of Zhou also advocated that punishment must be treated with caution and must not blindly rely on punishment. Zhou Gong's idea of "prudent punishment" is mainly found in his "Kang Xuan" written to Uncle Kang, who advocated that the first thing to be judged was to be based on the motive of the crime, and it should be judged in conjunction with the performance of whether or not to repent. At the same time, be compassionate to criminals, and treat your subjects as if they were sick. Don't rush to make a decision, think it through. "To be imprisoned for five or six days", at least five or six days should be considered. [22] Of course, he also advocated severe punishment for crimes against disorder. Moreover, crimes committed by nobles at all levels were punishable. Customary law must be followed and torture must not be abused. Zhou Ren also stressed that punishment should be decided according to the attitude of the offender, and that if the minor offense is not repentant, it can be severely punished, and if it is too big and repentant, it can be punished lightly. It is also believed that the purpose of punishment is goodness, to indoctrinate and to make the heart obedient.
The political thought of people's humanism is the fundamental political thought of Confucianism. It can even be said that this is one of the main hallmarks of Confucianism that distinguishes it from other schools. Confucianism believes that the heavens were born with many sentient beings in the world, and the people could not govern each other, so they sent monarchs for the people. In the late Western Han Dynasty, there was a Confucian named Gu Yong who said very clearly: "Subjects are born steaming people, can not rule each other, for the king to rule, the party system of the sea is not the son of heaven, the land is divided into non-princes, all think that the people are also." The three unifications, the three righteousnesses, the way to go, the open and virtuous, not selfish surname, tomorrow is the world under the world, not the world of one person. [23] Confucianism has always adhered to one rule, "The world is the world of the world, not the world of one person."
It is also on this basis that Confucianism has always high-profile acknowledged the rationality of revolution, and revolution has always occupied the commanding heights of morality in the Confucian discourse system. In the early Western Han Dynasty, there was a debate about revolution in front of the Han Jing Emperor. At that time, a scholar named Huang Sheng proposed that the so-called revolutionary acts of Shang Tang and King Wu of Zhou and others were actually riots, that is, killings, and were not worth advocating. At that time, a Confucian scholar of the Book of Poetry named Yuangusheng immediately objected to Huang Sheng's remarks. Yuangu Sheng Dao: The king of The Emperor of The Tang Dynasty, the absurdity and riots, the people of the world all turn to the King of Shang Tang and the King of Wu, the King of Shang Tang and the King of Wu obeyed the voice of the people and killed the King of Shang, and the people of the King of The King of the King of the Emperor of the King
Huang Sheng continued to expound his own ideas. He said that the hat should be worn on the head when it is broken, and the shoes must be worn on the feet no matter how new. Why? This is the name of the upper and lower levels. Although it is chaotic, it is the Son of Heaven after all. Although Shang Tang and King Wu were saints, they were courtiers after all. As a courtier, when the monarch has a mistake, instead of trying to correct it and try to make up for it, he uses the monarch's mistake to kill them and seize the throne.
After listening to Huang Sheng's high theory about the monarch, Yuan Gusheng immediately said: According to what you said, when our Emperor Gaozu Raised an Army Against Qin with a Three-Foot Sword and Finally Overthrew the Qin Dynasty and established our Great Han Dynasty, was it right or wrong?
For this question of Yuangusheng, Huang Sheng certainly had no way to answer it. Because if he says that Liu Bang's behavior was right, then he proves that what he just said is wrong. And he obviously can't say that Liu Bang is wrong, if Liu Bang is wrong, then the Han Dynasty has no legitimacy.
When the debate reached this point, Emperor Jingdi of Han had to speak, saying: "Eating meat does not eat horse liver, not for ignorance of taste; yan scholars do not say soup, martial arts are ordered, not stupid." [24] The ancients thought that horse liver was poisonous, so Emperor Jingdi of Han said that if you don't eat horse liver, no one says you don't know how to eat meat, and as a scholar, you don't study the revolutions of Shang Tang and Wu Wang, and no one says you're a fool. The Han JingDi did not draw a conclusion on the debate, and who was right, he simply and arbitrarily dismissed the question. Because, he has no way to face this problem.
For Emperor Jingdi of Han, liu Bang's rebellion against the Qin Dynasty must be highly affirmed, which is the source of the legitimacy of the Han Dynasty regime. However, Emperor Jing of Han could not publicize and commend the feats of Liu Bang, the ancestor of Han Gao, because he was now the emperor, and if he made a mistake, could others also emulate Naizu? From the standpoint of Emperor Jingdi of Han, revolution can only be The patent of Liu Bang, and after Liu Bang's revolution, others will never be able to revolution again!
The Confucians of the pre-Qin period did not recognize that the monarch could be a family for ten thousand years, and they always emphasized that the people had the right to revolution. Mencius said that a one-man thief like Jie Lu was condemned by everyone. The Book of Shang also says: "After touching me, you will take revenge after you abuse me." [25] This means that to be good to me is my sovereign, and to be bad to me is my enemy.
In the view of confucians, the legitimacy of a regime lies in whether it can perform its duties. Once the monarch is unable to perform his duty for the people, it is naturally reasonable to overthrow such a tyrant. King Xuan of Qi once asked Mencius that Shang Tang exiled Xia Jie and that King Wu of Zhou killed King Shang. Mencius said that the book reads. King Xuan of Qi then asked, "Isn't this the following offense, the emperor?" Mencius was anxious when he heard this, and he said: "The thief is called a thief, the thief is called a thief, and the thief is called a husband." Smell a husband and wife, not hear the king also! [26] The thief is not a monarch at all, he is a one-man thief. For the one-man thief, everyone is cursed!
Another time, King Xuan of Qi asked Mencius how he was a truly competent Qing doctor. Mencius said, "What kind of Qing doctor is the king asking?" King Qi Xuan was puzzled and asked, "Is there any difference between Doctor Qing and Doctor Qing?" Mencius said, "Of course, there are noble relatives and secretaries with different surnames." King Xuan of Qi asked, "Secretary of State of Noble Qi, should you do it?" Mencius said, "If a king is greater than a king, he will advise, and if he repeats it and does not listen, he will be transposed." All of a sudden, King Qi Xuan was frightened, and his face changed. After Mencius relieved him, King Xuan of Qi then asked, "What about the secretary of state with a different surname?" Mencius replied, "If you have given advice, if you repeat it and do not listen, you will go." [27] For the noble princes, they share the same surname as the monarch, and in a sense the kingdom is also their country. And for the secretary of state with a different surname, the country is not theirs. Therefore, the Qing Doctor with the same surname has the obligation to overthrow him when he encounters the Emperor, and for the Qing of the same surname, he can't make that effort and can completely leave.
What if a monarch is incompetent if he is incompetent? In Mencius's conception there are only two words: depose! Once Mencius and King Qi Xuan were chatting, Mencius asked King Qi Xuan: "If a person wants to go to the Chu Kingdom, entrust his wife and children to his friends." As a result, when he returned from the Chu Kingdom, he found that his wife and children were starving to death. What to do with such a friend? King Xuan of Qi said, "No friendship! Mencius then asked, "What if an official fails to fulfill his duties?" King Xuan of Qi said, "He must be deposed!" Mencius finally asked, "What if a monarch doesn't govern a country well?" King Xuan of Qi "Gu left and right said him"! [28]
The "Tang Oath" and the "Zhongyu Zhizhi" in the "Book of Shang" record the history of the change of Xia Shang. The "Tang Oath" is Shang Tang's oath before he sets out to fight Xia Jie. In the "Tang Oath", Shang Tang said: It is not that I like turmoil, but that the heavens have ordered me to fight against Xia Jie, and I dare not disobey. It's not that I don't sympathize with everyone and have to take them to war, but that Xia Jie tyrannically abuses the people, and the people will all die with him, "time and day are lost, and giving and ru are dead"! [29] In this oath, Shang Tang emphasizes two meanings. First, Xia Jie was an unforgivable tyrant; second, his conquest of Xia Jie was for The Way of Heaven! Although the Zhongyu Zhizhi is considered to be a forgery book, after all, it has been enshrined as a classic in the temple for more than a thousand years, and it still has a certain impact on ancient Chinese politics. An important addition to the Zhongyu Zhizhi is that it emphasizes the noble character of Shang Tang, shang tang has the qualifications to represent the heavenly path, and after shang tang's crusade against Xia Jie, the people are liberated and the people rejoice! A new, great era has begun!
Compared with the historical changes at the time of the Xia and Shang Dynasties, the historical changes at the time of the Shang Zhou Dynasty are recorded in more detail. The "Pastoral Oath", "Tai Oath", "Wucheng", "Xi Bo Li", "Wei Zi" and other articles in the "Book of Shang" all record this history. Its pattern is the same as the historical narrative of the Xia Shang Dynasty.
In the middle of the Western Han Dynasty, these classics were officially enshrined in temples, and the revolution affirmed by the Book of Shang always occupied the commanding heights of morality. Many rebels in later generations held high the banner of revolution, portrayed themselves as revolutionaries, and emphasized that they were on the orders of heaven and hanged the people for their sins. Yang Xuangan, who was the first to raise an army at the end of the Sui Dynasty, said: "As a Shangzhu state, my family is full of tens of thousands of gold, and as for wealth and nobility, I want nothing. The present person ignores the family destroyers, but solves the urgent need for the world to save Li Yuan's life! [30] During the great chaos at the end of the Sui Dynasty, Wei Zheng once drafted a document for Li Mi against the Sui Emperor: "For Li Mi Luozhou Wen". In this famous essay, Wei Zheng once again emphasized the duties of the emperor, and then listed the ten major sins of the Sui Emperor, the degree of tyranny and desolation exceeded that of the King of Shang and the Emperor of Hanling, "Yin Xin's condemnation is small, and Han Ling's crime is even lighter." [31] On the eve of the Northern Expedition, Zhu Yuanzhang also published a famous article entitled "Fengtian Northern Expedition to Discuss the Yuan Dynasty". Zhu Yuanzhang stressed that he had raised an army because "his heirs were in a state of desolation, they lost the way of the monarch and the subject, and they also imposed the dictatorship of the prime minister, the Constitutional Platform complained, and there was poison and abuse, so that the people of the people rebelled, and the whole world rose up, so that the people of China, the dead, the dead, the flesh and bones of the living are not protected." His own Northern Expedition was also on behalf of Tianxing: "To give Gong Gong the Mandate of Heaven, he dared to be self-assured, and Fang wanted to send troops to the north to drive away hu yu, save the people from the charcoal, and restore the prestige of the Han officials." ”[32]
In the historical evolution after the Ping King moved east, it seems that tyranny became the main color of the history of the next two thousand years. Mencius once said that "there is no righteous war in the Spring and Autumn Period", which is an era of "fighting for the city, killing people to win the city, fighting for the wilderness, and killing people with the wilderness". [33] After entering the Warring States, the cruelty of the war far exceeded that of the Spring and Autumn Period. The wars of the Spring and Autumn Period still had a certain color of aristocratic competition, and in the Warring States period, only naked killing was left! Between the seven heroes of the Warring States, completely enter the jungle state, and carry out your life-and-death killing!
During the Warring States period, there was a dialogue between Mencius and King Wei Xiang in the State of Wei: King Wei Xiang suddenly asked Mencius what the final outcome of the world would be. Mencius's answer was that the whole world would eventually be unified. King Wei Xiang asked who could unify the world? Mencius said, "He who does not love to kill can do one." [34] Mencius also believed that if there was a monarch who did not like to kill people, then the people of the world would stretch their necks and expect him to rescue him. If, like this, the common people will be attached to him, just like the water flows down, who can stop this surging momentum? However, history seems to be joking with Mencius, and the final result is that the Qin Kingdom, which is the best at killing people, laughs to the end! The State of Qin, since the Shang Martingale Transformation Law, has become a war machine with full horsepower, the Qin people killed 200,000 Han and Wei troops in the Battle of Yique, and the Qin people in the Battle of Changping eliminated 400,000 Zhao troops... After Qin destroyed the Six Kingdoms, it was not the end of the killing, but the continuation of the killing. The history books record that the world under the rule of Qin Shi Huang "blocked the road with ochre clothes and became a city". [35] This means that the roads are full of prisoners in prison clothes, and the prisons are as crowded as the markets. "The world has suffered for a long time" is the collective memory of that era by posterity.
Mencius once said, "Do one injustice, kill one and gain the world without guilt, and do not do anything!" [36] As early as the rise of the Qin state, Lu Zhonglian, a native of the State of Qi, once said: "Pi Qin, the country that abandons etiquette and righteousness and makes the first contribution, the power makes its soldiers, and the captives make its people, and he is wantonly becomes the emperor, and if he is in the world, he will even go to the East Sea and die, and I can't bear to be the people." [37] Less than a year after the death of Qin Shi Huang, "the pit ashes were not cold and the Mountains were chaotic, and Liu Xiang originally did not read!" The "bonfire fox singing" in Daze Township soon ended the Qin Dynasty. In the end, Jia Yi's words were proved: "From ancient times to the present, those who are enemies of the people, whether late or fast, the people will win!" ”[38]
Confucius Images
Secondly, the Duke of Zhou first explicitly proposed to rule the country with ethics.
Zhou Gong and others believed that "the emperor has no relatives, but virtue is an auxiliary", and it is based on this that Zhou Gong and others put forward the idea of "Mingde". "Matilda" is also a respect for morality, indicating that it is ruled by virtue and advocating moral government. It can often be seen in Jin Wenhe's surviving Book of Shang. "Matilda" includes two aspects, one is to cultivate the body and the mind. In the "Summons", it is said: "Temperance, but its day and age." Wang Jingzuo must not be disrespectful. [39] It means making progress every day. Zhou Gong said in "No Escape": "The gentleman's house, its no escape, the difficulty of the prophet Jia Yong", "Following the king of the present, then he has no obscenity in guan, yu yi, yu you, and yu tian." [40] This means that one cannot covet pleasure. The second aspect of Matilda is to educate the people. In the "Summons", it is said: "The only throne is in Deyuan, and the small people are only used for the world, and the king is manifested." [41] That is to say, the king, as the head of state, should be an example for the people to follow, so that the king's cause can be carried forward.
This point undoubtedly had a very important impact on the later generations of Confucians. We can see that in the Analects, Confucius often said that the country is governed by virtue. Here are a few examples:
Zi Yue: "For the government to be virtuous, such as the North Star, dwell in its place and all the stars are together." ”[42]
Zi Yue: "The Tao is governed by government, the Qi is punished, and the people are exempt and shameless." The Tao is courtesy, shame and dignity. ”[43]
Ji Kangzi asked Confucius about the government. Confucius said to him, "Politician, Zhengye." Zi Shuai is righteous, who dares to be right? ”[44]
Ji Kangzi asked Confucius, "If there is no way to kill, then there is a way, how can it be?" Confucius said to him, "The son is the government, and the son is killed?" The Son desires goodness, and the people are good. The virtue of a gentleman, the virtue of a villain. The wind on the grass will blow. ”[45]
The concept of ruling the country with ethics has also had a very far-reaching impact on Chinese culture. For example, the emperors of later generations, whether they can do it or not, they all flaunt themselves as moral models for the subjects of the world. As a result, the "saints" who are the ultimate title of morality are also monopolized by the emperor. For example, during the Anshi Rebellion, Shi Siming was killed by his son Shi Chaoyi. When Shi Chaoyi launched a coup d'état, he once said to his subordinates in a false way: "All kings do good deeds, and do not frighten the saints." [46] The "saint" he referred to was Shi Siming, who was already emperor at the time.
And in later generations, China has indeed become a pan-moral society, with a strong moral imprint on many aspects of Chinese culture. For example, the purpose of education is to "Ming Ren Lun", so the classrooms of later government-run schools are called "Ming Lun Hall". The value and significance of literary works are regarded as tools for propagating moral indoctrination, and Zhou Dunyi clearly said: "The text is also carried by the Tao, and the wheels are decorated and the people are mediocre, and the disciples are also decorated." In a vacuum? [47] Even popular literature has made morality its primary function, such as Feng Menglong, who is famous for compiling the "Three Sayings", saying: "People don't have to have their own things, and things don't have to be beautiful." The true one can replenish the relics of the Golden Stone Chamber. The counterfeiters will also have the intention of exciting and exhorting the song of sorrow and generosity... Push this to say loyalty and loyalty, say filial piety and filial piety, say righteousness and righteousness, touch nature, and lead emotions out. ”[48]
We know that morality is indeed an important means of regulating social relations. But morality is not the only means. However, in ancient China, morality was regarded as the most important means, even above the law. For example, when Han Yanshou of the Western Han Dynasty was serving as Zuo Fengyi, he once went to Gaoling County to inspect, "The people have Kundi Xiang and Li Tian said to themselves, and the longevity was seriously injured, saying: 'Fortunately, he was prepared for the throne, and he was an example for the county, and could not be enlightened, so that the people had flesh and blood to fight, which was harmful to morality, and made the xianchang officials, shifu, three elders, and filial brothers suffer from his shame, blame Feng Yi, and retreat first.'" 'It was a day, but he did not listen to things, because he went into the house and closed the cabinet and thought about it. A county did not know what to do, so that Cheng Cheng, Shifu, and the Three Elders were also guilty of their own crimes. Therefore, the clan of the litigants passed on the reproach to each other, and these two Kundi deeply regretted themselves, and they both thanked each other for their flesh, and they were willing to move with the fields, and finally they did not dare to fight again. Extend the life of the great joy, open the pavilion to extend the view, the wine meat and the relative diet, the strong encouragement to the township department, there are to show repentance and good people. The extension of life is to listen to things, and Lau Xie orders the following to be introduced to wei recommended. The county was silent, and it was difficult to spread the word and did not dare to commit a crime. [49] The brother-in-law competition for land was, in Han Yanshou's view, a great harm to ethics and morality. Therefore, his concern is not on the merits of the case, but on how to make up for the moral loss caused by it.
Third, Zhou Gong established the development direction of Chinese cultural realism.
The Yin Shang Dynasty was a dynasty with strong religious overtones, and the document "Book of Rites" said: "The Yin people respect the gods, lead the people to serve the gods, first ghosts and then rituals, first punish and then reward." [50] This has also been confirmed by archaeological discoveries. If everyone went to Anyang to see the Yin Ruins, I am afraid that they would be shocked by the large-scale sacrifice pit. The Shang King did not hesitate to make sacrifices, and the scene of the Shang King's sacrifice can only be described as "shocking". However, the sacrifice of the King of Shang did not achieve the effect he wanted. In the early years of the Western Zhou Dynasty, the Duke of Zhou clearly pointed out that "the emperor has no relatives, but virtue is an auxiliary." We Chinese realized early on that it is real people, not illusory gods, who determine the direction of the wheel of history. Since then, the basic development direction of traditional Chinese cultural realism has been established. In traditional Chinese culture, the status of man is constantly improving, and the status of God is constantly declining. During the Spring and Autumn Period, when Song Xianggong tried to kill people and sacrifice, someone immediately said to Song Xianggong, "The six animals of the ancients are not used for each other, and small things do not need to be sacrificed, but dare to use people?" Sacrifices think that people are also people. The people, lord of God also. Employ people, who is good for them? [51] The purpose of the sacrifice was for man, for man, and what god would dare to enjoy such a sacrifice?
In traditional Chinese culture, man is always in the first place, God is the second, and God serves man. When Liu Zongyuan was serving in the Ministry of Rites, he once pointed out that the gods of each place had the responsibility to bless the peace of one party, and if he did not fulfill his duties, he would be punished. The punishment for the gods is to stop the sacrifice! Of course, Liu Zongyuan also believes that human responsibility cannot be shifted to the gods, and if local officials fail to fulfill their responsibilities, they should be punished, not gods.
We see that Chinese culture has always been characterized by a high degree of secularization. People worship gods and Buddhas for a purpose. When you persuade a Chinese to go somewhere to burn incense or worship a certain god, Chinese's first reaction is, what can I do if I worship him, what is the use of me worshiping him! A Christian believes in God and does not need a reason. A Muslim believes in Allah, and there is no need to ask why. But for a Chinese who wants me to worship God, okay, please give me a reason first!
Chinese not obsessed with religion, this is not a defect of Chinese culture, but precisely the embodiment of The Chinese cultural realm. All other religions are inseparable from intimidation and inducement. Intimidation is the fictional existence of hell in all religions. The temptation is that all religions also fictionalize heaven. They all admonished people that if you do the Lord's will, you will go to heaven or you will go to hell. However, in traditional Chinese culture represented by Confucianism, there is no heaven and no hell. Kong Mengdu exhorted people to become benevolent and good. If you asked Mencius, I listen to you, do good people and do good deeds, what would I do? Mencius's answer was: You will be a good person. If you asked Mencius, if I don't listen to what you say, I don't do good deeds, what will I do? Mencius's answer was: You are not a person! "No compassion is not human". Chinese's maintenance of morality relies more on moral self-consciousness than on external ghosts and gods.
Faith does not have to be manifested as religion. There are indeed some moral flaws in today's Chinese society, so some people are worried that China has encountered a moral crisis. And the medicine they prescribe for this is religion. They believe that only religion can solve the moral problems facing Chinese today. These people are either naïve or have ulterior motives. If religion could solve people's moral problems, then the European Middle Ages should be a moral paradise, and this is not the case.
Finally, Zhou Gong's ritual music opened the source of the civilization of ritual music.
An important symbol of the cultural prosperity of the Zhou Dynasty was the rise of the liturgical music system. The liturgical system is closely related to the patriarchal system. The Zhou people's ritual system contains a patriarchal system, but it is not exactly equal to a patriarchal system. The ritual music system of the Zhou Dynasty was a creation of the Zhou people. Although Confucius said that the three generations of liturgy are "Yin because of Xia, the profit and loss of the liturgy can be known; the profit and loss of the Zhou because of the Yin li, the profit and loss can also be known". [52] There was a certain inheritance between the three generations of the system, but it was true that much had changed at the time of the Yin Zhou Dynasty. Although this change may not be as great as some scholars say, this change is indeed very noteworthy.
The so-called patriarchal system is constantly expanding and developing on the basis of patriarchal patriarchy. It constituted a hierarchical ladder among the nobility and formed the basic political system of Western Zhou society. This system was fully developed to the point of perfection in the Western Zhou Dynasty, which determined the affinity hierarchy of the nobility, the relationship between the division of fiefs and hereditary succession, the settlement of disputes over inheritance rights, and became an important means of consolidating the system of subordination.
According to this system, King Zhou was not only the highest ruler in the whole world, but also the great patriarch of all the Ji surnames, representing Sheji, presiding over the Zongmiao Temple, and holding the highest political power and clan power. The Temple of the Son of Heaven is called the Taimiao Temple, which is dedicated to the ancestors of the past generations. Zhou Tianzi was inherited by the eldest son of Concubine and maintained the status of Emperor Dazong for generations. The remaining sons were enfeoffed as princes or caiyi and were called because of their sons. They also established temples and corresponding political institutions in their respective fiefdoms, and divided them into a number of new sects, each with its own clan name. The enthroned sons became the ancestors of these other sects, and their fiefs and titles were inherited by their eldest sons and became the sons of the other sects. Therefore, Zhou Tianzi called the princes with the same surname as uncles and uncles. For example, in the Spring and Autumn Period, the King of Zhou called Duke Wen of Jin his uncle. In fact, it is not necessary that their generation is an uncle-nephew relationship. In the kingdom of the princes, he also enfeoffed his brother Caiyi and established the house of Qing Dafu. Qing Dafu built a temple in his own caiyi and commanded his own family. Dr. Qing divided a number of patriarchal families, whose parents were soldiers. The soldiers were the more distant members, becoming civilians. This layer of patriarchal relations unified political power and clan power, and established a hierarchical system of nobility. Aristocrats at all levels had different political statuses and economic privileges, forming the basic system of the state. As for the commoners below the rank of soldier, a fixed kinship relationship was established with the nobles to which they belonged through their respective relations of separation, and the organization of labor at the grass-roots level was established on the basis of their respective kinship. On the other hand, the patriarchal system prevailed with all nobles of all surnames, and the patriarchal system did not exclude foreign surnames, and the nobles of the Ji surname established a state of kinship with the nobles of different surnames through marriage to strengthen ties. For example, in "Spring and Autumn", we can often see records of Zhou Tianzi's marriage with Qi, Ji and other countries surnamed Jiang. Zhou Tianzi often called princes with different surnames uncles or uncles. In the Spring and Autumn Period, Duke Huan of Qi was called an uncle by the King of Zhou. This relationship is an important complement and component of the patriarchal system.
In this way, the structure of the state power of the Zhou Dynasty was manifested as a clan form, and whether in the Zhou royal family or in the princely states, the rulers of power were the dominant suzerains at all levels.
Of course, the content of the Zhou rites is not only about the patriarchal system. As I understand it, the so-called rituals are some unwritten laws that evolved from traditional customs. It prescribes the position, duties and privileges of each person. According to the later Confucian interpretation, the role of the ritual lies in the distinction, that is, the distinction. One of the characteristics of the liturgical music system is that although the hierarchy is strict, it is warm and silent. This is also an important difference between etiquette and law. Music is an important addition to the ceremony. According to the later Confucian interpretation, music is different from the difference between liturgy, and its role lies in harmony. That is, to eliminate the confrontation and pressure caused by this level. However, as for what kind of ritual music was made when the Zhou metric system was composed, it is now impossible to examine in detail.
Among the later texts, there is also a Confucian concept of the organization of the state, the Zhou Li. Confucians believed that the Zhou Li was composed by the Zhou Gong, and even considered it to be "the trace of the Zhou Gongzhi Taiping". [53] The controversy over the Zhou Li has not subsided to this day, but it is definitely not the work of Zhou Gong. It should be a work of the late Warring States period. As for whether there are some ideas and concepts in the Zhou Li that come from the Zhou Gong, special research is needed.
Etiquette is not only about hierarchy, but also about all aspects of social life. In the past, some people thought that the "Rites" was written by Zhou Gong. Most scholars now disagree with this view. It is now generally considered to be a work from the late Spring and Autumn period to the early Warring States period. Therefore, it cannot be used directly to study the etiquette of the early years of the Western Zhou Dynasty. However, considering the inheritance of the rites, the situation recorded in the Rites can also reflect the situation in the early years of the Western Zhou Dynasty to a certain extent. However, the specific details may vary. According to the division of people in the past, etiquette was divided into five kinds of auspicious, guest, military, fierce, and jia. At present, we can only understand the situation at that time through the seventeen articles in the "Rites" and the individual passages in the "Little Dai Li" and "The Great Dai Li". Of course, sometimes archaeological findings can also be helpful.
Among these ceremonies, the more important are crowning ceremonies, weddings, funerals, sacrifices, shooting ceremonies, etc. The crown ceremony is the coming-of-age ceremony of the soldier. After the crown ceremony, his patriarchal status was established. In the Han Dynasty, people still attached great importance to crown ceremonies. However, the importance of the crown ceremony continued to decrease, and after the Qing Dynasty, the crown ceremony was no longer held.
Our ancients attached great importance to the wedding, and this importance was also for the sake of the clan, and there is such a passage in the Book of Rites and the Biography of Liang in the Spring and Autumn Valley that is called confucius' words, and he believes that the significance of the wedding is: "It is good to combine the two surnames, so as to succeed the worlds." [54] Therefore, the weddings of the ancients had a very cumbersome and solemn procedure. According to the records of the "Wedding of Scholars", the wedding of the ancients had six procedures, namely Natche, Asking for a Name, Naji, Na Zheng, Asking for a Period, and Kissing. To this day, enlistment, invitation, and personal greeting are still indispensable procedures in many rural areas of Henan.
Confucianism also attaches great importance to funeral rites. Confucius's student Zengzi said: "Cautiously pursue the far away, and the people's virtue will return to the thick." [55] Emphasis was placed on the importance attached to funeral rites. Funerals are so complicated that non-specialists don't know exactly how to do them. The origin of Confucianism, from the beginning, was to help others preside over funerals and eat mixed meals. The funerals of the ancients also embodied the patriarchal concept. People wear different mourning clothes depending on their relationship with the deceased. The heaviest is the patriarchal inheritance relationship, which first includes father and son, husband and wife. It will take three years to be served. The second is mother and child, who are in decline. Then there are the big work, the small work, the hemp. Today, people in the countryside can still hear people distinguish between kinship and alienation by mourning clothes. For example, those who do not have five servings are considered to be relatively pro. Funeral rites have also changed many times from ancient times to the present, but today many Central Plains people are still following some ancient customs. For example, if there is a funeral in the family, although it will not go to the funeral for three years, it will not be posted for at least three years, and it will not be married within three years.
Township shooting ceremonies, pot throwing ceremonies, etc., are actually sports meetings within a certain regional scope. However, there is only one sport in this sports: archery. Shooting ceremonies are very beneficial for communicating the feelings of the township. So Confucius said, "A gentleman who has nothing to argue with will shoot too!" [56] The ancient Chinese also had the style of martial arts. In ancient times, a boy was born to hang a bow on the left side of the door of the house, which was called the joy of the hanging arc. The Book of Rites records that Confucius once said: "If a soldier shoots, he cannot resign from the disease, and the righteousness of the county arc is also the same." [57] If you visit someone else's house and they ask you to play archery, you can't say you won't, you have to say that you haven't been comfortable these past few days, otherwise you're sorry for the bow that hung at your door when you were born.
The same thing that serves is the township drinking ceremony. Its nature is similar to that of today's reunions. We can see a depiction of the township drinking ceremony in the "Book of Poetry and July" at the beginning of the week: "Pengjiu Siyi, who kills lambs, tramples on the public court, and calls him a man of honor, and has no boundaries." [58] Music is played during these ceremonies.
One thing is for sure, the ceremony is definitely not set in stone, and the etiquette is different in different eras. In today's Guoxue fever, there are many people advocating the restoration of ancient rituals, which seems unnecessary to me. The Book of Rites once advocated that "the time of etiquette is great", and the ceremony that meets the requirements of the times is the greatest ceremony. Mencius called Confucius the "Holy One", and if Confucius lived today, he would certainly be the most fashionable person!
4. The historical status of the Duke of Zhou
It is precisely because Zhou Gong has such a huge historical contribution, so future generations will have great admiration for Zhou Gong. In the Analects, we can see that Confucius's highest evaluation is Zhou Gong. Later Mencius also called the Duke of Zhou "ancient sage".
Later, in the history of classics, there was a dispute between modern and ancient texts, among which the ancient scriptural school strongly respected the Duke of Zhou. They attributed all the merits of the creation of the Six Classics to the name of the Duke of Zhou. Not only because of Zhou Gong's ritual music, the "Ritual Rites" and "Zhou Li" are said to be the works of Zhou Gong, and even the "Spring and Autumn" compiled by Confucius himself is also said to have been compiled by Confucius in accordance with the ordinary rules formulated by Zhou Gong in that year.
In Confucianism's concept of Taoism, Zhou Gong also occupies a very important position, for example, Han Yu said in the "Original Tao", "Yao Yi is the Shun of Chuan, Shun is Chuan Zhi Yu, Yu Yi is Chuan Zhi Tang, Tang Is Chuan Wu Zhou Gong, Wen Wu Zhou Gong of Confucius, Confucius Chuan Meng Ke." The death of Ke shall not be passed on." [59] In the early days, the Confucian way was known as the way of Zhou Kong. In the early years of the Tang Dynasty, the Duke of Zhou was once revered as a "first saint" and Confucius was demoted to "first master". In the intellectual history of the Song Dynasty, there was the "Mencius Ascension Movement", Mencius was promoted from a sage to a "sub-saint", and the book of Mencius was also elevated from a book of scriptures to a scripture. Later, the Way of Zhou Kong was renamed the Way of Kong Meng.
However, the later Duke of Zhou still maintained the honorific title of "Yuan Sheng". The word "Yuan" has the meaning of "initial" in Chinese, and "Yuansheng" means that Zhou Gong is the originator of the sage.
In recent times, Wang Guowei also said: "The changes in Chinese history and culture are not on the occasion of Yin Zhou." ”[60]
In short, Zhou Gong is a very important figure in the cultural history of our country, and when we comb through the sources of Confucianism, Zhou Gong must not be ignored.
[1] Han Yu's "Original Path". Liu Zhenlun and Yue Zhen Proofreading Notes: Notes on the Collected Works of Han Yu, Vol. 1, Zhonghua Bookstore, 2010 Edition, p. 4.
[2] Luo Genze, ed., Ancient History Discernment (Volume IV), Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1982.
[3] See Ouyang Zhesheng, ed., Collected Writings of Hu Shi, Vol. V, Peking University Press, 1998.
[4] The History of confucius. Confucius's direct ancestors were the noble kong father jia of the Song state during the Spring and Autumn period, and later Kong father jia was killed in the Song civil unrest, and his descendants fled to the state of Lu.
[5] "Zuo Chuan Lu Zhaogong II Year". Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2029.
[6] The Analects of Shu'er. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2481.
[7] The Analects of the Eight Nobles. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2467.
[8] The Analects of Yang Goods. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, page 2524.
[9] The Analects of Shu'er. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2481.
[10] Wei Zheng: The Biography of Li Delin of the Book of Sui. Zhonghua Bookstore, 1973, p. 1195.
[11] See Zhang Yinlin and Wang Jiafan, "Outline of Chinese History", Chapter 1, "The General Trend in the Dawn Period of Chinese History", Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1999. p. 17.
[12] Sima Qian: "History of the Luzhou Gongshi Family". Zhonghua Bookstore, 1982 edition, p. 1518.
[13] The Fourth Year of the Left Transmission of Lu Yuangong. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 1792.
[14] Sima Qian: The Biography of Liu Jing's Uncle Sun Tonglie. Zhonghua Bookstore 1982 edition, p. 2716.
[15] Shangshu Luohuan. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 214.
[16] Shang Shu Xi Bo Li. Ruan Yuan proofread the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 177.
[17] The Book of Poetry, Daya, King Wen. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 505.
[18] The Fate of Shang Shu Cai Zhong. "The Order of Cai Zhong" belongs to the "Ancient Literature and Book of Shangshu", and at present, the academic community generally believes that the "Order of Cai Zhong" is a pseudo-book, but there are also true materials in the pseudo-book, and the phrase "the emperor has no relatives, but virtue is auxiliary" is also often cited in pre-Qin literature. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 227.
[19] Shangshu Tai Oath (Middle). Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore 1980 edition, p. 181.
[20] Shangshu Tai Oath (Part 1). Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore 1980 edition, p. 181.
[21] Shang Shu Wuyi. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, pp. 221, 220.
[22] Shang Shu KangXuan. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 204.
[23] Bangu: The Biography of Gu Yong Du Ofu of the Book of Han. Zhonghua Bookstore 1962 edition, p. 3467.
[24] Sima Qian: The Chronicle of Ru Lin. Zhonghua Bookstore 1982 edition, p. 3123.
[25] Shangshu Tai Oath (Part 2). Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 182.
[26] Mencius, King Hui of Liang. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2680.
[27] Mencius, Under The Ten Thousand Chapters. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2746.
[28] Mencius, King Hui of Liang. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2679.
[29] Shangshu Zhushu Tang Oath. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 160.
[30] Wei Zheng: The Book of Sui and the Biography of Yang Xuan. Zhonghua Bookstore 1973 edition, p. 1617.
[31] Liu Xun: The Old Book of Tang and the Biography of Li Milie. Zhonghua Bookstore 1975 edition, p. 2213.
[32] Gu Yingtai: "The Chronicle of the Ming Dynasty: The Northern Expedition to the Central Plains". Zhonghua Bookstore 1979 edition, p. 103.
[33] Mencius, Leaving Lou Shang. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2722.
[34] Mencius Liang Hui wang shang. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2670.
[35] Bangu: Book of Han and Criminal Law. Zhonghua Bookstore 1962 edition, p. 1096.
[36] Mencius Gongsun Ugly. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2686.
[37] Sima Qian: The Biography of Zou Yang lie in the History of Lu Zhonglian. Zhonghua Bookstore, 1982 edition, p. 2461.
[38] Jia Yi's New Book, Great Politics. Yan Zhenyi and Zhong Xia: Annotations to the New Book, Zhonghua Bookstore, 2000, p. 339.
[39] Shang Shu Zhao Zhen. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 213.
[40] Shang Shu Wuyi. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, pp. 221, 222.
[41] Shang Shu Zhao Zhen. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 213.
[42] The Analects of Government. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2461.
[43] The Analects of Government. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2461.
[44] The Analects of Yan Yuan. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, page 2504.
[45] The Analects of Yan Yuan. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, page 2504.
[46] Sima Guang: Zizhi Tongjian, Tang Suzong In the Second Year of the First Century. Zhonghua Bookstore, 1956 edition, p. 7107.
[47] Zhou Dunyi: "General Books and Literary Dictionaries". Zhou Dunyi Collection, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1990 edition, p. 35.
[48] Feng Menglong: "Cautionary Tales: Preface". Yuelu Book Club 1989 edition.
[49] Bangu: The Book of Han, The Biography of the Two Kings of Zhao Yin, Han and Zhang. Zhonghua Bookstore 1962 edition, p. 3213.
[50] The Book of Rites and Tables. Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 1642.
[51] Zuo Chuan Zhuan Shu, vol. XIII, Nineteenth Year of Lu Shugong. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, page 1810.
[52] The Analects of Government. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2463.
[53] Zhou Li ( Zhou Li : Preface to Zhou Li Abolition of Xingxing" ( ) Ruan Yuan's engraving of the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 636.
[54] "The Third Year of Liang Chuan huan gong in the Spring and Autumn Valley". This passage is also recorded in documents such as the Book of Rites and Lamentations. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2374.
[55] The Analects of Learning. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2458.
[56] The Analects of the Eight Nobles. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 2466.
[57] The Book of Rites and Suburban Animals. Ruan Yuan proofread the Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 1448.
[58] The Book of Poetry, The Wind, and July. Ruan Yuan proofread "Thirteen Commentaries on the Thirteen Classics", Zhonghua Bookstore, 1980 edition, p. 392.
[59] Han Yu's Original Path. Liu Zhenlun and Yue Zhen Proofreading Notes: Notes on the Collected Works of Han Yu, Vol. 1, Zhonghua Bookstore, 2010 Edition, p. 4.
[60] Wang Guowei: "Guantang Jilin Yin Zhou System", Hebei Education Publishing House, 2001, p. 287.