During his lifetime, Xu Beihong greatly admired the white painting "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls", believing that the author was Wu Daozi, but the painting has not yet effectively entered the history of art. Another very similar hand-scroll, the Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map, is widely regarded as the "standard instrument" of the early Northern Song Dynasty paintings, and the author is classified as Wu Zongyuan. The article takes the analysis and comparison of these two works as the core, supplemented by documentary evidence, and puts forward a new point of view, arguing that the "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls" are neither Tang paintings nor copied from the "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", but since the "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", made in the early Northern Song Dynasty, its artistic quality is higher than that of the existing "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map". The "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map" is not the original work of Wu Zongyuan collected by the Northern Song Dynasty, it should be written in the early Southern Song Dynasty, and the author may be Zhai Ruwen.
The "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls" now in the Collection of Xu Beihong Memorial Hall in Beijing have appeared for exactly 70 years, and almost no one does not think that this is an excellent work. Xu Beihong, the famous painter and art educator who first discovered this painting, spoke highly of it, and twice gave everything he had to buy this painting, regarding it as his own life, believing that "the Chinese painting figures in the world are unparalleled", and those who have the ability to make this painting in the history of Chinese painting are "no more than five or six people". [1] As late as 2007, Feng Faqi, a senior professor at the Central Academy of Fine Arts, remained convinced that the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls were "the world's top works of art." [2] However, in sharp contrast to the passionate praise of the artists, almost all of today's important official compilations of Chinese art works of the past do not include it. Since June 1983, the State Administration of Cultural Heritage has organized seven famous calligraphy and painting appraisers across the country to set up an appraisal team to conduct unprecedented investigations, appraisals and compilation of publishing catalogs and catalogues of calligraphy and paintings collected by Chinese mainland important cultural and cultural institutions and relevant universities, which lasted for 8 years, and its main result was the 24-volume "Catalogue of Ancient Chinese Calligraphy and Paintings", which was published from 1985 to 2001. The series published pictures of 35,700 works of calligraphy and painting, the first volume of which included 13 pieces from the collection of Xu Beihong Memorial Hall (1 Song painting of Luohan, 10 Ming paintings, and 2 Qing paintings), but there was no mention of the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls, which Xu Beihong considered most important. [3] Others, such as the 60-volume Complete Collection of Chinese Art and the 30-volume Complete Collection of Chinese Paintings of the larger Complete Collection of Chinese Art Classification, have no trace of it. We can't help but ask: Why hasn't it entered art history?
I think that such an embarrassing situation should be related to the fact that the painting is still "unidentified". Since the painting is untitled, untitled, unprinted, and not recorded in circulation, its origin is a difficult mystery: when was it made? And who did it? For a painting, this is the first question. Some people think that it is the original work of Wu Daozi of the Sheng Tang Dynasty, but some people think that the Southern Song Dynasty people copied the Northern Song Dynasty Wu Zongyuan's "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map" (collected by Wang Jiqian, a Chinese in New York, usa), and the time judgment of the same work was about four or five hundred years. Another question closely related to this is, how does it relate to the very similar masterpiece "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map"? Is "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map" really wu Zongyuan's original work? Which comes first? Are the two works "each with its own strengths"? This article attempts to explore these issues on the basis of an image comparison analysis. The "in situ" mentioned in the title of this article mainly refers to the basic attributes of the two works, such as the era, authorship, interrelationship, and artistic quality.
Figure 1 The Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls (Part 1) The Full Picture of the Chaoyuan Immortal Staff (Part 2).
The Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls are a legendary work (above Figure 1). In May 1937, Xu Beihong bought it in Hong Kong, and the seller was a German lady whose father had held public office in China for decades. According to the number and identity of the characters in the painting, Xu Beihong named it "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls", and borrowed Zhang Daqian's mouth to infer that its author was the Tang Dynasty painting Saint Wu Daozi. After the painting, he wrote a long passage to remember his deeds, and engraved a "tragic life" stamp on it, carrying it with him and not leaving his body. Unexpectedly, in May 1942, Xu Beihong was hiding from aircraft bombing in Yunnan, and the painting was stolen by thieves. Fortunately, two years later, the painting appeared in Chengdu again, and Xu Beihong bought it back for a heavy price. In 1948, he reframed the painting, supplemented the text dug up by thieves, re-engraved the "Tragic Life" seal, and asked the famous painter Zhang Daqian, the painter and appraiser Xie Zhiliu, the philosopher Zhu Guangqian and others to write the inscription. Since then, the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls have been preserved by Xu Beihong. After his death in 1953, his wife Liao Jingwen donated the painting to the state.
In the winter of 2000, at the large-scale exhibition "Taoism and Chinese Art" held at the Art Institute of Chicago in the United States, I had the privilege of viewing another original masterpiece closely related to this picture, that is, the "Chaoyuan XianZhan Tu" (Picture 1, hereinafter referred to as "Chaoyuan") classified as Wu Zongyuan of the Northern Song Dynasty. In 2006, our school purchased a large and exquisite replica of "Chaoyuan". In the spring of 2007, I received a special offer from Liao Jingwen, director of the Xu Beihong Memorial Hall, and on February 13, I was able to carefully view the original "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls", and on the basis of witnessing the two original works, I tried to make a preliminary comparative study as follows.
1. The inscription at the end of the volume and relevant examinations
The Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls (hereinafter referred to as the Eighty-Seven) are 30 centimeters high and 292 centimeters long, on silk, and are long scrolls of white drawings. The beginning of the volume is Qi Baishi's inscription "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls", signed "Eighty-Eight-Year-Old Qi Huang". The main body of the painting depicts 87 Taoist figures in white, including 3 main gods with headshots, 10 warriors, 7 male immortals, and 67 golden children and jade girls, marching from the right end of the picture to the left end. There is no text on the screen. At the end of the volume is a seven-paragraph inscription from the time of re-mounting in 1948, from front to back: Xu Beihongbao One, Xu Beihongbao No. 2, Zhang Daqianbao, Xu Beihongbao No. 3, Xie Zhiliubao, Zhu Guangqian, Gustar Ecke, and Feng Zhi translation. The inscription time of each paragraph is inconsistent with the order of mounting. The text, which either details the process of collecting, or appreciates and compares the painting, reflects the author's research point of view. Due to the unknown record of the existing publication, or the sentence is broken by mistake, or there is an error, according to the original photograph taken by the author, the detailed record and re-punctuation are as follows:
Xu Beihong Baoyi (originally written in August 1938, re-recorded in 1948):
This sincere bone Dong ghost is called a masterpiece of life pit, but the later section is cut off by people, so it is not like a life pit. Wu Yousheng is prejudiced, saying that his painting is like a sword dance weapon of Gongsun Da Niang, and he wants to be like Lu Ji and Liang Xun, and he has no intention of unannouncing his words and elegance, calmly in the middle way, if he is not a painter, who can be with Yu Sihu? In May 26, 2006, for the exhibition of the University of Hong Kong, Brother Xu Dishan invited Guan Deren to collect the relics of a certain jun, and Yu was shocked to see this, because of the commercial purchase. The treasure of exile, re-redeemed. Or the Chinese painting figures that exist in the world are unparalleled, and Yun Shen is also glad to be happy. Ancient and modern painters are talented enough to do this, but there are no more than five or six people: Wu (Dao) Xuan, Yan Liben, Zhou Fang, Zhou Wenju, Li Gonglin, etc. However, the works that have been handed down to the world, such as "Emperor Statue", are flat, and "Heavenly King Portrait" is called Wu Shengbi, which is thick and unmistakable. And Li Boshi was so famous that he did not see his divine qualities. The most important monument in the world should be compared to the "Drunken Road Map" of Shi Du Glazang, which can be the most noble masterpiece in Europe. In addition, although Gu Kaizhi's "Female History Proverbs" has only historical value, its near, narrow and wide bed is really ridiculous. Brother Hu Xiaoshi designated this as the Taoist "Three Officials Diagram", before and after all eighty-seven people, all graceful and wonderful, proportions commensurate, movement changes, virtual dry plates, protection to the clouds, Yu Ruojing Banner Ming instrument, crown belt ring pendant, no slack pen, parade freely. My friend Zhang Daqian wants to be a Wu sheng fan, and liang has seen it. Because of its loss of name, and its importance, I want to compare it with the Baner Dung Relief,[4] although it has been up and down for 1,200 years, it is actually comparable. Because of its thrilling degree, it has not been slightly weaker. Wu Daozi's position in the history of Chinese art is similar to that of Fei Di Ya in ancient Greece,[5] both of them were extinct, and both were written at that time, and none of them had any definite works to bequeathed to my people, and they were similar. Although, if this volume is revealed from now on, if the Baner Dui Agricultural Sculpture Journal, the Yiwu people imagine that the genius of Fei Di'a history is infinite, then the painting art of Wu Daozi of the Hundred Generations of Wu Daozi will be immortal, it can be asserted that it is also. For the sake of a volume of sketches, the beauty is already so, then its solemn elegance, its glory and radiance of the gods, should be the same as the History of Feidia's God Anduna[6] its light and fierceness. It is a fantasy, as well as the sketch "Santa Ana" and the "Athenian School" manuscript of Rafiro Milan, which L'D'Art, which is inhabited by The Academy of Fine Arts in London,[7] and his descendants. alack! Zhang Jiushao was in the clouds, fighting for the sound of the spirits, drunk and drunk. The remaining soul is willing to turn into flying dust and go straight up, trek into space, forget the form of the desert, soar to the beauty, soar into the sky, and never fall. It will be multiplied and then there will be Yay! Not a district, a codekeeper, a heaven and a special encounter, flattered, worshipped the gods, peace with the world, blessed with me, satisfied, never regrets.
In August of the 27th year, the tragic hong was inscribed at the Academy of Fine Arts under duxiu peak. On the first day, Wu Kou blew up Hunan University, and Wushu was now on the □ to Guilin. [8]
It is difficult to see the immortal side, but the situation is enjoyed with the companions. Life is always a taste of Fengfei, in exchange for Jin Dan Fan Bone An.
Xu Beihong 2 (October 1948):
In the same year, at the invitation of the Indian poet Tagore, I went abroad with my scroll, passed through Guangzhou, fell to Guangzhou, drifted on the West River for forty days, and reached Hong Kong at the end of the year. The following year, he went to Nanyang and left it in the iron box of the Hong Kong Bank, and worried about the loss, he took it out and went to India. He once asked Nang Darir Boss to write an inscription in the Pennaden. At the end of the twenty-ninth year, I returned to Nanyang for the exhibition of relief, and left it in the Holy Land of Nicotan. Thirty years ago, I wanted to go to the United States, and sent it from India to Penang, and I welcomed it. When the Pacific War began, Emperor Wucang returned from Yangon, worried day and night, and arrived at the Xiong Jundi Hall in Kunming, and I was on the upper floor of Yunnan University. In May of 3001, I held an exhibition of laojun paintings. On May 10, the alarm arrived, painted in the apartment, stolen by thieves. So the soul was masterless, and he tried his best to investigate, and finally could not. The next two years, Lu Yinhuan, a CUHK girl, told me that she had seen it in Chengdu. Naito Liu Demingjun went to Rong, and the pawn regained it. However, it has been modified, and the seal of "Tragic Life" has been dug up, and the inscription and examination materials have all been lost. Fortunately, it was printed as early as the Fu Zhonghua Bookstore in Hong Kong. However, after thirty-five years of victory, he returned to Shanghai, and he first met with him.
Imagine that the square pot is blue and the sea is heavy, and the imperial heart is miserable and painful; it is as if he can let Lian Chengbi bear this, and he must be ashamed of this body. Gain and hate, give this self-confession.
Thirty-seven years of October re-payment of the pre-binding book. Sorrow. The second trek printed in the first edition has been given to Shujun New City. [9]
Xu Beihong Baosan (January 1949):
In October, that is, in early November of the 37th year, Daqian brought Gu Hongzhong's "Han Xizai Night Feast Map" to Pingping, and went to Jinglu to enjoy it, believing that the essence was extremely strong, and the proportion of characters was roughly commensurate. And the clothes and clothing, utensils and everything are accurately written and can be copied. Seeing the living conditions of people more than a thousand years ago, such as smelling their voices and smells, this is also valuable. As for the frame, only Jan Steen of the Netherlands,[10] at most Metsu,[11] the so-called Printure de genre,[12] if the scroll should be at least Fra Angelico[13] or Botticelli[14] can be viewed in equal amounts, which can be seen by non-Chinese artists. On the twelfth day of the same year, sorrow was inscribed.
Zhang Daqian (November 1948):
Twelve years ago, the "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls" collected by Brother Dao of Sorrow hong were viewed at the White Gate, and at that time, he sighed and thought that non-Tang people could not do anything. Woe Hong Ho was fortunate to have this most precious treasure. Since the beginning of the War of Resistance, the capital has been disobedient to Shu since ancient times, because of the trip to Dunhuang, and the pen of the Sui and Tang Dynasties of the Six Dynasties of the Stone Chamber, then the paintings received by The Sorrowful Hong are the same as the late Tang murals. At the age of 198, Yu also received Gu Hongzhong's painting "Han Xizai's Night Feast Map", which was graceful and luxurious, and the colored pens were scattered. The collector of Beihong is a white painting, a Taoist, the so-called "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle", the work of Wu zongyuan of the Northern Song Dynasty, which is really indiscriminately coveted here. The Tang painting figures seen in the world are only two volumes, each of which is extremely wonderful. Sorrow and giving and treasure its traces, between the heavens and the earth, happy things, rather than this one?
Xie Zhiliu inscription (1947):
The "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls" collected by Brother Dao of Right Sorrow Hong, which was seen in the White Gate ten years ago, was taken overseas by Xuan Sorrow Hong, returned to the country at first, lost in Kunming, and the Great Suo was not obtained. The more than a year, the unexpected recovery of Chengdu, the return of the old things, out of the intention of the table, Xie Fu dismantled the sandals, a good metaphor for his feelings. At first, this volume was not known, first of all, there was Wu Daozi's "Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map" in Guangdong, and Song Xue's inscription was said to be the work of Wu Zongyuan during the Northern Song Dynasty, and its character arrangement was no different from this volume. At the age of 10, after dunhuang, looking at the stone chamber, contemplating the traces of the Tang and Song dynasties of the Six Dynasties, and the works of the late Tang Dynasty, the pen is slender, and the divine is Qinghua, then this volume is quite consistent with it. He also tasted the Song Dynasty's "Diagram of the Palace" by Zhou Wenjie, and this volume of the Wind God Genre, which was full of waves, was known as the Late Tang Dynasty's Hongzai, and the Master of the Song Dynasty was also. And the ancestors passed down through the generations, such as Gu Kaizhi's "Female Shi Zhen", Yan (Yan) Liben's "Liedi Tu", and are facsimiles, paintings before the Tang Dynasty, outside the stone, and there are no survivors. As you can see, song used to only look at Hongzhong's Night Feast Map and this volume, and it was a rare treasure. Sorrow and security are more precious than the heavenly spheres and river charts, and they are treasures that will last forever.
Ding Hai on the nineteenth day of the first month of the sea Xie Zhiliu book
Zhu Guangqian's inscription (Autumn 1948):
In the previous Tang Dynasty, the layout of the pen used for character imagery was about two ends, one such as the Wuliang Ancestral Hall and the Xinjin Han Tomb Stone Letter Works, which were stained with large pens, and Shen Xiong Pu Mao; and the other was such as Wei Liugen's "Female History Zhentu" works, with thin lines hooked and picked, and Jingyan rectification. If it is written in writing, it is also subordinate to the seal. It is the iron wire seal in the cover painting. There are nearly 100 characters, and the posture and costumes have their own personalities, the ceremonial guards are lined up, the westbound and rise and fall, the back changes, the formation of many parties, the vivid rhythm of the □, and the elegance and pleasure in the solemnity of the temple, which is the ultimate in classical art. Mr. Sorrowful Hong Yongbaozhi.
Thirty-seven years of autumn light subliminal inscription.
Xu Beihong 4 (1948):
Greetings to deceased friends
Professor Xu Dishan, with the power of the king, now this national treasure has restored the land, and for those who have not been vain to spend their lives comforting, they still call on the king's spirit to take care of it. Sorrow. [15]
Looking at the above texts of Xu, Zhang, and Xie, it can be seen that they had at least two discussions with the author about the "Eighty-Seven" era. The first time was in 1937, shortly after Xu Beihonghong bought this painting back, when all three of them identified it as a Tang painting, and judging from the tone of Xu Beihong's inscription, Zhang Daqian seemed to identify the author as Wu Daozi: "My friend Zhang Daqian wants to be Wu Sheng's powder book. However, the second time (1947-1948) when they respectively inscribed the situation changed slightly, in addition to Zhang Daqianmai's review of the "Han Xizai Night Feast" in Hong And can be compared, Zhang and Xie both went to the Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes, stayed there for a long time, and had the experience of carefully observing and copying the original murals of the past, which undoubtedly greatly improved their appreciation. Referring to the scale of Dunhuang in their chests, Xie Zhiliu and Zhang Daqian invariably put forward new views, believing that "Eighty-Seven" is the same as the late Tang Dynasty painting style of Dunhuang, rather than the Sheng Tang Dynasty. First, Xie Zhiliu put forward two reasons for determining that the "Eighty-Seven" was written in the late Tang Dynasty, one was that the Dunhuang murals were "works of the late Tang Dynasty, with delicate brushwork and clear divine reasoning, then this volume is quite consistent with it"; the second is to see the "Palace Map" of the fifth generation of Southern Tang painter Zhou Wenjie, compare the "Eighty-Seven" with it, and think that "this volume of the Wind God Genre is of the same quality, the waves are incomparable, and the solid knowledge is the Hongzhao of the Late Tang Dynasty." Later, Zhang Daqian said directly: "The scrolls received by Beihong are the same as the late Tang Dynasty murals." As we all know, Wu Daozi was active in the Kaiyuan and Tianbao years of the Sheng Tang Dynasty (713-756), which is actually a euphemism for denying that "Eighty-Seven" is Wu Daozi's original work.
The person who shares the same view as Xu Beihong and who is first mentioned in Xu Baozhong is Xu's close friend Sheng Cheng. Sheng Cheng (1899-1996) was an internationally renowned scholar and literary scholar who studied in Europe in his early years and caused a sensation in France with "My Mother". He has taught at the University of Paris, Peking University, National Taiwan University and Beijing Language Institute, and in 1985 was awarded the Order of the Legion of Honor by French President Mitterrand, and wrote the thesis "Fine Arts of the Tang Dynasty". In 1947, he taught at National Taiwan University until 1965, so when Xu Beihong re-framed "Eighty-Seven" in 1948 and asked someone to write a trek, Sheng Cheng could not be present, and could only be recalled by Xu Beihong. Sheng Cheng first mentioned the famous allusions to the sword dance of Gongsun Da Niang and Wu Daozi's paintings by Gongsun Daniang of the Sheng Tang Dynasty,[16] and then said passionately: "If you are not a painter, who can you do it with Yu Sihu?" Painting saint refers to Wu Daozi, Tang Zhang Yanyuan said: "Wu Yi is a painting saint." [17] Song Guo Ruoxuan said: "Wu Sheng's work is the Law of Ten Thousand Worlds, and the number is called painting saint. [18] Sheng Cheng expressed his inferences about the author of the Eighty-Seven in a slightly implicit literary way. Although he is well-known at home and abroad, he is not a special calligraphy and painting appraiser after all, so Xu Beihong borrowed Zhang Daqian's mouth to say more directly: "My friend Zhang Daqian wants to be a Wu sheng fan, and he has good insights." It can be seen that Zhang Daqian said verbally that "I want to be determined as Wu Sheng's powder book", but it is only "desire". Eleven years later (Zhang Bao said it was twelve years), when he really wrote the inscription, he changed his mind, saying that it was "late Tang Dynasty". However, Xu Beihong still firmly believes that this picture is the original work of Wu Daozi, in addition to Sheng Cheng's support, his basis is mainly from the judgment of his artistic quality, and there may be a Tang painting he has seen and highly evaluated, "Drunken Road Map". [19] He likens the relationship between the Eighty-Seven and Wu Daozi to the relationship between the ancient Greek Parthenon carvings and Phidias.
Shortly after Xu Beihong's death, Xu Bangda expressed different views,[20] and his denial represented a typical opposition. He said: "Xu Beihong has collected a volume of eighty-seven images such as white depictions of male and female gods and immortals and emperors, and there is no money, nor ancient inscriptions or marks. Xu Shi did not know the name of the figure, and called it the "Eighty-Seven Immortal Statues". This picture imitates the Tang Wu Dao Xuanbai painting, the clothing pattern is drawn with iron wire, there is no Teton's pen, and the fairy face shape is beautiful and slim. Look closely at the "list" above the head of each statue that originally had the name of the person written on it, but now it has been dug up one by one, and the knife marks are still there. Judged from the comprehensive aspects of image, pen and ink, silk and color, etc., it should be the work of the Southern Song Dynasty. "Xu Ben (press: referring to "Eighty-Seven") and this book (press: referring to "Chaoyuan") are out of a draft, self-evident, but this is an unfinished small sample of the powder, and Xu Ben is a deliberate imitation of the formal picture. If Xu Ben is out of this small sample, it is not impossible. ”[21]
Yang Renkai also expressed the same view in the book "Chinese Painting and Calligraphy", which is a textbook for the State Administration of Cultural Heritage. He said: "The Xu Beihong Memorial Hall has the Song Dynasty's Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls, which is completely consistent with the composition of this figure (press: referring to the "Chaoyuan"), and the painting method is basically the same, which is about its facsimile. ”[22]
Huang Miaozi compared the artistic styles of the two Chaoyuan figures, saying: "The Chaoyuan volume is slightly longer and slightly taller than the Eighty Volume, with clear lines, smooth air, and a more symmetrical and graceful character layout. The volume of "Eighty" is mostly depicted with gossamer and iron wire, which is rich in a sense of containment. The Chaoyuan is based on a smooth and rounded (Tang said 'roughly like cursive writing', referring to this) of the "lettuce strips" and the frustrated orchid leaf depiction, full of flow, each with its own strengths in pen and ink, and the strength of the enemy, which may also be from the Song Dynasty masters. Judging from the style of line drawing, "Chaoyuan" seems to be earlier than "Eighty", "Eighty" volume is mature with pens, and is closer to Li Gonglin's "Wei Mo YanJiaoTu" and other heirloom works, while the frustrated gestures seen in the "Chaoyuan" diagram are closer to the style of the Tang and Five Dynasties. ”[23]
With the death of Xu Beihong, Zhang Daqian, Xie Zhiliu and others, the views of Xu Bangda and Yang Renkai, who are in a strong position in the field of calligraphy and painting appraisal, have been generally accepted. The largest so far history of Chinese art (12 volumes), presided over by Wang Chaowen, was published at the end of the 20th century, and the sixth volume of the Song Dynasty volume (part I) accepted Xu Bangda's view that the Eighty-Seven was a "original" of the scrolls processed on the basis of the Chaoyuan. [24] After entering the 21st century, Zhou Jiyin's large-scale catalogue "Chinese Dynasties Painting Catalogue : Warring States to Song Dynasty Volumes" lists "Eighty-Seven" as the works of song dynasty anonymous authors, and details Xu Bangda's main views, without mentioning the views of Xu Beihong, Xie Zhiliu, and Zhang Daqian, showing the tendency of the editors. [25] Some scholars abroad have accepted Xu Bangda's view that the Eighty-Seven is slightly later than the Chaoyuan. [26]
However, a teacher at Southeast University recently published a paper in the Journal of Southeast University discussing the Eighty-Seven, and through a comparative analysis of this figure and the Chaoyuan diagram, concluded: "The Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls should be the original works of Wu Daozi, a great painter of the Tang Dynasty. [27] It is just that the article does not mention that Sheng Cheng and Xu Beihong had already made this judgment 70 years ago. The article has some positive points, but the author disagrees with some of the logical deductions in the article. In addition, if the author can make a direct and careful observation of the original "Eighty-Seven", some mistakes will be avoided.
In summary, with regard to the age of the creation of "Eighty-Seven", the views of each family are as follows:
Xu Beihong (and Sheng Cheng): Sheng Tang (by Wu Daozi);
Xie Zhiliu: Late Tang Dynasty;
Zhang Daqian: Late Tang Dynasty;
Huang Miaozi: Song, slightly later than chaoyuan;
Yang Renkai: Song, a facsimile of the Chaoyuan;
Xu Bangda: Southern Song Dynasty;
The six above are all outstanding people in the history of Chinese art in the 20th century, and their views are different, which can be roughly summarized into two schools. Tang School: Xu (Beihong), Zhang, and Xie, all of whom are good at painting, and their views are mainly reflected in the 1948 inscription. They also consider the Chaoyuan to be a facsimile of the Eighty-Seven. Song School: Xu (BangDa), Yang, and Huang, all of whom were experts, not only agreed that the Eighty-Seven were Song paintings, but also copied from the Chaoyuan. Regarding the relationship between the two dynastic diagrams, the two factions are tit-for-tat. Among the seven members of the "Ancient Chinese Calligraphy and Painting Appraisal Group" established in 1983 by the State Administration of Cultural Heritage, members are Xie Zhiliu, Xu Bangda and Yang Renkai. The former is the Tang school, the latter two are the Song school, is it precisely because of the sharp opposition between their views that this famous painting has been frozen since then?
2. Comparison of the artistic quality of "Eighty-Seven" and "Chaoyuan"
The artistic standards of the work vary from time to time and place, and it is a thankless task to analyze and judge the artistic quality of the work. However, the discussion of "Eighty-Seven" must be related to "Chaoyuan", and the two works are too similar in form, content, and specific character dynamics, belonging to the same genre, a genre, and may be similar in time and from the same source, so this comparison is necessary and possible.
The first to compare the two dynastic diagrams was Xu Beihong. Although he did not see the original work of "Chaoyuan", the painting was printed in a glass version before it was exiled overseas, and in 1939, two years after the purchase of "Eighty-Seven", Xu Beihong compared the two figures according to the printed materials and wrote the article "Outline of the Three Volumes of the Chaoyuan Immortal Battle", which was originally published in the Shanghai Zhonghua Book Company's "Eighty-Seven Immortal Volumes", included in the "Xu Beihong Art Collection", because the full text is not long, and the transcript is as follows:
A brief description of the three volumes of the Chaoyuan Immortal Battle:
According to Xuanhe's painting genealogy, the Chaoyuan Xian Battle (there is a doubt that the so-called Fragments of the Five Emperors Dynasty are unsubstantiated), is a painting of the Northern Song Dynasty Wuzong Yuan, which was once hidden in Xuanhe and Neifu, and Zhao Meng's inscription was followed. The painting is really no model, and the size is quite large. According to Li Erqiao, there is still a volume, and the penmanship is thicker than the Wu scroll, and the size is not mentioned. These two volumes have been hidden in Guangdong for hundreds of years, to the Wu scrolls, and most recently before the "Seven Seven", they collected clouds for the Japanese in Hong Kong at a huge price.
Wen Wu Scrolls are quite ancient, patriarchal Dao Xuan Relic, Guan Yue Bao can see the depth of its admiration. The Wu Scrolls are hidden by Xuanhe Neifu, and they are indeed identified by Zi Ang, and the inscription is still credible. However, if the whole volume is carefully examined, it is indeed a linben, and it is also known whether Wu Zongyuan's work is requested by any party, and if it is copied according to what book, it can also be known. The names of more than eighty people in the martial scrolls are also very credible, and there are about several ends of those who think they are facsimiles.
I. The three emperors in the volume are all the main gods, and Gou is a creation, and he will write it with all his strength, showing his solemn and luxurious posture. The main thrust of this painting is also. Wuzong Yuan Northern Song Dynasty famous masters, do you know? The three main gods of the present Martial Scroll, with a bloated and withered look, and a short stature, shorter than a servant woman, there is no shortage of such phenomena in the human world, and they are not called gods but the emperor's temperament, and this biography (volume) is written by us.
Second, the king kong at the end of the volume is dragged on, loses its balance, and is bound to fall, which is especially evident evidence of the loss of the gourd. There are also several gods whose feet are too open, whose front feet are too forward, whose chests are too erect, and who are unnatural, all of which are in danger of the diseases that are common.
On the outside, the brushwork at the end of the volume is jerky, the starting volume is more vivid, and the cover starts from the rear end, which is not satisfactory at first. The author's brushwork must be more consistent, see the "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls", obviously.
The last tibetan of the scrolls, Luo Anlan, was printed in a glass plate, so he had to use it to make an argument.
After the Wu scroll, there is Li Erqiao yibao, and two volumes of Wu scrolls are set up as the drawings, which are judged to be authentic, and whether the original or not is true or not does not need to be debated; but the painting is cloudy, then the square above each god in the volume is set as a name, and its non-manuscript is clear, and the boundary painting is also owed to Seiko.
Although the creation of dafan is simple, it will be full of spirit, but the facsimile is often invisible, and the two volumes are compared, and the advantages and disadvantages are judged, and they cannot be said in the same day. Only one other volume, no news today.
Although the Wu Scroll is the same as the Wu Scroll, it has long been considered to be the Imperial Yuan Immortal Battle Map, so my name is the "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls", which is slightly different from the Wu Scroll, there is one more person in front of this volume (only one head, not mutilated), and one more person in the back of the Wu Scroll, and the end of this volume is obviously cut off, of course, it has important significance, but it is not known because of the lack of it. The Demon Destroyer in front of the Wu Scroll holds the sword in his left hand, and the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls is the right hand, which also depends on the researcher.
The English Tibetan painting contains the statue of Zhang Huaixing Buddha in the fourth year of Tang Zhaozong's Qianning (897 AD),[28] like the next pipa woman and the same as the band of the immortals in the scroll, the main point of which is to crown the bird crown on the bun. At the end of the twenty-seventh year, the details of the same and different in the mountain village roads in Hong Kong, the bright see themselves, so it is not the private of our brooms and self-cherishing. I also introspect myself, if a man takes the sum of the wu scrolls and the two volumes, I will not be with them, and the rivers and mountains will be laid, dedicated to the country, and think that the world is a public instrument.
Sorrow
This article is translated into English by Mr. Liu Yangren, the inspector of Mengxing Prefecture, and the book has this sense of ambition. Compassion.
September 5, 2008[29]
Here, Xu Beihong has a misunderstanding, he believes that the Li Jian Bao wen attached to the "Chao Yuan" is signed as the second year of Jiaqing in the Qing Dynasty (1797), which claims that there is another volume, but the brushwork is coarser. Without seeing any pictorial evidence, Xu Beihong thought that there were three similar chaoyuan figures, because he thought that the title was "three volumes". Later, Mr. Xu Bangda pointed out that the Li Jian Bao text was a forgery. [30] Therefore, the so-called third volume does not seem to exist. In this article, Xu Beihong put forward two important views on "Chaoyuan" from the perspective of painting creation: 1. This painting is a linben, not the original work of creation; 2. The artistic quality of this painting is very poor. He even said that if someone exchanged "Eighty-Seven" with him "Chaoyuan", he "will not be with it"! From the tone of the writing, it can be felt that he even doubts whether the "Chaoyuan" is indeed the work of the famous Northern Song Dynasty master Wu Zongyuan.
However, Xu Bangda pointed out that the reason for the difference in thickness and thickness of the two white painting styles is that the purpose of the painting is different: "Chaoyuan" is an unfinished small sample of the mural, and "Eighty-Seven" is a formal picture scroll deliberately imitated. [31] In any case, as some of the above scholars have pointed out, it is an indisputable fact that the Eighty-Seven is more delicate and delicate than the Chaoyuan, and the Chaoyuan is simpler and more sketchy than the Eighty-Seven. What do you think of this fact? Xu Bangda and Xu Beihong have different interpretations. In another way, it can be said that "Chaoyuan" is more unrestrained than "Eighty-Seven", and "Eighty-Seven" is more restrained than "Chaoyuan". On the basis of the former understanding, it can be said that "Eighty-Seven" is closer to Tang Zhi's painting saint, and "ChaoYuan" is closer to Song's apprentice. On the basis of the latter understanding, it is concluded that the unrestrainedness of the Chaoyuan is closer to the "Wu family style" of the Tang Dynasty, and the fineness of the Eighty-Seven is closer to the Song Dynasty Li Gonglin (later than Wu Zongyuan). According to the meaning of "Tang School", there is first a delicate original manuscript ("Eighty-Seven"), followed by a rough copy of "Chao Yuan"; while the "Song School" is the opposite, first there is a brief "Chao Yuan", and then there is a delicate "Eighty-Seven". Is it a sketchy drawing that is refined, or is it a delicate drawing that is roughly copied? Only from the superficial style point of view to compare, it is difficult to judge the two in order. I think we can start with the expressiveness of lines and graphics, and conduct a more in-depth analysis and comparison of the two by universal traditional standards. The difference between the two is mainly reflected in the following four aspects:
1. Accuracy
Fig. 2 Comparison of the lines of Fusang the Great, "Eighty-Seven" on the left, "Chaoyuan" on the right
Fig. 3 Comparison of jade hairpin lines, left "Eighty-Seven", right "Chaoyuan"
Figure 4 With a few comparison figures, the left "Eighty-Seven", the right "Chaoyuan"
Figure 5 Comparison of martial generals, left "Eighty-seven", right "Chaoyuan"
There are some places in the Chaoyuan that the lines depict wrong or misplaced, not just brief, as shown in Three places in Figure 2: (1) The clothing pattern below the belt of Fuso The Great should be continuous after passing through the belt and the chest to show the outer contour of the body, and should not be divided from the belt into two sections that are unrelated to the top and bottom; (2) the lines of the collar are chaotic and cannot reflect the structure of the collar; (3) the line between the collar and the shoulder is wrongly connected. The correct lines in these three places can be found in the corresponding places of Fuso the Great in the Eighty-Seven. Another example is Figure 3, the jade hairpin guide on the head of the Emperor of the South Pole in the "Chaoyuan" figure, its line is only a diamond-shaped thin plane, which does not show that the jade hairpin is guided as an object with thickness. The Jade Hairpin Guide of the Eastern China Heavenly Emperor in the picture also has the same problem. The correct way to draw it can be found in "Eighty-Seven". As shown in Figure 4, the "Haohua Suling Jade Girl" has a three-legged hand support (the standard configuration for the seated statue of Lao Jun or Tianzun in the Tang and Song Dynasties), but the arc-shaped body can not see the structure at all, and the position of the three feet is unclear: the left and right foot structure is asymmetrical, the middle foot is supreme, and the right foot inexplicably has an extra ornament. Apparently, the author has no idea what the Jade Girl's hand holder is. The correct way to draw it can be found in "Eighty-Seven". Another example of a warrior wearing armor at the far left end of the "Chaoyuan" shown in Figure 5: (1) the left and right of the breastplate are asymmetrical, and the size difference is too large; (2) the armor up and down the belt is not connected, misplaced, just like the belt of the Fuso Emperor; (3) the left and right hems of the armor are not connected, and the author obviously does not realize that the left and right hems should be symmetrical and connected. There are still some such errors in "Chaoyuan", which are not listed one by one. The reason for these errors cannot be attributed to "abbreviated" or "incomplete", but to the lack of understanding of the meaning of the object represented by the line, the so-called "drawing the gourd as it is".
2. Completeness
Fig. 6 Comparison of the railings of the bridge, "Eighty-Seven" on the top, "Chaoyuan" on the bottom
Figure 7 Comparison of Lotus Flowers, Upper "Eighty-Seven", Lower "Chaoyuan"
There are some places in the Chaoyuan that are not completed, which has been specifically pointed out. [32] If the team marches on the covered bridge, in addition to the nearby bridge railing, the opposite railing should also be exposed from time to time in the character gaps, but "Chaoyuan" misses a lot. For example, several jade women in front of the Eastern China Heavenly Emperor, the line of the railing of the covered bridge behind them cannot be coherent and interrupted. Another example is the 33rd Jade Girl before the Emperor of antarctica, which begins until the 47th Jade Girl, and the rear railing is completely absent (see Figure 6). The railings in the corresponding positions in "Eighty-Seven" are intact, coherent and accurate. Others, such as the railing in front of the "Jade Girl of The Pure Jade", and the railing between the "Jade Girl of Scattered Flowers" and the warrior general at the left end, are not drawn. As shown in Figure 7, the lotus leaves under the bridge and the lotus leaves held by the jade girl only draw the outer outline of the lotus leaves, and the lines are rough and stiff, and there is no specific content of the lotus leaves. Other branches, such as the trunk of the tree at the head of the tree, are only outlined.
3. Line expressiveness
Figure 8 Comparison of male immortal clothes, left "Eighty-seven", right "Chaoyuan"
As many have already pointed out, the lines of the two dynastic diagrams do differ. Xu Bangda believes that the Chaoyuan "clothing brushwork, fluent and strong, with a lift, slightly similar to the orchid leaf depiction." And "Eighty-Seven" "The coat is made of iron lines, without the pen of Teton." [33] Huang Miaozi believes that the Chaoyuan "has clear lines and smooth rhymes," and "is full of flow with smooth and rounded 'lettuce strips' and orchid leaves with setbacks," while the "Eighty" volumes "mostly use gossamer and iron wire to draw, full of a sense of potential," and "rounded with a pen." The second figure "has its own strengths in pen and ink, and its work force is full of enemies." [34] Are their differences expressed merely in the form of line types or styles? Are the lines really as expressive as they are? Let's make a closer comparison. As shown in Figure 8, taking only the male immortal No. 84 on the right of the "Chaoyuan" as an example, we analyze the 9 main stripes of the "Eighty-Seven" and compare them with the corresponding lines of the "Eighty-Seven". The change in thickness of line 1 makes no sense, the turn at the lower end is too hard and out of breath, the line after the lower turn is too straight, it is not done in one go, and it does not reflect the twist structure of the body. The upper end also does not take into account the connection between the two shoulders, line 2 appears too high, the two shoulders are unbalanced. The relationship between lines 3, 4 and 1 is confusing and unclear. Lines 5 and 6 are fickle, distorted, weak and weak, and the pen is restarted after 6 interruptions to 7, and the starting pen is too thick to be consistent with 6. The two strokes at 8 should be the outer outline of the sleeve of the forearm and should be connected to the lower end of line 1, but this set of lines that should be looking after each other has nothing to do with each other. Line 9 turns from the top of the pen to an inexplicable three lines. In contrast, the No. 84 male immortal of "Eighty-Seven", the clothing line does not have the above problems, the lines are symmetrical and strong, running through the same breath, the mutual relationship is clear, never ambiguous and misplaced, forming an interconnected whole that reflects the structure of the object. Although it is close to the line drawing, it is by no means without Teton's pen. The styles of the two paintings are indeed different, but this cannot be hidden from the obvious gap in line power. Whether it is orchid leaf drawing, iron line drawing or other drawing, the lines of realistic figure painting must meet the requirements of three aspects: first of all, we must consider the wholeness and interconnection, that is, the so-called "qi rhyme"; we must take into account the relationship with the object of expression, that is, the so-called "nature"; in the technical requirements, it must be smooth and vigorous, that is, the so-called "pen such as folding strands, such as house leak marks, such as cone painting sand, such as wall blocks." [35] The disorderly lines, unreasonable twists, and weakness are not the only manifestations of the 84th male immortal, but also the prevalence of other characters in Chaoyuan.
4. Rhythm
Figure 9 Comparison of the lines of the Eastern China Heavenly Emperor, left "Eighty-seven", right "Chaoyuan"
Figure 10 Comparison of head connections, "Eighty-Seven" on the top, "Chaoyuan" on the bottom
The line outline of "Chaoyuan" looks bold and powerful, but in fact, from the composition, character arrangement, object aggregation to line organization, it shows the characteristics of "flat" and "uniform". Try to take the main image of the Donghua Tiandijun as an example, as shown in Figure 9, 1 is a set of neck lines, the lines of "Eighty-Seven" are gathered and scattered, left high and right are low, there is a movement from left to right, and the relationship between the collar line and the neck line is also clear. The corresponding parts of the "Chaoyuan" are three roughly parallel arcs, the distance is symmetrical, average, and stable, and the relationship with the collar is blurred. 2 is a set of beads at the top of the Tongtian Crown, the 7 jewels of "Chaoyuan" are the same image, it seems to be a copy of the same image, evenly distributed and arranged in a stiff straight line, while the 5 jewels of "Eighty-Seven" are staggered in height, pitched and varied. 3 is a jade hairpin that is inserted into the hair to fix the crown of the head, as mentioned above, the Chaoyuan obviously does not convey the meaning of the objects as perpendicular to each other, and is drawn as a vague polygon. 4 is a set of lines that represent the wavy folding structure of the upper part of the Tongtian Crown, which is simplified to a set of straight lines and unclear structure. 5 is the lower edge of the crown, "Chaoyuan" is straight, and "Eighty-Seven" is a high and low wavy line, which not only shows the structural relationship between the crown and the head, but also has a sense of movement. The 6 glyph-shaped short bars of "Eighty-Seven" show the relationship between the head, neck and shoulders, and "Chaoyuan" lacks these two important lines. Another example is Figure 10, which connects the heads of 88 characters to form a polyline, which shows that "Chaoyuan" is much more gentle, and "Eighty-Seven" is more ups and downs, gathering and dispersing. Of course, this has the reason for the proportion of the frame, the length and width ratios of "Chaoyuan" and "Eighty-Seven" are different, but it should not affect the rhythm and rhythm of the picture. Even even the flat and densely populated pictures, such as "Qingming on the River", will have a climactic and soothing rhythmic change. The viewer's gaze follows the unfolding of the hand scroll (or mural), as if watching a theatrical performance, with the plot twists and turns. The dense gathering of characters, the rapid curvature of lines, the staggering of the image, and the size and circle of objects together constitute the narrative rhythm of the image. The dense gathering and dispersion of the image (or line) is an important element that makes the picture get vitality. It may be said that quiet, symmetrical and even dull is also a different poetic realm, but the appearance of the "Wu family-like" of the Sheng Tang Dynasty is a kind of vibrant "Wu belt dangfeng", whether it is "Chaoyuan" or "Eighty-Seven" will pursue this standard.
In summary, in terms of the accuracy, completeness, expressiveness, rhythm and other aspects of the lines, "Eighty-Seven" is higher than "Chaoyuan". Here, the author very much agrees with Xu Beihong's judgment: "Compared with the two volumes, the advantages and disadvantages are judged, and they cannot be said in the same day. The two are not different styles of "each with its own strengths and strengths", nor can it simply interpret the Chaoyuan as "unfinished". In fact, the author of "Chaoyuan" is very delicate in some key places, such as some heads, hands, and the bare arms of military generals, which are more smudged than in "Eighty-Seven". Some of the wrong objects are not due to the haste of the pen, but because of ignorance. The use of lines is only a representation, the root of which is the difference in the understanding of objects, lines and rhythms, the difference in the power of pen and ink and the feeling of art.
If it is believed that "Eighty-Seven" is only a copy of "Chaoyuan", then is it possible to copy an incomplete, rhythmic rhythm, many partial inaccuracies and even errors, loose and unreasonable lines, and weak and powerless figure painting into a "mature" "formal picture"? Or is it necessary for a first-rate painter to faithfully copy the work of a lower-level painter (his only "disloyalty" is to make it perfect)?
3. Is "Chao Yuan" the original work of Wu Zongyuan of the Northern Song Dynasty?
At this point, we seem to have to wonder whether "Chaoyuan" is the authentic work of Wu Zongyuan, a famous painter in the early Northern Song Dynasty. Since there are no other works of Wu Zongyuan in existence and there is no object of comparison, we can only start from the "Chaoyuan" itself and discuss it in conjunction with relevant historical documents. The Chaoyuan is also a silk book, 58 cm high and 777.5 cm long. In terms of area, it is close to 4 times that of "Eighty-Seven". First collected by Luo Yuanjue in Guangdong, and then exiled overseas, it belongs to the collection of Mr. Wang Jiqian in New York, USA. The layout and dynamics of the characters in the picture are very similar to those of "Eighty-Seven", the beginning of the scroll is slightly broken (compared with "Eighty-Seven" it can be seen that at least one warrior is missing), the end of the volume is complete and there is still room to write the inscription (the end of the "Eighty-Seven" is slightly broken, missing a military general). The 87 idols are equipped with 65 titles, each with the name of the god. There is no author's money, but there are several collection seals, the important royal seals are "Xuanhe", "Xuanhe Dianbao", "Jigu Dianbao" and "Zhenghe", and there are double dragon seals next to the Donghua Tiandi emperor in the scroll. There are also private seals of Yuan Dynasty painters such as Zhao Meng and Ke Jiusi. There are also two important passages written at the end of the volume, namely Zhang Mouba in the eighth year of the Southern Song Dynasty (1172):
Right Wu Daozi painted the "Five Emperors Dynasty YuanTu", which was hidden by zhai gong. After that, it is returned to the rest. If you do not frame it, you will be the one who is the quality of the old thing. Qiandao eight years in June looked. Qiyang Zhang zi □ book. [36]
In the eighth year of the Yuan Dynasty (1304), Zhao Mengfu:
Yu tasted the "Five Rulai Portraits" of the Valley Wu wu Yubu Yun: "Yubu's pen strength is ancient, and he can chase after Wu Sheng, so he feels that Shi Ke's generation is far away, and it is not enough to be considerable." This figure is the original work of Yubu, and the "Battle of the Immortals of chaoyuan" contained in the Xuanhe Spectrum is also. It is exactly the same as the "Five Rulai Portraits" that Yu saw, so he did not dare to think that it was Wu Pen. However, treasure paintings have also been true for hundreds of years. Yubu's name is Zongyuan, and the word is in short. The Great Dekaku Tatsu August Day. Wu Xing Zhao Mengfu.
In the autumn of 1964, Zhang Daqian also wrote a poem after watching "Chao Yuan", which was framed at the end of the volume:
This Wuzong Yuan's true handwriting, the brushwork is directly Wu Sheng, and later Ma Hezhi dan got his scales and half claws, so he became a famous artist. For eight hundred years, there has been no continuity. Brother Ji Qiandao came out to see the question. Kotatsu Autumn Great Thousand Residents.
In 1991, Xie Zhiliu made an inscription, but forgot to sign his name, and the next year he made up the question:
Xin Wei was viewed in the first month of the month, and the title was praised by Zhi Zhi. Chen Peiqiu, Xie Dingkun and Pang Mulan looked at the same view. Nongshen June, the previous book was mistaken, when in New York and remembered. Strong Twilight Weng Xie Zhi Liu Eighty-Three.
Luo Yuanjue, Xu Bangda, Mr. Huang Miaozi and other predecessors have conducted fruitful research on "Chaoyuan". They correctly pointed out that the three passages of Gu Dehui and others at the end of the volume were pseudo-texts, such as Gu Bao's "Da De Jia Chen (1304)" and "Gu Shi was not yet born in the year of Examination". The inscriptions in the scrolls are not shy about the words "tiger" and "Xuan" (Tang Dynasty distant ancestor Li Hu, Song Shengzu Xuanlang, avoiding "Xuan" began in the fifth year of Da ZhongXiang Fu, 1012), indicating that this painting was after the Tang Dynasty and five years before the Song Dynasty, which was the period when Wu Zongyuan made the mural paintings of the Yuqing Zhaoying Palace. Xu Bangda also speculated that the painting "may be a 'copy of the temple murals'" and speculated that it was one of two volumes. [37] Huang Miaozi was able to view the original paintings during his visit to the United States in 1991, and his long treatise clearly sorted out the transcription and cutting process of the Ming and Qing inscriptions in each section of the scroll, and compared the Chaoyuan with the Eighty-Seven on the basis of the view of holding a small sample of the murals. However, as mentioned above, this article takes a different view of his view that "each has its own strengths and its own strengths is the enemy". Paintings in the early Northern Song Dynasty generally did not have the author's signature, and if the Chaoyuan was used as a small sample of the mural and an informal scroll, it would be more normal to have no signature. Zhao Meng's inscription is judged to be Wu Zongyuan, which has become the conclusive conclusion of the painting since its appearance in the early 20th century.
On July 6, 2005, China Cultural Relics News published Mr. He Ruyun's article "Ten Major Flaws in the > of Wang Jiqian Ben Wuzong Yuan < Dynasty YuanXian Battle Map" (hereinafter referred to as "Ten Flaws") in the appraisal column, which openly challenged this conclusion for many years. He Wen questioned the author and age of the painting from ten aspects, arguing that "it can be said that this volume cannot be the authentic work of Wu Zongyuan at all", and its age is "at best, at least very recent". [38] The phrase "very recent" here alludes to the early 20th century or so, which is the basis for the article quoted in the article "On the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls" published by Hong Kong Gao Zhenbai in 1956. Gao Wen is a short essay of only more than 1,000 words, telling the story of the collection of "Chaoyuan" in the early 20th century:
Wu Zongyuan's "Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map", formerly in the possession of his friend Luo Jun, was purchased from Japan by the Americans in 1953. A volume in Luo Jun's collection has gone through vicissitudes in the past forty years, and finally has been sold for by the Americans. Luo Zang's "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map" was obtained between the two or three years of the Republic of China for Chen Tongjun, a calligraphy and painting agent in Guangzhou. At that time, the connoisseurs did not love the paintings of the Song Dynasty, and only cherished the Four Kings Wu Yun, so Chen Tongjun did not spend a lot of money to buy them. The silk floor in the painting is completely snow-white, like new, Chen Tongjun was afraid of giving others that he could not rely on it (because the silk color of the Song and Yuan dynasties was so dull, it was yellowish black), and once dyed it a pale yellow. He cherished the painting and refused to sell it to others. In the fourth year of the Republic of China (1915), Guangzhou Xiguan was flooded, a low-lying place, with a water depth of six or seven feet, and at the same time, a fire broke out, burning many houses. When Chen Tongjun fled, he didn't take anything with him, only hugged this roll to escape. Later, because he waited for the money to be used, he had to endure the pain of cutting love and was willing to sell it to Mr. Luo, at the cost of five hundred yuan in silver coins, after Luo Jun bought it, he handed it over to Zhao Hao for public mounting, and the mounting fee also cost about eight hundred yuan. This volume was hidden in Zhao for several years, and Zhao once copied a counterfeit from it and sold it to the Americans. Some of the celebrity collection prints and inscriptions on the real book were cut off by Zhao Haogong, and some were added by him.
Later, Luo Jun betrayed the painting for Li Shangming's income. There was a time when Li Shangming was strapped for money and mortgaged it to someone. More than a decade ago, it went to Japan.
In the winter of 1953, an American nicknamed Takae Mura came to Hong Kong to buy paintings, and someone told him that Japan had "The Picture of the Immortals of the Dynasty" and persuaded him to buy them, but he did go and bought them for thirty thousand DOLLARs, which was said to be resold at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. [39]
Gao Zhenbai did not know at the time, and the painting was later transferred from Gao Jiangcun to the hands of Wang Jiqian, a Chinese in New York. The "Luo Jun" mentioned in the article is speculated by Mr. He Ruyun to be Luo Xianglin, a Hong Kong scholar who has contacts with Gao Zhenbai (Bo Yu). mistake! Charlo Xianglin was born in 1906, and was only 9 years old in 1915, how could he fund the purchase of this painting? Obviously, He Ruyun's speculation was wrong. The so-called "Luo Jun" should refer to the great Collector Luo Yuanjue (1891-1965) in Guangdong. This has long been explained in the papers of Xu Bangda and Huang Miaozi. "Chaoyuan" is followed by Luo Yuanjue's 1925 long trek, which recounts the process of circulation. Luo Bao said that this picture is hidden in the Lu clan of Shunde, Guangdong, and the original inscription of Xie Lansheng, the Republic of China changed the yuan into the city, as "Yingchuan Feijie people" (this article is pressed: Chen Tongjun? The result was cut off Xie Lansheng's inscription, plus Gu Dehui, Li Dongyang, Dong Qichang, Wang Shimin and other pseudo-inscriptions. Luo Yuanjue removed Li Dongyang and Dong Qichang's pseudo-treks when remounting them, because Gu Dehui's pseudo-treks were written on the original silk and "could not bear to cut them", and then copied the cut Xie Lansheng's inscription from Xie's "Chang Yu Yi Zhai Calligraphy and Painting Inscription". [40]
According to Gao Wen, "the silk floor in the painting is completely snow-white, like new", which is indeed a little suspicious. However, the 500 yuan bought painting costs 800 yuan, which seems to imply that the mounting is very difficult, or that the original painting is very damaged. If "like new", would the mounting fee be so expensive? Mr. Gao Zhenbai himself said that he had not seen the original "Chaoyuan", but he thought it was a Song painting. [41] The source of Gao Wenzhong's collection of the Chaoyuan is unknown. Earlier in this short essay he first talked about the origin of the Eighty-Seven, which may be used as a reference for its credibility:
Xu Beihong obtained this volume, which is said to have been bought in Hong Kong. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he wanted to go to Nanyang to open a painting exhibition, passing through Hong Kong, and opening an exhibition in the Feng Pingshan Library It is said that a German saw his painting and was very impressed, and he explained to Xu Beihong that he had no money to buy a painting, but there was an ancient painting that he was willing to give to him as a souvenir. He invited Xu Beihong to his home to eat and look at the paintings, and heard that Xu Beihong had spent money to buy what he called the ancient paintings from the German, that is, the People's Fine Arts Publishing House now photocopied this volume of the Eighty-Seven Immortals (one said that the Germans gave it to Xu Beihong, and that Beihong sent him two paintings written by himself as thanks). [42]
This statement is obviously different from what Xu Beihong himself said in the text, and it is also different from what Liao Jingwen's memoirs say, that is, different from the facts. Gao Zhenbai's essay mainly describes the origin of these two paintings, which occurred in Hong Kong and such recent events cannot be correctly narrated ("Eighty-Seven"), how can we believe that the author's narrative of things that happened farther away and earlier in time ("ChaoYuan")? Or, if the simple A thing cannot be explained, how can we believe the narrative of the complex B thing? In my opinion, the story told by Gao Zhenbai should not be used as a basis for examining the article.
He Ruyun's article "Ten Great Flaws", in addition to quoting Gao Zhenbai's short text as a basis, also put forward ten questions about the picture itself, summarizing them: 1. Xuanhe Zhu seal pseudo-imitation, non-conformity; 2. The list name is not complete; 3. There are many missing paintings, which are unfinished copying drafts; 4. There are many mistakes in line drawings, and it is not Wu Daozi who is clothing and pattern master's method; 5. The painting method of the hand is faint and out of law, hidden, not drawn, clumsy and few gods; 6. Cloud qi and painting dragons, dragon painting four claws; 7. The content is wrong, not in line with the Taoist scriptures; 8. In the painting" Xianle Guizibu", worthy of scrutiny; 9 ".Xuan" character is not shy, the big fallacy is not; 10. Zhao Mengfu inscription is problematic. The following article provides a slight response and comment to these ten questions.
Judging the authenticity of the seal has not always been an easy task, and moreover, even the forgery cannot prove that the painting itself is a forgery, and the seal inscription is only circumstantial evidence. Therefore, points 1 and 10 do not prove that the painting is fake. As for the "non-compliant type", I think it probably means that the Xuanhe Zhuyin does not appear at the beginning of the volume but is stamped at the end of the volume. This point is not difficult to explain, as long as you look at the original work, you will understand: the beginning of the "Chaoyuan" has been broken and incomplete, compared with the "Eighty-Seven", there is even a lack of a military general, there is no stamp, and there is still a large blank silk at the end of the volume, which can be used as a stamp inscription. Point 2, the list is not complete. This is a fact, there are some characters who do not have a title, but this only shows that it is not meticulous, does not indicate the authenticity of the painting. Just think, "Eighty-Seven" doesn't even have a list of titles, isn't it even more false that there is nothing to say? If we thought it was just a sketch (a small sample), it wouldn't be so harsh. Points 3, 4, and 5 point out the technical and expressive problems of the Dynasty, which this article roughly agrees with, as described above. However, due to the lack of comparison of Wu Zongyuan's true deeds, it can only be used as a reference. Point 6 makes sense and will be left to the following. Point 7 "The content is wrong, it does not conform to the Taoist Scriptures", referring to the "painting of a maid holding a crystal bottle with lotus flowers (one leaf and two flowers)" in the picture, which does not conform to the Taoist Scriptures, the reason comes from the Song Dynasty painter "Sun Zhiwei" article in the fourth volume of the "Xuanhe Painting Spectrum", Sun once painted "Jiuyao" in Chengdu Shouning Temple, someone added a lotus flower to the crystal bottle held by the maid, Sun criticized: "The bottle is the water of the town under the heavens, and the Tao Sutra of My Got, now increase the flowers, and lose it far away." Therefore, He Wen said, this "Chaoyuan" "should not be a picture book of Wu Zongyuan, but a folk painting book that has been copied from one place to another." This proof seems far-fetched, with flowers arranged in the vase as a sign of respect for the owner, as in the hands of other waiters in the painting. In the Chaoyuan, the waiters hold dozens of utensils, such as three-legged tables, long fans, incense burners, wooden cases, trays, kettles, musical instruments, etc., not every artifact corresponds to a symbolic meaning, most of them are just the owner's personal utensils and offerings. The example of flower arrangement in the bottle is early seen in the relief image of the stone rafter of Shi Jun's tomb in the second year of the Northern Zhou Elephant (580) (excavated in recent years in Xi'an), and there are reliefs of the male and female hosts feasting and drinking on the back of the stone rafter, and there are two bottles with flowers in the river below. For example in the Song Dynasty, you can cite the Northern Song Dynasty Li Gonglin's "Filial Piety Diagram" (now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, USA), there is a picture of a male and female host watching music and dancing, and there is a vase with flower arrangements under the collapse of the master. Luoyang in the Northern Song Dynasty and Hangzhou in the Southern Song Dynasty were popular for flower arrangement. [43] In Sun Zhiwei's view, the crystal bottles in the Jiuyao diagram have exact symbolic significance, but it does not indicate that all bottles have symbolic significance, let alone whether the author is Wu Zongyuan. Point 8, the doubt about the "Xianle Guizibu" is justified because the picture is different from the Guizi band that prevailed in the Tang Dynasty, and lacks the main instrument of guizi music, the vertical fence, but not the "pipa without strings" and "the hand-style regurgitation of the plucked plate" that He Wen refers to. However, this only shows that the author (or the author of the list) is not familiar with the Tang Dynasty Guizile, nor does it indicate whether the author is Wu Zongyuan, and no one can prove whether Wu Zongyuan is familiar with Guizile. Point 9, the word "Xuan" is not shy. To be precise, the 7 places in the painting are written with the complete character "Xuan". However, it may be that He Ruyun has not read the papers of Xu Bangda and Huang Miaozi, and has not seen Luo Yuanjue's text after the painting, Luo, Xu, and Huang have all pointed out the problem of avoidance of the "Xuan" character (and the word "tiger"),The Song Dynasty avoided the word "Xuan", starting from the fifth year of the Great Zhongxiang Fu (1012) when the "Holy Ancestor" Zhao Xuanlang descended to the forbidden Yan'en Hall. The "Chaoyuan" has the word "Xuan" on it, indicating that it comes from five years before the Great Zhongxiang Fu, which is exactly equivalent to the time when Wu Zongyuan made a mural at the Yuqing Zhaoying Palace (the "Xiang Fu Chu" called "Xiang Fu Chu" in the Xuanhe Pictorial Notation, around 1008). If we accept that the Chaoyuan is a small manuscript of the murals of the Yuqing Zhaoying Palace, it proves that it may have come from Wu Zongyuan. The "Ten Great Flaws" takes the "YuanGui of the Book" as an example to explain that the Song Dynasty changed "Xuan" to "Yuan" to prove that there is no "Xuan" character. The author may not have checked that the "YuanGui of the Book" was written in the sixth year of the Great Zhongxiang Fu and published in the eighth year of the Great Zhongxiang Fu, both after the arrival of the "Holy Ancestor". In fact, He Ruyun also does not have to read the articles of Luo, Xu and Huang, as long as he carefully identifies the key point of "Five Years of Xiangfu", he may avoid errors in judgment. Finally, point 10, regarding the authenticity of Zhao Meng's inscription, it is difficult to prove it, and moreover, after the proof, it does not explain the falsity of the painting, but only the falsity of the painting. At the end of the "Ten Great Flaws", Xie Zhiliu's inscription on "Chaoyuan" says that Xie Zhiliu only inscribed the sentence "Gaining a view, and the title is praised by Zhi", "Obviously there are considerable reservations", "It is a matter of false response", "just to pay an old friend", implying that Xie Zhiliu thought that the painting was fake and it was inconvenient to say it in order to hinder his face. This is not the case, Xie Zhiliu made a clear affirmation of "Chaoyuan" in the article "On the Identification of Calligraphy and Painting":
In the Northern Song Dynasty Wu Zongyuan's "Chaoyuan Xian Zhan Tu", the inscription of the Southern Song Dynasty recognized that it was Wu Daozi's handwriting, and Yuan Zhao Meng dialecticed the painting schools of Wu Daozi and Wu Zongyuan of the Northern Song Dynasty, believing that it was not Wu but Wu. When we no longer know the Wuzong Yuan School of Painting, and the character of the era of the Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map is confirmed to be the Northern Song Dynasty, the inscription of the Southern Song Dynasty has a counter-effect, and Zhao Mengfu helped the "ChaoYuan Xian Battle Map" to confirm who the author is. [44] If Mr. He Ruyun had read this passage, he probably would never have misread Xie Zhiliu's inscription again, even if Xie's exposition was only his personal opinion. [45]
In summary, most of the reasons for the "Ten Flaws" cannot explain whether the author is Wu Zongyuan or not. Nevertheless, the author correctly points out that the artistic standard of the Chaoyuan is not very high, which is inconsistent with the praise of Wu Zongyuan in the historical documents. In this sense, we should ask about the Chaoyuan.
Careful searching of the literature can also find more powerful doubts, that is, the "Chaoyuan" also fell into the hands of the Southern Song Dynasty's right minister Jia Xiangdao, according to the "Yuesheng Beilu":
Jia Xiangdao paid attention to calligraphy and painting, and his family collection of famous relics amounted to a thousand volumes, and his Xuan and Shaoxing secret house relics were often begged for. Nowadays, in addition to the prominent traces contained in the "Record of The Ancient Monuments of Yuesheng", the first record of his slightly hidden ones is written in the chapter: Forty-two volumes of the Fa Shu Ji Famous Painting Plan Fifty-eight volumes Wu Zongyuan's "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map" [46]
As we all know, the famous paintings of the Fashu that fell into the hands of Jia Xiangdao all had their own unique seals, all of which had the characters "Duke of Wei", "Yuesheng" (gourd-shaped), "QiuYuan Book", and "Long" or "Feng" on the curved foot. [47] Many paintings and calligraphy have three or four of his seals on them at the same time. Today's Chaoyuan does not see any Jia Xiangdao seals. Considering that the existing "Xuanhe" seals are printed at the end of the picture, if the painting is indeed collected by Jia Xiangdao, it should also be printed at the end of the scroll, rather than at the broken beginning, such as the Southern Song Dynasty Zhang Zi □ inscription in the painting. In other words, the lack of Jia Xiangdao's seal cannot be attributed to the broken beginning of the scroll. It can be seen from this that this picture collected by Wang Jiqian is not the "Chaoyuan" of Wuzhi, which fell from the Inner Province to the Jia Xiang Daoist, but another "Chaoyuan". So when and who made this "Chaoyuan"?
Figure 11 Comparison of dragon claws in the Tang and Song dynasties
As quoted above, the era character of "Chaoyuan" is northern Song, I think this means that the mainstream style of the painting is northern Song, but it still has many traces of the Tang Dynasty, and even some factors that may be later - this is the more important point. As I said earlier, the problem of the "four-clawed dragon" pointed out by He Ruyun is meaningful. As we all know, the dragon claws of the Tang Dynasty are generally three claws, as shown in Figure 11, 1 is the dragon pattern of the Jingyun Bell in the Forest of Steles Museum in Xi'an, cast in the second year of jingyun in the Tang Dynasty (711), and the dragon is three claws. The Northern Song Dynasty did not change significantly, and the more authoritative images such as the portraits of the empresses of the Northern Song Dynasty (After Zhenzong, Empress Renzong, Empress Yingzong, Empress Shenzong, and Empress Huizong) of the Former Forbidden City in the Southern Kaoru Hall of the Forbidden City, all of which were made of three claws, as shown in Figure 11 of 2. Another example is the dragon dance of Cave 55 and Cave 449 of the Northern Song Dynasty in Dunhuang, which are still three claws. [48] The four-clawed dragons we see today are basically from the Southern Song or Yuan Dynasties, 3 is the Dazu Nanshan Sanqing Cave, which was made during the Shaoxing period of the Southern Song Dynasty (1131-1162),[49] and its stone carved dragon pillar is four-clawed. 4 is a part of the Southern Song Dynasty Chen Rong's Nine Dragon Scrolls (top and bottom),[50] the nine dragons are all four-clawed, and the four years of the right side of the section (1244) are written by Chun Rong. This image is now in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, USA. 5 is a part of the "Water Official" of another Famous Southern Song Dynasty painting "Three Officials Picture Axis" in the collection, which is also the dragon stretching its four claws. The roofs of Cave 1 and Cave 2 of the Longshan Grottoes in Taiyuan, Shanxi Province, have relief dragon dances (6), which are four-clawed, and there are inscriptions in the grottoes, which were excavated in 1234-1235 at the time of the Jin Yuan. [51] The dragon on the tray of the "Taidan Jade Girl" of the Chaoyuan is clearly shown as a four-clawed (7). Of course, four-clawed dragons have appeared occasionally in the Tang Dynasty, such as the bronze dragon excavated from the tomb of Tang Shi Siming in the Beijing Capital Museum, which is clearly displayed as a four-clawed dragon. Another example is the iron incense burner in front of the main hall of Taishan Dai Temple, which was cast in the first year of the Jianzhong Jingguo (1101) in the early Northern Song Dynasty, and the dragon on the outer wall is also four-clawed (8). However, this four-claw is generally the first three and the last one, and the direction of the back claw is opposite to the front three claws, not the four claws popular in the Southern Song Dynasty, and the direction of the claws is the same (such as Chen Ronghua). Another change in the image of the dragon is the dragon horn, the Tang Dynasty is generally curved, elastic arc, after the Southern Song Dynasty dragon horn is mostly straight, thick and thin, such as the Boston Museum of Fine Arts collection of Chen Rong's "Nine Dragon Picture Scroll" and "Three Official Figures" of the "Water Official Map", Taipei Forbidden City Tibetan Southern Song Dynasty Ma Yuan "Riding the Dragon Chart Axis" and Jin Dynasty Li "Luohan Chart Axis", etc., although some figures are still traditional three claws, but the double horns have become straight. This slight change can also be found in the Chaoyuan, figure 11 of 9 is the "Chaoyuan" from the left number 61 handmaiden holding a dragon-shaped handle pot, its dragon head double horn straight, just like many dragons from the Southern Song Dynasty to the Yuan Dynasty, this right-horned dragon is not a Tang Dynasty style. These image details do not correspond to the early Northern Song Dynasty of Wu Zongyuan and are more inclined to the Southern Song Dynasty.
On the other hand, the painting style of "Chaoyuan" is between Tang Wu Daozi and Ma Hezhi in the early Southern Song Dynasty, which has been indirectly stated in Zhang Daqian's inscription: "The brushwork is directly Wu Sheng, and later Ma Hezhi got his scales and half claws, so he became a famous master." The Yuan "Illustrated Treasure Book" said:
Ma Hezhi, Qiantang people, Shaoxing Zhongdengdi. Good at painting figures, Buddha statues, landscapes, imitating Wu costumes, flowing brushwork, doing away with Huazao, and becoming a family of its own. Gao and Xiao were two dynasties, deeply attached to their paintings, each book Mao poems 300, Linghe Zhizhi wrote. Official to the Ministry of Works Waiter. [52]
Ma Hezhi, which originated from Wu Daozi and is more free and "flowing", was valued by the emperor in the early Southern Song Dynasty, and the style of "Chaoyuan" was not very rigorous, with both Wu and Ma, and some image details also revealed the characteristics of the Southern Song Dynasty.
The inscription of the eighth year (1172) of the Southern Song Dynasty at the end of the chaoyuan is worth noting again:
Right Wu Daozi painted the "Five Emperors Dynasty YuanTu", which was hidden by zhai gong. After that, it is returned to the rest. If you do not modify the ticket, you will be the one who is the quality of the old thing. Qiandao eight years in June looked. Qiyang Zhang zi □ book.
Zhang Zi □ the identity of this person cannot be found in the literature, it seems that he is an unknown or low-status person. Calligraphy and painting counterfeiters generally forge celebrity inscriptions to increase authenticity. If we infer from the general process of counterfeiting, when faced with a painting that has neither a money signature nor a seal, it will generally forge the author's signature, or the celebrity inscription or celebrity collection seal. It is not said that it was collected by the Song Dynasty, which is not good for confirming the "Xuanhe" and "Zhenghe" seals in the painting, but only said that it came from the zhengzheng Zhai Gong. If the counterfeiter adds the experience of collecting the Song NeiFu to the forgery, wouldn't it be more convincing? Besides, this Zhang Zi □ has no plutonium print, nor does it conform to the practice of general professional collectors. From this point of view, I am inclined to agree on the authenticity of this passage.
Zhang Mou of the Southern Song Dynasty mentioned that this painting came from the "Participatory Government Zhai Gong", which is a clue worth investigating. Huang Miaozi has already pointed out the identity of the Duke of Zhai,[53] Zhai Ruwen (1076-1141), a zigongxun, a native of Danyang, Runzhou, who participated in the government affairs in the first year of Shaoxing (1131) and was the prime minister of the Southern Song Dynasty during the reign of Emperor Gaozong of the Southern Song Dynasty. There is a legend in the "History of Song" that he is "a leader in demeanor, good at ancient and elegant, proficient in seals, and has collected works in the world." [54] From the epitaphs written by his grandson Zhai Fan, we can see the difference between Zhai Gong and the general literati:
The paintings of the Six Dynasties to the Tang Dynasty were very rich, and the painting method of Dong Xiao was known. Self-drawn Three Realms Gao zhen map, ten polar column saint map, nine heavens dynasty yuan map, four holy □ magic map, all sixty axes. It is also wonderful to carve plastics, teach the Fa engineer, carve the statues of Sanqing, the Jade Emperor, and the True Martial Arts in the Huijizhi, and do their best to be strict and gentle, and their spirit is vain, such as connecting with people, seeing them solemnly, and the county people call them wooden treasures. Changzhou Guangxiao Temple Sangha left clothes also, the public with the old system does not work, relatives for easy to mold, get as the mercy of the world to help drowning, although Dai Andao, Yang Huizhi's comeback, there is no way to pass, the establishment, the five-color light out of the blocking wave, Ye Ran height dozens of zhang, there is a salty sight. [55]
It can be seen from the above that Zhai Ruwen not only likes to collect famous paintings, but also "Dongxiao painting method" and "self-painting", that is, he himself is also good at painting and statues, especially good at interpreting characters, and there are scrolls circulating. Among his list of 60 works is a noteworthy "Nine Heavens Dynasty Yuantu". "Nine Heavens" refers to the Nine Wilds of Heaven and the Nine Square Heavens, that is, the central, four positive and four corners, which refers to the gods of the "Chaoyuan". As a type of "Dynasty Diagram", if it is not biased towards the number "nine", it can be synonymous with "Five Squares" and can also be understood as the commonly known "Dynasty Diagram". In the list of Wu Daozi's works collected by Emperor Huizong's Inner House, there is the "Liesheng ChaoyuanTu",[56] which also refers to the various gods in general, and is also the "ChaoyuanTu" in the general sense. If Zhai Gong did have collected a certain Chaoyuan Tu (either from Wu Daozi or Wuzong Yuanzuo), or had obtained such a scroll from other sources, he would have copied one, whether for learning purposes or otherwise. In 1141, Zhai Gong died, about 30 years later, the painting fell into the hands of Zhang Zi □ (Zhang 1172), because there was no money signature or inscription on the painting, Zhang mistakenly thought it was the original work of Tang Wu Daozi, because whether it was Wu Zongyuan or Ma Hezhi were the continuation of the Wu Daozi painting style, Zhang Mou, as a general public with low judgment, it is not surprising. 137 years later, Yuan Zhao Mengfu corrected Zhang's misjudgment based on the style of another painting of Wu Zongyuan that he had seen, believing that it should be attributed to Wu Zongyuan (if Zhao Bao was true). Therefore, the author speculates that the existing "Chaoyuan Tu" attributed to Wu Zongyuan's name was originally written by Zhai Ruwen himself in the Southern Song Dynasty rather than his collection, and its mother copy may be from Wu Zongyuan or copied from the facsimile of Wu Ben. More than 30 years after Zhai's death, either his family could not tell the difference, or he deliberately mixed it into a collection to sell for a higher price. The so-called Wu Daozi's statement may also come from the descendants of the Zhai family.
Figure 12 Physical image of the word "Xuan" in the Song Dynasty
Here there is another problem, that is, the word "Xuan" in the title of the "Chaoyuan" list. As mentioned above, Luo, Xu, Huang and others have correctly pointed out that because the Song Dynasty avoided Zhao Xuanlang, the use of the word "Xuan" was limited to five years before the Great Zhongxiang Fu (1012), which coincided with the era when Wu Zongyuan created the murals of the Yuqing Zhaoying Palace. There are 7 "Xuan" characters on the extant Chaoyuan, and there is no reduction in strokes. If it is a facsimile of the Southern Song Dynasty after Wu Zongyuan, how to understand these 7 "Xuan"? I think that the avoidance of writing cannot be absolute, the Southern Song Dynasty is different from the Northern Song Dynasty, and the existing evidence shows that the Southern Song Dynasty can use the word "Xuan", as shown in Figure 12, the left is the Southern Song Dynasty Gaozong Zhao Shuo (reigned 1127-1162) as part of the "Linyu Shinan Zhencao Thousand Character Scrolls" (Shanghai Museum collection), [57] the right is from the Southern Song Dynasty King's use of painting "Writing Lao Jun Alias Fact Volume" (collection of the Nelson Museum of Art), [58] has a complete "Xuan" character. Wang Yong, who served as a secretary during the Shaoxing period (1131-1162), was appreciated by Emperor Gaozong for his calligraphy and paintings. [59] These two examples illustrate that at least during the Gaozong period in the early Southern Song Dynasty, the character "Xuan" could be used without reducing strokes, which happened to be the time when Zhai Ruwen was active. Zhai was a literati by birth, and was already a famous scribe poet during the Northern Song Dynasty,[60] and was "proficient in seals", in addition to paintings and statues, he was also famous for his calligraphy at that time, and was highly appreciated by the calligrapher Mi Fu. Liu Zai of the Song Dynasty said that he was "in charge of the Book of Works, and Mi Fu was amazed, thinking that it was beyond tang xian's reach." The pictures and engravings are exquisite and are treasured by the world. [61] The level of calligraphy on the list of titles is significantly higher than that outlined by the characters. As for the "Xuanhe" seals on the scrolls, they can also be explained because Zhai Gong was "proficient in seals". Of course, the possibility of falsification in later generations cannot be ruled out. Since Zhai Ruwen has no works passed down, his painting style is unknown. For general understanding, it should also be the level of amateur painters, lower than Wu Zongyuan, who were first-class professional painters at that time, which also explains the contradiction that the painting skills of "Chaoyuan" are not high and do not match Wu Zongyuan in the literature. At that time, Ma Hezhi's painting method of "imitating Wu costumes and flowing brushwork" was appreciated by Emperor Gaozong, and Wang Zang's "Chaoyuan" was similar to it.
The following is to discuss the issue of Zhao Mengfu's inscription. This inscription of Zhao is often considered to be an example of successful research, such as Mr. Yang Renkai's "Chinese Calligraphy and Painting Appraisal Manuscript" as an example, saying that Zhao Mengfu "has a unique feature in identifying ancient books." In his collection, there is a volume of the Southern Song Dynasty Zhang Zimin (Annihilation) as Wu Daozi's Taoist "Five Emperors Dynasty Yuantu" mural manuscript, and Zhao Shi changed it to the Northern Song Dynasty Early Wu Zongyuan's "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", the important basis is that the "Xuanhe Painting Spectrum" has both Wu's two figures named "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", and the post-volume plutonium Xuan and seal, and Zhao Shi could still see Wu's works for comparison at that time, so he made a scientific judgment. [62] There seem to be a few points to be debatable here: first, it is not clear that the Chaoyuan is in Zhao's collection (the attribution of this painting in the Yuan Dynasty is discussed below); secondly, the third character of Zhang Zimin (珉) is illegible, neither "Min" nor "Annihilation" (see above); third, is there a wu's two figures in the Xuanhe Pictorial Notation, both of which are named "Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map"? Do you need to verify the provenance of the version? [63]
From the writing form and seal of Zhao Mengfu's inscription, it is difficult for us to draw a clear judgment and consensus for the time being, so how about investigating the content of the inscription? Zhao Baoyue: "Yu tasted the valley Offic Wu wu Yubu 'Five Rulai Portraits' cloud: 'YuBu's pen is ancient, and he can trace Wu Sheng, so he feels that Shi Ke's generation is far away, and it is not enough to be considerable'. This figure is the original work of Yubu, and the "Battle of the Immortals of chaoyuan" contained in the Xuanhe Spectrum is also. It is exactly the same as the "Five Rulai Portraits" that Yu saw, so he did not dare to think that it was Wu Pen. However, treasure paintings have also been true for hundreds of years. Yubu's name is Zongyuan, and the word is in short. The Great Dekaku Tatsu August Day. Wu Xing Zhao Mengfu. This is an academic inscription, which negates the judgment of predecessors on the author (Tang Wu Daozi), re-proposes another author (Song Wu Zongyuan), reduces the author's rank and changes from far to near, if considered from the perspective of falsification, this is inappropriate, obviously reducing the commercial value of the scroll. To apply the Zhao Bao format, the pseudo-bao seems to be written like this: "This figure is the true handiwork of Dao Xuan, and the "Liesheng Dynasty Yuantu" contained in the Xuanhe Spectrum is also. It is exactly the same as the "Three Parties Like Images" that Yu saw. Wu Daoxuan, Zi Daozi, Yang Zhai Ren also". It is also combined with the Xuanhe Pictorial Notation. Zhao Bao partially denied it, and the evidence came from his own reading of Wu Zongyuan's original work "Five Rulai Portraits" (and Huang Guba), believing that the style was the same as Wu and not similar to Wu.
The Yuan Dynasty Tang Yuan's "Painting Book" records that Wu Zongyuan has:
Wu Zongyuan, Wu Shengye of Song. Painting characters is like flowing water, and the spirit is active. Taste the "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", as the Emperor of the Five Directions, the Ministry obeys the Emperor, the eyebrows look at the hope, one by one, as the life, the predecessors are very praised zongyuan "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", the former Tibetan Zhang Junxi family, now return to the Hangzhou cui family, do a silk. As the Five Emperors Dynasty, the characters of the Immortals lean on each other, much like writing cursive, but also wonderful things. [64]
There are two noteworthy aspects of Tang Gao's account: First, he has seen the Chaoyuan and described his style as "roughly like writing cursive"—this is not a high praise, or even a slight micro-word, or has an imprecise and sloppy meaning, as can be seen from the next sentence "Ran is also a wonderful thing". The second is to record the circulation process at that time: from Zhang Junxi's family to the Hangzhou Cui family, he did not say that the painting was first tibetan Song Inner Province, and then returned to Jia Xiang Taoist, nor did he say that zhao Meng's family was hidden, but said that "zhang Junxi's family used to be Tibetan, and now it belongs to the Hangzhou cui family." Why doesn't Tang Gao mention the more important earlier collections? One possible explanation is that there is no earlier seal from the picture at that time.
Zhang Junxi is a Liang person, good at ancient and has a collection, is it related to Zhang Zi, a Qiyang man of the Southern Song Dynasty who preceded him more than 100 years ago□? It is not currently available. But he was closely related to Zhao Meng, and the Hangzhou Chronicle recounts the interactions of several of them when it records another Yuan Dynasty scholar, Du Jing:
Du Jing's characters were simple, and the Imperial Court of Zhiyuan Dade paid attention to the matter of etiquette, and Respect and his friend Zhang Junxi lived in Hangzhou, and at the time Ji Xian Chai Gong Father, Shang Shu Gao Yan Jing, Du Cao Xian Yu Bo Ji, Chengzhi Zhao Ziang, Attendant Reading Deng Shanzhi, You Shan Jian Gu, there was a Qing judgment, and respected his discussions up and down. At the beginning of the Right Wing of Yan, the first junxi of the imperial court was the Taile Department Zheng, the second and the line of Jane, the practice of Jian Shan drum and piano, the zhiyin rhythm, especially long than the book, and the ink of the ancients. Big crown long jacket, youyou lake mountain wine room. The old man of the late Yimen. [65]
Zhao Mengfu himself has a record of his interactions with Zhang Junxi, saying in an epitaph written for his friend Ren Shujian:
Yu ten years ago to Hang, the old Liang Zhang Junxi above the Yulan Qiongshan Temple monument, Yu Shu read repeatedly: Oh! Shigu has no shortage of people Sven also, which can be few people today? Jun Xi Yue: It is the Four Ming Ren Shu Shu NoBunya. Uncle Yu Shiwen, Dreaming of Seeing [66]
From the above epitaph, it is known that Uncle Ren died in Zhida (1309), and the Zhao Mengfu text of the present-day Chaoyuan was written in the eighth year of Dade (1304), which was the time when they had close contacts in Hangzhou. From this, it can be speculated that it may be Zhang Junxi who took this picture scroll that was passed down as Wu Daozi to his friend Zhao Mengfu for identification, and Zhao Mengfu wrote this article. From Zhao's writings and Tang's records, it is not clear that the Chaoyuan was transferred to the Zhao family. By the time Tang wrote the Book of Paintings (circa 1328–1348 of the Yuan Dynasty,[67]), he was transferred to the Home of the Hangren Cui clan, by which time Zhao Mengfu had died (1322). Tang Gao's statement that "the predecessors are very praised" can be understood as the inscription written by Zhao Mengfu on the painting many years ago (and the paraphrase of the Yellow Valley Trek). What Tang Yao saw was not the original chaoyuan of Wu Zongyuan collected by the Song Dynasty to Jia Xiangdao, but the facsimile of the "Chaoyuan" that was "like writing cursive" and inscribed by Zhao Mengfu. In this way, we have established a consistent and reasonable connection between the records of The Tang, the inscriptions of Zhao Mengfu, the background of other documents, and the extant picture of Wang Zang's Chaoyuan itself.
In addition, there is another piece of evidence for reference, that is, the size of the frame. The silk from the Fifth Dynasty to the Northern Song Dynasty is generally narrower, and the existing painting size does not exceed 53 centimeters, and the width of the Southern Song Dynasty has become wider, up to 110 centimeters. [68] The height (should be the width of the silk) of the Chaoyuan is 58 cm, which is larger than the width of the general Northern Song silk and is in line with the size of the Southern Song Dynasty. At this point, we can construct two historical works of the Chaoyuan: one is the original work of Wu Zongyuan, which was collected by the Song Dynasty and recorded in the Xuanhe Pictorial Genealogy, and later flowed into the Jia Xiang Daoist family, and after all the calligraphy and paintings of the Jia Xiang Daoist family were confiscated at the end of the Southern Song Dynasty (1276), the painting was not known. The second is from the hand of Zhai Ruwen in the early Southern Song Dynasty, collected by Zhang Zi □, Yuan Zhang Junxi, and Cui Of Yuan Hangren of the Southern Song Dynasty, and through the inscriptions of Yuan Zhao Mengfu and Yuan Tangyuan, it reappeared in Guangdong in the early years of the Republic of China, which should be the present-day New York Wang Jiqian Collection.
4. Who comes first and who comes after "Eighty-Seven" and "Chaoyuan"?
As mentioned above, Mr. Xu Bangda believes that the Chaoyuan was written in the Northern Song Dynasty and the Eighty-Seven was written in the Southern Song Dynasty, and Yang Renkai and Huang Miaozi also held roughly the same view. This article argues that, on the contrary, the Eighty-Seven is in the front and the Chaoyuan is in the back. The following is a comparison of the picture form from three aspects.
(1) The identity, form and source of the Lord God
The "three" main gods of "Chaoyuan" are actually hidden mysteries. There is an inconspicuous but important detail difference between the Chaoyuan and the Eighty-Seven, namely the statue of "Fuso the Great". In the "Chaoyuan" picture, the 12th person list from the right is titled "Fusang the Great". The statue does not have a headlight, and the two main gods (the South Pole Heavenly Emperor and the Eastern China Heavenly Emperor) have a round head light. In terms of the proportion of characters, the two main gods are obviously larger than the general attendants, while the "Fuso Emperor" is closer to the size of the general gods and attendants, thus appearing slightly lower than the status of the two main gods. It is not appropriate to equate these three images in nature.
I agree that the "Chaoyuan" picture originally came from a small sample of the mural on the east wall of a Taoist temple (such as the Yuqing Zhaoying Palace presided over by Wu Zongyuan). On this basis, we consider the matching of the murals of the whole hall, if we abide by the general principle of symmetry of the left and right wall images, the "Chaoyuan" figure is the east wall, and the west wall in addition to the two main gods with heads (the western and northern emperors), who can correspond to the Fuso of the east wall? If there is no counterpart, just the so-called "Five Emperors", why is the two wall murals designed into the asymmetrical form of the main image? Apparently for another reason (detailed below).
Tang Gao of the Yuan Dynasty said: "Taste the "Imperial Yuan Immortal Battle Map" and be the Emperor of the Five Directions. [69] I think this is a meta-human misreading. What are the Five Parties? East, west, south, north and middle are also. The "Emperor of Donghua" represents the East, and the "Fusang Emperor" does not represent the East, let alone the "Middle", the central is the "Yellow Emperor", and the identity of the Fusang Emperor is the Prince of the East. Ge Hong's "Pillow Book" says: "Yuan Shijun was born to the thirteen heads of the emperor by shi Taiyuan's mother, who ruled thirty-six thousand years old, and the book was the Prince of The East of the Fusang Emperor, the father of Yuanyang, and the daughter of Jiuguang Xuan, the queen mother of Taizhenxi. [70] From this, we can deduce the complete structure of the main god of the painting: the main god of the east wall is the emperor of the east and the south, plus the prince of the east (Fuso the Great), and the corresponding west wall should be the emperor of the west and the north, plus the queen mother of the west. The gods of the six statues are not the same, the four gods are the main gods, and the east prince and the west queen mother are slightly lower, and they are only the heads of male and female fairies. This is the reason why the images of Fuso on the Chaoyuan are slightly different from those of the Eastern and Southern Emperors.
Fig. 13 Comparison of Fuso and neighboring male immortals, "Eighty-Seven" on the top, "Chaoyuan" below
On the "Eighty-Seven", the image corresponding to the "Chaoyuan" fusang has a round head light, and the proportion of the characters is also significantly different from that of the general gods, closer to the eastern and southern emperors. As shown in Figure 13, the difference in size between the Fuso statue on the Eighty-Seven and the neighboring male immortals (Taiqing Xianbo, JiuXuanXian Hou, Taiji Xian Hou, and Xiling Yutong) is very obvious, while their proportions are much closer in the Chaoyuan. Xu Beihong has already criticized this: "[The main god of the Chaoyuan] is bloated and withered, and his stature is short, shorter than that of a servant woman. [71] Although this statement cannot be said to be invulnerable, it is an enlightening observation, and he sees sensitively the difference in the proportional relationship between the main god and the general god. That is to say, from the perspective of image characteristics and proportional relations, the Fuso of "Eighty-Seven" is closer to the Second Emperor of southeast China. If we are related to the "Five Emperors and Dynasties" as called "Five Emperors and Dynasties" by Zhang Zi□ of the Southern Song Dynasty in the "Chaoyuan", it can still be seen as the three emperors of the east wall, plus the two emperors of the west wall, a total of five emperors. In other words, the "Five Emperors" mentioned by Yuan Ren Tang are wrong, and the "Five Emperors" mentioned by Zhang Zi □ of the Southern Song Dynasty, who preceded him, is possible. So, what is the difference between the "Five Emperors" and the "Five Emperors"?
"Five Emperors" is a slightly ambiguous word that may refer to the five emperors of space, or it may refer to others, such as the secular sequence of emperors. Zhang Zi of the Southern Song Dynasty □ said: "Right Wu Daozi painted the Five Emperors Dynasty Yuantu", and his judgment may be based on the style of the picture, as well as the literature that Wu Daozi once painted the "Liesheng ChaoyuanTu" (or "Five Saints Dynasty Yuantu") (or may come from the descendants of the Zhai family). As mentioned above, Zhao Mengfu of the later Yuan Dynasty has corrected his misjudgment of the author. In any case, there is one point that Zhang Zi □'s statement is correct, that is, the Chaoyuan formally follows or inherits the tradition of Wu Daozi's Five Sacred ChaoyuanTu. The main configuration of the murals in the Taoist Temple Hall is different from each historical period, which is due to the different historical backgrounds. For example, the "Four Emperors and Two Queens" stone carving in the Southern Song Dynasty Dazu Nanshan and the "Four Emperors and Two Queens" mural in the Sanqing Hall of the Yongle Palace in Shanxi in the Yuan Dynasty, while the earlier Tang Dynasty Wu Daozi painted the "Five Saints" at the Temple of the Xuanyuan Emperor in Luoyang, that is, the "YuanTu of the Liesheng Dynasty" contained in the "Xuanhe Painting Spectrum". [72] Du Fu of the Tang Dynasty had a poetic description of Wu Daozi's murals, namely "Winter Luoyang City North Gurudwara Xuanyuan Emperor Temple": "The Five Saints Unite dragons, and a thousand officials line geese." Crowned with beautiful hair, full of glory. [73] In the Tang Dynasty, Kang Biao wrote the "Drama Talk Record" Yun: "There is a Xuanyuan Temple in the North Mountain of Laojun Temple. There is a Laojun Temple in Guannan The wall has Wu Daoxuan painting the Five Holy True Faces and Lao Tzu Hua Hu Jingshi, Danqing is wonderful, ancient and modern. [74] It can be known that the main image of Wu's mural painting is the "Five Saints". Thus, a mural composition that may be very similar to the main hall of the Taoist Temple was called three names in three dynasties: The Five Saints (Tang Dynasty) → the Five Emperors (Zhang Zi □ of the Song Dynasty) → the Five Fang Emperors (Yuan Dynasty Tang). Zhang Zi of the Song Dynasty □ should know Du Fu's famous poem, and perhaps he also knew that the painting of Wu Daozi collected by the Northern Song Dynasty in the Xuanhe Pictorial Notation was called "Liesheng ChaoyuanTu", but he did not write "Five Saints" on the inscription but wrote "Five Emperors". Obviously, he was inspired by the so-called "Eastern China Heavenly Emperor", "Antarctic Heavenly Emperor" and "Fusang Emperor" in the "Chaoyuan" picture list title, and the three list titles all have the word "emperor", so "sheng" became "emperor". Yuan Dynasty Tang continued to play on this basis and evolved into the "Five Fang Emperor". As mentioned above, the name of "Wufang Emperor" is wrong, and the main god of the Chaoyuan can be called the Prince of Jiadong, the Sifang Emperor.
Why did Wu Daozi paint the "Five Saints"? Which "Five Saints"? In June of the Eighth Dynasty of Tianbao (749), Emperor Xuanzong personally visited the Taiqing Palace, and Emperor Xuanyuan of the Holy Ancestors (Taishang Laojun) was honored with the honorific title of Emperor Xuanyuan of the Shengzu Avenue. The five emperors Gaozu, Taizong, Gaozong, Zhongzong, and Ruizong all added the character "Great Saint Emperor"; the five empresses all added the character "Shunsheng Empress": "June Pengshen, Shangshengzu Yue Dao Xuanyuan Emperor, Shanggaozu Emperor Shenyao Dasheng Emperor, Taizong Emperor Wenwu Dasheng Emperor, Emperor Gaozong Yue Tiantian Emperor Dasheng, Zhongzong Emperor Xiaoxiao and Dasheng Emperor, Ruizong Yu Xuanzhen Dasheng Emperor, Empress Dou below all added Shunsheng Empress." [75] In connection with Wu Daozi's painting of the Five Sacred True Faces and Du Fu's poems to praise it, it can be seen that the special meaning of the word "sheng" in the context of the Sheng Tang Dynasty can be seen. The "Five Saints" are by no means the "Five Emperors" in the East, West, South, and North, but the imperial genealogy of the Tang Dynasty, plus the statue of Lao Jun in the center of the hall (the ancestor of the Emperor surnamed Li), which constitutes the "genealogy tree" of the divine imperial power. [76] From the perspective of painters making murals, the principle of symmetry between the east and west walls is generally emphasized, and the "five" holy pilgrimages are not well arranged, and the left and right are asymmetrical. In the Tang Dynasty, there was a custom of placing the emperor on both sides of the Laojun, and Xuanzong could only appoint five "Great Saint Emperors" at this time, and the frescoes could only be composed in an asymmetrical form. Content determines form, and art is subordinated to politics.
The art of the Song Dynasty must continue to be subordinated to politics. The "genealogy tree" of the Tang Dynasty cannot continue to appear in the Taoist temples of the Song Dynasty. At the beginning of the Song Dynasty, the Luoyang Laojun Temple was rebuilt, and after selling Wu's "Five Sacred Figures", the original painting was "Shen Zhiluo River". In recent years, some people have speculated that it was Wu Zongyuan who "shenzhiluohe" of Wu Daozi's "Five Sacred Maps", and it seems that the destruction of the painting was described as a criminal case caused by personal qualities. [77] The Song Dynasty records the original text as follows: "At the beginning of the country, the Laozi Temple was built, and the temple had a Daozi painting wall, and Lao Du's so-called 'crowned with beautiful hair, and flying as much as possible' was also there. Officials recruit people to buy with their walls, and there are hermits and clever hands, and they get it with three hundred thousand, so they close the door for three years, but use the wall of the car to sink the Luo River. [78] Note that the sentence "The official recruits people to buy from his wall" in the text, first of all, the "official" decided to remove Wu Daozi's murals from the temple before being bought. Why does this masterpiece , which has been widely acclaimed for more than 200 years ( and associated with Du's poems ) be removed? Guo Ruoxuan of the Song Dynasty explained in the Chronicle of Pictorial Insights: "Because of the expansion of the court",[79] it may be just an excuse. The reason why the "officials" of the early Song Dynasty made this decision was obviously not to let this Tang Dynasty "family tree" shade the light of the Great Song Dynasty, and even the name of the Laojun Temple was changed to "Shangqing Palace" in the early Song Dynasty. [80] Apparently, this "official" was the Song Dynasty court. As mentioned above, in addition to Wu Daozi's "Five Sacred Figures" painting wall, the new painting has thirty-six Heavenly Emperors, "during which Chi Mingyang and The Heavenly Emperor, subliminally wrote Emperor Taizong's imperial appearance, with the Zhao Fire King Tianxia also." Zhenzong Qifenyin, also through Luodu, fortunately Shangqing, went through the painted wall, overlooked the holy appearance, and was shocked: This true emperor is also! Set up a few cases, burn incense and worship again. And sigh the god of his brush, standing for a long time. [81] In other words, after the name of the Laojun Temple of the Tang Dynasty was renamed, the five emperors of the Tang Dynasty were invited and the emperor of the Song Dynasty (Taizong) was ushered in. However, Emperor Taizong of Song alone could not occupy the position of "Five", and the position of the Thirty-Six Heavenly Emperors may not be on the east and west walls but on the fan walls of the shrine (as seen in the Murals of the Three Qing Dynasty Halls of the Yongle Palace in present-day Shanxi).
How to resolve the conflict between traditional composition forms and the needs of the new regime? The solution is the role of the main god, the form does not change, the identity changes. What appears before us is the Sifang Emperor Jia Fusang the Great (and the Queen Mother of the West) in the later "Chaoyuan". However, the fifth emperor in the Chaoyuan (Fusang) has shown a gap with the Four Emperors in three aspects: headlight, proportion, and title (the east and south are "emperors", but Fusang is "emperor"). This form reflects that Fuso's divinity is slightly lower, and from this point of view, it can be said that the main god of "Chaoyuan" is two and a half. We can logically infer that the "Five Saints" painted by Wu Daozi of the Luoyang Laojun Temple are roughly the same, that is to say, there is no difference in rank between the five emperors, reflected in the form of no important difference, such as they will all have a round head light, the same size and size, and the proportion with other images will be the same, which is exactly what the Chaoyuan does not have. Returning to "Eighty-Seven", although there is no title on the map, the identities of the three main statues can still be determined with reference to the "Chaoyuan", that is, the emperors of the east and south and the emperor of Fusang. All three idols have round heads, and the proportion of Fuso the Great is closer to that of the two emperors, that is to say, in form, these three statues are more equal than the three statues in the Chaoyuan. And the Fuso in "Chaoyuan" is farther away from the two main gods in the southeast, and it is even more far away from the concept of "five". Therefore, it can be inferred that the Eighty-Seven is closer to Wu Daozi's "Five Holy Dynasties Yuantu" painted in Luoyang.
(2) The relationship between head, neck and shoulders
Figure 14 Comparison of head, neck and shoulder relationship
Compared with the height ratio of the characters, "Chaoyuan" is slightly shorter than "Eighty-Seven", which is due to the different length and width ratios of the two paintings, the former is longer and stretched to the left and right. In terms of head proportions, "Eighty-Seven" is more stout than "Chaoyuan", more like Gu Hongzhong's "Han Xizai Night Feast", close to the standard of the Tang Dynasty. The female statues of "Chaoyuan" generally have sharper shoulders and longer faces, which is a more typical Song Dynasty style. The four figures listed in Figure 14 are analyzed and compared below. 1 is from Mogao Grottoes 156 Cave, which became a landmark cave of the late Tang Dynasty because of the ink book "Mogao Grottoes" written in the sixth year of Xiantong (865), 2 is the "Eighty-Seven" part, 3 is the corresponding part of "Chaoyuan", and 4 is the Tiannu part of the "Weimo Yanjiao" (actually the Southern Song Dynasty, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, USA). When we observe the relationship between the heads, necks, and shoulders of the ladies, we can gain the following understanding:
1. Head, the outer outline of the head of the 156 Cave Music female is rounder, which is the characteristic of the general female statues of the Tang Dynasty, while the heads of the 2, 3 and 4 figures are vertical ovals, which is the characteristic of the general Female Statues of the Song Dynasty;
2. Neck, the neck of the 156 cave statue is shorter, and generally adds two curved polylines to emphasize fullness, while the neck of figures 2, 3, and 4 is lengthened, and there is no curved polyline.
3. The author superimposed three lines on each image on the figure, namely the outer contour of the face, the edge of the neck, and the outer contour of the right shoulder. Their relationship is different in the four figures: 156 Cave Woman, the neck line and the shoulder line are extended to the face line, and the three lines roughly form a "Vulture" glyph; the 3 and 4 figures show that the shoulder line does not touch the face line, that is, the shoulder is lowered, making the neck longer; the 2 figures are in between.
Cave 156 is a typical late Tang Cave with a recorded year (865), 3 figures "Chaoyuan" or originally from Wu Zongyuan, for Zhai Ruwen in the early years of the Southern Song Dynasty, 4 figures are generally considered to be the Southern Song Dynasty, so this change can be seen as a change in the aesthetic taste of the times. Wu Zongyuan said of the early Song dynasty painter Wang Wan (Zi Guoqi), who preceded him: "The pen of Wu Guan Guo Ji (Wang Ou) is unknown to Wu Sheng (Daozi). Wu Sheng painted the neck of the heavenly woman with a rough neck collar and a lame step. And the tree and stone are shallow and incomparable. The national instrument is not taken, so things are exhausted. The complex energy is set to be clear and moist, ancient and modern, hate at the same time, and accept its law. [82] Wu Zongyuan criticized Wu Daozi of the Tang Dynasty for "painting the neck of a heavenly woman with a rough neck", and praised Wang Wan for "giving up without taking", indicating that Wang Ou had lengthened Wu Daozi's neck proportion to some extent—rather, changing the proportion of the Tang Dynasty, which just reflected the difference in the taste of the times between the Tang and Song dynasties. As shown in Figure 14, the Tiannu in the Dunhuang Tang Dynasty Cave 156 murals, the Heavenly Nuns of the Eighty-Seven and Chaoyuan just form a gradual series, and the neck of the Eighty-Seven Heavenly Nuns is shorter than the neck of the Chaoyuan, but it is slenderer than the neck of the 156 Caves, and the head is also more slender, close to the Chaoyuan, but the neck of the Chaoyuan (and the Weimo Yanjiaotu) is longer. The difference between "Eighty-Seven" and Cave 156 may be understood as Wang These early Song painters were not satisfied with the Tang painting's "rough neck" and made "giving up but not taking", and the more stretched neck of "Chaoyuan" reflects Wu Zongyuan's appreciation of Wang, and also developed into a more typical Song Dynasty style. That is to say, "Eighty-Seven" is close to the proportion of the Tang Dynasty, earlier than the "Chaoyuan", but it is far from the 156 caves of the late Tang Dynasty.
(3) Comparison of utensils
Many of the figures in the two paintings are equipped with various utensils in their hands, such as vases, incense burners, tables, musical instruments, and lupines. Artifacts in different periods have different styling characteristics, although the artifacts in the painting are not all specimens of the time, but must be affected by the aesthetic atmosphere of the time, in this sense, it can be said that the artifacts are more conducive to the generation than the text. Due to the constraints of the Tang Dynasty powder, the two figures of "Eighty-Seven" and "Chaoyuan" will of course present a mixed style of Tang Dynasty and Song Dynasty, and the earlier the work, the more obvious the Tang Style, on the contrary, the later the Song style is stronger. From this line of thinking, we can find new breakthrough points.
Fig. 15 Comparison of vase shapes
Comparing the same artifacts held by the same figure in the two scrolls, the 23rd Jade Girl from right to left in the Eighty-Seven (the 22nd "BrahmaMira Jade Girl" in the Chaoyuan), they both have a long-necked vase in their hands. See Figure 15, the upper part of the figure is the "Brahma Miluo Jade Girl" of the "Eighty-Seven", the lower part of the figure 2 is its corresponding vase, the upper part of the figure is the "Brahma Miluo Jade Girl" of the "Chaoyuan", and her corresponding vase is the lower part of the figure 3. 2 and 3 are handicap long-necked vases, but the shape is slightly different, and the difference in appearance of this point reveals important differences in the times, and we can find corresponding sources in the Tang and Song dynasties. Figure 1 is an 8th-century Tang Sancai long-necked bottle (now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,[83] lower part 2 (part of "Eighty-Seven"), which is similar to it; lower part 4 is a cizhou kiln long-necked bottle that was popular in the north during the Song Dynasty (now in the Nelson Museum in the United States),[84] similar to lower part 3 (part of Chaoyuan). From the comparison of these two vases, it is not difficult to see that "Eighty-Seven" more faithfully retains the Tang Dynasty components, while "Chaoyuan" has more obvious Characteristics of the Song Dynasty. In fact, there is more than one difference, and many of the artifacts on the screen of "Eighty-Seven" retain more obvious Characteristics of the Tang Dynasty.
There are also some details that also help us to identify the sequence of the two figures, that is, the dragon's claw. As mentioned above, dragons in the Tang Dynasty were generally three-clawed, as in Figure 11, dragons in the Song Dynasty began to have four claws, and Chen Rong of the Southern Song Dynasty wrote a part of the Nine Dragon Scrolls,[85] and the nine dragons were all four claws. The Southern Song Dynasty's "Three Officials Diagram Axis" of the "Water Official" is also the dragon stretching four claws. Other Song Dynasty four-clawed dragons such as the Dragon Pillar of the Sanqing Cave of Dazu Nanshan. The dragon on the tray of the "Taidan Jade Girl" of the Chaoyuan is clearly displayed as a four-clawed. Observing the dragon in the corresponding position of the Eighty-Seven, only three claws can be seen. Comparing the relative size of the claws, the dragon claws of the Chaoyuan are much larger, and it seems to be deliberately prominent to emphasize the difference from the previous (Tang). The dragon claws of the Nine Dragon Scrolls are also very large, reflecting the mainstream trend of dragon images in the Song Dynasty: from three claws to four claws and a larger proportion. Obviously, the smaller three-clawed dragon in "Eighty-Seven" is more in line with Tang Zhi's specifications. As mentioned above, the height of the Chaoyuan is 58 centimeters, while the Northern Song Dynasty is generally below 53 centimeters, and the silk of the Southern Song Dynasty becomes wider. The height of "Eighty-Seven" is 30 centimeters, which is in line with the size of the silk surface of the Northern Song Dynasty.
5. Was "Eighty-Seven" written in the Tang Dynasty or the Song Dynasty?
The following continues to discuss the question of whether the Eighty-Seven was written in the Tang or Song dynasties.
Xu Bangda said that the title of the list is "now dug out one by one, and the knife marks still exist." He must have seen the original painting. Maybe I didn't have enough light when I watched the original "Eighty-Seven" in the warehouse of Xu Beihong Memorial Hall, but I did not find these knife marks when I looked closely. It should be known that "Chaoyuan" has 65 list questions, some list titles interrupt the line of the object, and if there are so many list titles on the much smaller "Eighty-Seven" that are "dug up one by one", it must be full of devastation, and many lines will be interrupted, how can I turn a blind eye? In fact, there are many traces of line breaks in the upper part can not be seen from the print. Doubt. Fortunately, this problem has little effect on distinguishing the Tang and Song dynasties.
70 years ago, Sheng Cheng and Xu Beihong concluded that the author of "Eighty-Seven" was Wu Daozi of the Sheng Tang Dynasty, mainly out of an artistic intuition, and then Xie Zhiliu and Zhang Daqian concluded that it was written in the late Tang Dynasty mainly based on comparisons with the murals of the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang. In the autumn of 2006, the Journal of Southeast University published an article arguing that the author of the "Eighty-Seven" was Wu Daozi, and the main basis of the article was a Northern Song Dynasty material, namely a piece of The Water Collection of Li Fu, "The Painting of Yang Khitan Wu Daoxuan in the Collection of Water Titles", which included:
Wu Daoxuan's paintings are many and varied, and their height, left and right front and back are not different, not only intentional, but different from time to time and different brushwork. The beginner learned the book in Zhang Changshi and He Zhizhang, but did not succeed, so he worked on the painting. The brushwork began as Xue Ji and later became a family of its own. The Kaiyuan lieutenant general Pei Shan danced his sword, Dao Xuanguanzhi, swung a great advance, and used his pen to mean that it was Rixin. This painting is a herb of the Chaoyuan Tu. In the past years, Chen Hanqing in Chang'an also saw Wu Sheng personally painting the Chaoyuan Ben, the silk was very broken, the end was not finished, the objects were not prepared, the characters of the hall, the clouds and grass and trees were different from this picture, and the fate of the penmanship was also similar, its divine wonders were absolutely so, could it not be done by Dao Xuan'an? [86]
The article of the Journal of Southeast University believes that "the silk is very broken, the end is not finished, and the objects and images are not prepared', and its characteristics coincide with the "Eighty-Seven Immortals Picture Scroll": the images at the beginning and end of the eighty-seven Immortal Picture Scroll are blurred, and the immortal figures are lost. These characteristics were "faithfully" preserved in Wu Zongyuan's "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map". ”[87]
Reading Li Fuwen carefully, the original painting of Wu Daozi that he saw had four characteristics: 1. the silk was very broken; 2. the beginning and end were not finished; 3. the objects and images were not prepared; 4. The character hall, the cloud qi grass and trees were different from this picture (according to: referring to Zhang Yuanli's "Chaoyuan Tu" herb). Among them, point 4 cannot be discussed, and point 2 "end to end" slightly corresponds to "Eighty-Seven", but in fact, "Eighty-Seven" only lacks one point at the beginning and end. However, the sentence "Silk is very broken" in the first point is not very consistent, and the eighty-seven is quite intact. Point 3 "Objects are not prepared" or means that the painting is not finished, the images are not meticulous, or it means that the images are not connected because they are too badly broken, but the painting of the Eighty-Seven is quite meticulous and complete, and its objects and images are far better than those of the "Chaoyuan". How can you stare at the four words "the beginning and the end are not finished" and ignore the others? Moreover, the "Chaoyuan" is not a "faithfully" preserved" and "endless" feature, the tail is very complete, and even an extra piece of silk is produced, so that the later Paiwen can be written.
Chen Hanqing, a member of the Northern Song Dynasty Shangshu Yu Department, "especially good ancient calligraphy and strange paintings",[88] came to his home to admire not only Li Fu, but also the great literary hero Su Shi. Su once saw a "broken and rotten" Buddhist painting in the Chen family, which is also known as Wu Daozi's work. More than ten years later, after being framed, he was transferred to The Fresh Zijun's house, and Zijun gave it to Su Shi, who specially composed a poem in order to thank Zijun. The poem says that "more supplement Zhu Xuan is Daoxuan", and the self-annotation "Wu paintings received by the world are more Zhu Xuanbiye", pointing out that most of the Wu Daozi paintings collected at that time were actually written by Zhu Xuan at the end of the Tang Dynasty. [89] The "Chaoyuan" diagram in Chen Hanqing's hand that "the silk is broken, the head and tail are not finished, and the objects are not prepared" must not be "more supplemented by Zhu Xuan as Daoxuan"? Since Su Shi's those who had seen Wu's paintings at that time were suspicious, and since there were many doubts about the correspondence between Li Fu's Pai wen and the current "Eighty-Seven", it was difficult to convince people to directly connect the "Chaoyuan" diagrams received by Wu Daozi and Chen Hanqing with the "Eighty-Seven".
In the face of paintings without any text, a more effective method than using vague fragments of words in the literature as a basis may be the analysis and study of the images themselves, so I prefer to believe in Xie Zhiliu and Zhang Daqian's image style comparison method. However, this method does not work in two situations: one is that the style has a period of extension, transition and alternation, such as the Northern Zhou, Sui, and early Tang, as well as the late Tang, five dynasties, and early Northern Song, the three dynasties are only a few decades apart, which is easy to confuse; the other is deliberate imitation. Perhaps we can find some slight differences in the more "hard" aspects, such as clothing, which are often sensitive to changes in social systems.
Figure 16 The north wall of the Sanqing Hall of Yongle Palace in Ruicheng, Shanxi Province, depicts a statue of Chen Chen
Figure 17 Stone carvings of the Four Emperors and Two Queens of the Three Qing Caves in Dazu Nanshan, Chongqing
There is nothing more important in the costume than the crown of the emperor. Can we find a series of tiaras in images from different periods, from which we find some important information? I think it is feasible, that is, the main god in the frescoes (or sculptures) on the walls on both sides of the Taoist Temple. As mentioned above, the identity of these main gods varies from period to period, from the "Five Saints" (five emperors) during the Tang Dynasty Wu Daozi period, to the "Four Emperors" and Fusang Emperor (that is, the Eastern Princes, and most likely the Western Queen Mother, a total of 6 statues) in the Early Northern Song Dynasty, to the Southern Song Dynasty Dazu Nanshan Sanqing Ancient Cave for the "Four Emperors" plus the Holy Ancestor and the Holy Grandmother (a total of 6 statues), and then to the Yuan Dynasty Yongle Palace Sanqing Hall "Four Emperors" plus the Eastern Prince, the Western Queen Mother (a total of 6 statues). Although the identities of the main gods are different, the position and role in the main hall image system have not changed, and they are generally processed as imperial images. There are three large-scale murals closest to the Eighty-Seven (or Chaoyuan) in the living objects, one is the Yuan Dynasty Dynasty Yuan Map now in the Ontario Museum in Canada,[90] the second is the Yuan Dynasty Dynasty Yuan Map of the Sanqing Hall of yongle Palace in Ruicheng, Shanxi, and the third is the ChaoYuan Map (or between the Yuan and Ming Dynasties) of the YaowangShannan Nunnery in Yao County, Shaanxi Province. The male main deities in the three frescoes generally wear imperial crowns (see Fig. 16, with the exception of one in the Canadian Tibetan Map). Although the physical Taoist murals of the Song Dynasty do not exist, some stone carvings in Anyue, Sichuan and Dazu in Chongqing can also be seen as an extension of the Taoist murals, such as the Sanqing Ancient Cave of Dazu Nanshan and the Laojun Cave of Anyue Lion Rock. The Sanqing Ancient Cave was excavated during the Shaoxing period of the Southern Song Dynasty (1131-1161),[91] and under the statue of sanqing, the four emperors were crowned (see figure 17). Anyue Lion Rock Laojun Cave is an irregular stone cave, the main statue is also three Qing plus four emperors two, three of the four emperors wear the Heavenly Crown, one is the crown, probably originally built in the Song Dynasty,[92] after the Ming Dynasty and contemporary redecoration. In which period was it first built in the Song Dynasty? To what extent has the original appearance been preserved? We'll explore that later.
Figure 18 Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes Cave 220 Early Tang Emperor Statue
The image of the emperor of the Tang Dynasty is found in a large number of Dunhuang murals, especially concentrated in the Tang Dynasty's "Wei Mo Jie Sutra Variation Map", such as the 220th Cave of the Mogao Caves around the sixteenth year of Zhenguan (642), and the emperor at the lower end of Manjushri Bodhisattva wearing a crown (see Figure 18), with the sun and moon painted on his shoulders, as the "Tang Six Classics" said: "The white beads hanging from the crown of the Gong crown have two axes, with the group as a wisp, and the color is like its silk." The yellow main trunk is full of ears. Jade hairpin guide. The twelve chapters of xuan yi yi. [93] However, there are slight discrepancies in the details, such as the fact that the imperial crown in the fresco is not a hanging 12 white beads, only 6 black beads hanging in the front and a few strands of white beads in the back, perhaps because the painters in remote areas are not very aware of the details of the royal ceremony. Other mogao caves have similar imperial statues, such as caves 61 of the early Tang Dynasty, cave 335, cave 103 of the Sheng Tang Dynasty, caves 156 of the Xiantong period (856-861), caves of the Middle Tang Dynasty, caves 231 of the late Tang Dynasty, caves 193, caves of the late Tang Dynasty, caves 138, etc., and even caves of the Five Dynasties 61, Cave 98, Cave 454, etc., as well as other pictures such as the Mourning Diagram of Nirvana Change (Cave 158 of the Middle Tang Dynasty), the Golden Guangming Jing Transformation Map (Cave 131 of the Middle Tang Dynasty), the Van Net Warp Map (Five Dynasties 454 Caves, the Five Dynasties 32 Caves), etc., and the crowned imperial statues are generally like this. Cave 98 of the Five Dynasties has an offering statue of the king of Khotan, the list is titled "Great Treasure of the Great Dynasty in Khotan", the king wears a flat crown on his head, and there are six rows of colored beads hanging from the front and back. [94] From this, it can be seen that from the early Tang Dynasty to the Fifth Dynasty, the image of the emperor was commonly found in the murals of the Mogao Caves, and the most prominent feature was the "White Beads hanging from the Crown". Linked to the "Picture Scroll of Emperors of the Past Dynasties" (now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, USA), which is rumored to be the early Tang Dynasty Yan Liben, it can be seen that this is a popular model derived from the actual image of the emperors of the Tang Dynasty. The Tang Dynasty emperor in the "Five Holy Dynasties Yuantu" painted by Wu Daozi in the Laojun Temple in Luoyang should be such an image of "gong crown hanging white beads".
The most common image of the Song Dynasty wearing a crown on his head was the Jade Emperor. Although he was one of the Four Emperors, often juxtaposed with the other three (Ziwei Emperor, Emperor Gou Chen, and Houdi Emperor), and painted in the Taoist Temple, he was particularly worshipped in the Song Dynasty, often building temples or niches independently, and his image was generally crowned, such as the three cases of Dazu, one is the No. 5 Jade Emperor Shrine of Dazu Shuchengyan, which was made in the thirteenth year of Shaoxing in the Southern Song Dynasty (1143); and the Jade Emperor Shrine of Shimen Mountain, which was made in the seventeenth year of Shaoxing in the Southern Song Dynasty (1147);[95] and then in nanshan "Three Qing Ancient Caves", made in shaoxing years, except for "Four Emperors and Two Queens" There is a jade emperor in the outside, and the left side is engraved with a tour map (this form is closer to the common "Chaoyuan" pattern of murals), and the main statue wearing a crown on his head is also interpreted as "Jade Emperor". [96] All three statues of the Jade Emperor with crowns on their heads were concentrated during the Shaoxing period of the Southern Song Dynasty (1131–1161).
Figure 19 Chongqing Dazu WenxuanWang stone carving, left stone seal mountain, right Miao Mountain
Look at a similar example, the statue of Confucius the King of Wenxuan. King Wenxuan of Dazu Anderson of The Great Foot Stone Seal Mountain and his disciple Gong Gong were created in the third year of the Northern Song Dynasty (1088), and the central Wenxuan King wore a turban (see figure 19 left). 56 years later, the statue of King Wenxuan (Buddha in the center, Laojun on the left wall, and King Wenxuan on the right wall) appeared in the cave of the Three Sects of Dazu MyoGaoshan, and the king of Wenxuan at this time wore a crown on his head, similar to the Jade Emperor (see figure 19 right). This change is not actually the accidental work of rural craftsmen, but is related to the policy changes of the central government:
At the beginning of Chongning, Fengkong Carp was the Marquis of Sishui, Kong Qi and Yishui Hou, and the edict: "The ancients, the learners must sacrifice the first master, the outskirts of the capital city, the great opening of the house, the gathering of people from all directions, many and thousands, it is advisable to build the temple of King Wenxuan, so as to recommend offerings." He also commanded: "Wang Anshi can be worthy of the Confucius Temple, which is located next to the Duke of Zouguo." Zhao Zique, the overseer of the State Zi, said: "The Tang Dynasty sealed Confucius as King Wenxuan, and his temple statue was crowned by the king." Now it is the same as the five generations of the old system, and the service of the public is obeyed. The seventy-two sons are all Zhou people, and the clothing rate is made of Chinese, not the same. "Confucius is still the same, and the seventy-two sons are easily dressed in the crown of Zhou. He also decreed that the Yongwen Xuanwang Hall was named "Dacheng". Emperor Xingguo's sons and daughters, and the Gurudwara Xuanwang Hall, all paid tribute to each other again, and sent officials to lay down the Yanguo Gong. Guozi Siye Jiang Jing said: "The first saint and the doorman are crowned, there is no difference. Deserve it, from the people of the worship, from the knighthood, from the knighthood, from the clothing of the Zhou, the nine chapters of the Gong Gong Crown, and the seven chapters of the Hou and Bo Gong Crown. Gun, Gongfu also, Da Yu Shang, Zheng Shi said gong Gong No Ascending Dragon, mistaken. If the Zhou Guan's sifu is in charge, the crown of the gong is the same as that of the king; if the benshi is in the hands of the master, the crown of the prince is different from the king. Now it is advisable to examine the garments of the divine beings who are worthy of enjoyment and obedience, and it is also advisable to examine the garments of the crown of the first saints. So he added the title of King Xuan to ten and two. [97]
From the above, the main points can be drawn as follows: the statue of King Wenxuan in the temple of the Tang Dynasty is "the crown of the king from within", and by the fifth generation, there was a change, "wearing the clothes of the gong", and then in the last year of the Northern Song Dynasty, it was changed to "still", that is, the restoration of the Tang system. In the early years of Chongning (1102), this decision on the change of the clothing specifications of King Wenxuan obviously led to changes in the statue of King Wenxuan nationwide, and "the crown of King Wenxuan was ten and two", which happened to be reflected in Dazu. King Wenxuan of Shizhu Mountain,"Serving the Gongzhi Ofe" (see figure 19 left), is a relic of the five generations, restoring the Tang system to the three-religion unity cave in MyoGao Mountain, "adding the crown of King Wenxuan to ten and two" (see figure 19 right). If we also link the image of the four Jade Emperors of Dazu in the early years of the Southern Song Dynasty, it seems that we can see that not only did the crown be restored for King Wenxuan, but many statues of other emperors were also treated in the same way. This tradition has continued to later generations (such as the murals of the Three Qing Halls of the Yongle Palace in the Yuan Dynasty, the murals of the Four Emperors and the Second Queen, and the murals of the Pilu Temple in Shijiazhuang, Hebei in the Ming Dynasty, etc.).
The "History of Song" mentions that the Tang Dynasty Liwen Xuanwang statue mainly refers to the years of Xuanzong Kaiyuan and Tianbao, which are found in the Old Book of Tang, volume 9, volume 24, and volume 50 of the Tang Huijiao. [98] It can be seen that Confucius in the Tang Dynasty was like the image of the emperor "Gong Crown Hanging White Pearl". The image of Confucius in the temple from the Tang Dynasty to the Five Dynasties to the early years of the Southern Song Dynasty has experienced the reciprocation of "Gong Crown Hanging White Beads", "Serving the GongZhi" and then "Gong Crown Hanging White Beads". Coincidentally, similar to Confucius are the main gods of the Taoist murals, who seem to have gone through the same process. Wu Daozi's "Five Saints" and many imperial images of Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes show the Tang Dynasty's crown system, and the "Four Emperors" (and separate jade emperor statues) and King Wenxuan at the beginning of the Southern Song Dynasty are also the same crown system, but the second emperor (or three emperors) in Wu Zongyuan's "Chaoyuan" in the early Northern Song Dynasty does not have a "crown hanging white beads", and the main god wears a heavenly crown, corresponding to King Wenxuan before the "still" in the last year of the Northern Song Dynasty.
Why doesn't the main god of the Chaoyuan have a "crowned white bead"? This is related to the royal etiquette system of the early Song Dynasty.
According to the Six Classics of the Tang Dynasty, there are many kinds of emperors' tiaras, which are suitable for different places:
There are three of the ten Heavenly Sons: one is the Great Crown, the second is the Crown, the third is the Crown, the fourth is the Crown, the fifth is the Crown, the sixth is the Crown, the seventh is the Heavenly Crown, the eighth is the Wu Ben, the Ninth Heavenly Crown, the tenth is the Black Jie, the eleventh is the White Gauze Hat, the twelfth is the Flat Scarf, and the thirteenth is the Wing Good Crown. The crowned white beads have two of them, with groups as wisps, and the color is like its silk. Huang Lord's ear is full of jade hairpins, and the twelve chapters of Xuan Yi are dressed. Enjoy the Temple Gurudwara and the Temple Admirals to return the drink to the Jianzuo Canadian Dollar after serving it if they are worshipped by the Emperor and the Prince of Linxuan on the first day. Tong Tianguan, Jia Jin Bo Shan, Attached Cicada Twelve, Shou Shi Zhu Cui, Hei Jie, Hair Miao Cui Jade Ruo RhinoCeros Guide, Daisy Robe, White Yarn Zhongdan, Zhu Collar White Skirt Fold (original note: also skirt shirt) Daisy knee cover white false belt, square heart curved collar, its leather belt sword Pei Silk and the same as above. White leather scorns black scoops. If the yuan suit is not added, the double child bun is empty, and the black introduction is double jade guide plus treasure ornament. The sacrifices are also served on the winter solstice by the Winter Society. [99]
The Old Book of Tang and Etiquette III says it more clearly:
Near-consecration system, according to the chastity view dress big fur. Youyun: One body for the crown of the gun, one for the fasting; one for the Tongtian crown, one for the return; one for the winged crown, and one for the wing. [100]
In fact, the official sacrifices of the Tang Dynasty used only one kind of crown, that is, the Crown of Gong, "the only sacrifice in the early Tang Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty used the Crown of Gong, and the crown from the Great Crown down to the Crown of Wing Shan was abolished." [101] The formal fasting ceremony is dressed in a crown, and the return to the palace is ended with a relatively simple crown of heaven. The main difference in form between the two is the Whether there is a Heavenly Edition and the Twelve Heavens. Why do you need to be weeping? Quoting the traditional etiquette system, the General Code of General Canon says: "The Yellow Emperor is crowned, hanging down, and his eyes are not evil." [102] This is exactly what the Emperor Li Buddha figures in the Dunhuang murals wear, and it can also be speculated that Wu Daozi painted the five emperors of the Luoyang Laojun Temple when they worshiped Laojun.
It can be seen from the Dunhuang murals that this system seems to have been maintained for five generations (such as caves 98, 454, etc.). However, by the beginning of the Northern Song Dynasty, there were changes, and Song Taizu thought that the existing crown was too gorgeous, so he created a new crown during the Qiande period:
On February 9, the first year of Jianlong (960), the Liyuan Yan Chongyuan Hall performed the Four Temples Ceremonial Dragon Costume. May Shuo, subject to the Heavenly Crown of the Dynasty and the Silk Robe, please repair it in the Middle Shang Shaofu. The nineteenth day ceremonial court has a system, and the twelve crowns before and after the order style are called the Flat Heavenly Crown. Tongtian crown plus Jinbo Mountain attached to the cicada, Cui Rhinoceros guided twenty-four beams. White gauze robe white yarn in the single Zhu collar ticket qiao daisy knee white false belt, square heart curved collar, white leather contempt black spoon, from it. On the twenty-seventh day of the leap month of the first year of Qiande, the Shaofu supervisor Yang Ge Shaojian Wang Shu Ne and other newly created the emperor's crown, first the suburban crown was decorated with beads and jade, and Taizu yihua and changed the system. Emperor Taizong also ordered the jewelry to be removed, and the Shaofu was forbidden. In the first year of Qiande (963), in the leap month of December, yi hai edict, he took the crown worn by the public opinion to remove the jewelry. [103]
This transformation lasted for a long time, and there was a detailed record of the reformation at the time of Emperor Renzong, and the crown was greatly reduced, the length and width of the heavenly version were reduced by one-third, and the bead decoration was also reduced. [104] Even so, Song Taizu seems to prefer the lightweight Tongtian Crown. Unlike the emperors of the Tang Dynasty, the first three emperors of the Northern Song Dynasty, who began with him, the Tongtian crown was often used in formal places. As quoted above, in the first year of the founding of the Song Dynasty (the first year of Jianlong), the Tongtian Crown was used in the official imperial ceremony: "In the first year of Qiande (963), on November 13, the Zhai Chongyuan Temple, the next day he served the Tongtian Crown, the Daisha Robe, the Zhizhen Gui, and the Jade Dragon, and the Mingde Gate Chao Tai Temple. [105] The same was true of Emperor Taizong, who in the first month of the third year of Chunhua (992), "Emperor Taizong's Imperial Yuan Hall, after receiving a congratulatory ceremony, changed his dress to the Heavenly Crown and the Silk Robe ascended to the Temple." [106] The same was true of Emperor Zhenzong, who in the fifth year (1012) of the Great Emperor Xiangfu dreamed of the advent of the Holy Ancestor, and two of the six accompanying people wore the Heavenly Crown:
The Holy Ancestor descended on the Forbidden Yan'en Hall at noon on the fifth day of the fifth month of the fifth year of the Great Zhongxiang Charm. Eight days ago, in Xinhai, shangmeng Jingde saw the gods and men passing on the order of the Jade Emperor, that is, ordering the internal servants to set up a dojo in the Yan'en Hall. It is the first to smell the strange incense in the courtyard of the five drums, the yellow light from the southeast, the light and candle lose its light, and the Russian spirit immortal ceremony holds the incense burner fan and blows the HuaYi, and so on, all of which have light. Heavenly Dignity, the crown dress is just like the statue of the Yuan Shi Tianzun, there are six people next to it, four people are Binggui Immortals, and two people are through the Heavenly Crown and the Silk Robe. Worship up and down the stairs. There was a yellow fog rising in Russia, the fog dissipated, the Heavenly Lord and the six people were seated, and the attendants were on the east step, rising up the west step and praying again. And he wanted to worship six people, but The Heavenly Emperor ordered him not to worship, and ordered him to set up a bed and summon him to sit down. Fairy boy offers soup and drinks a vessel, utensils of jasper, soup sweet as milk. Tianzun Yue: One of the nine emperors of our people is also the ancestor of Ru Zhao, and then descended to the Yellow Emperor of Xuanyuan, the son of the young man known in the world, Fei Ye, the mother of the Red Electric Dream Heavenly Man, born on July 1 of the Tang Dynasty after Shouqiu, descended below the general rule, and the clan of the lord Zhao clan has been a hundred years now. [107]
Interestingly, the "six" immortals next to Tianzun coincided with the numbers of the "Four Emperors and Two Queens" next to the later Statue of the Three Qing Lords. This myth not only guided the development of Taoism in the Song Dynasty, but also implied the message of the imperial crown clothing in the early Northern Song Dynasty. The emperor "wears the crown of heaven and the robe of the silk", which seems to be the same as the immortals next to the holy ancestor in the dream, and the myth and reality are consistent. In the seventh year of the great Zhongxiang Fu (1014), Zhenzong "on the fifteenth day of the first month, fa jingshi, nineteenth day, to fengyuan palace, zhai in the yingxi hall, twenty-one days, the emperor wore the heavenly crown, the silk robe, and offered the taishang laojun mixed yuan shangde emperor plus the treasure." [108] "Tongtian Crown, Twenty-four Beams, Plus Jinbo Mountain, Twelve Cicadas, One Foot High and Wide." The Great Sacrifice of the Fast, the New Year's Day Winter Solstice may be the Great Dynasty, the Great Book of Fortune, and the Cultivation of the Fields are all served. [109] Emperors of the Tang Dynasty "fasted" the crown and "returned" to the heavenly crown; the emperor of the Northern Song Dynasty "fasted" the heavenly crown and "obeyed it". When Wu Zongyuan composed "Chaoyuan" was Zhenzong, I think this is probably the reason why the main gods of "Chaoyuan" "Donghua Tiandijun" and "Antarctic Heavenly Emperor Jun" wore tongtian crowns on their heads.
Figure 20 Statue of King Bunsheng of Kaihua Temple, Gaoping, Shanxi
The surviving murals of the Northern Song Dynasty can be found in the Daxiong Treasure Hall of Gaoping Kaihua Temple in Shanxi, and the murals were painted in the third year of the Northern Song Dynasty (1096). [110] Among them, there are some images of the king in bunsen story paintings, as shown in Figure 20, where the king "wears a heavenly crown and a silk robe" and sits on a dragon head chair with the same crown as the Chaoyuan, and his chair is the same as that of Dazu Anyue.
Figure 21 Stone carving of the Four Emperors and two queens of the Lion Rock in Anyue, Sichuan
As Jing Anning has already pointed out, this dream during the Zhenzong period turned the Three Qing And Four Imperial Palaces into the Three Qing and Six Imperial Palaces, that is, the Addition of the Holy Ancestor and the Holy Grandmother. [111] Are the four male statues of the Six Emperors "dressed in the crown of heaven and robes" like the "Four Emperors"? Dazu Nanshan seems to give us a negative answer, and the four male statues of Nanshan are all flat-topped crowns, which is obviously related to the return to the Tang Style brought about by the restoration of the old statue of Confucius at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty. The crown of the four statues of Nanshan is consistent with the murals of the Sanqing Hall of yongle Palace in the Yuan Dynasty, indicating that there has been no change since the Southern Song Dynasty. After observing the Four Emperors of Anyue Lion Rock (Laojun Cave), three of the Four Emperors are TongtianGuan and one is a flat-topped crown (Figure 21). Next to this statue is inscribed the inscription: "Holy Ancestor", and the female statue on his right side is inscribed with the inscription "Yuan (Xuan) Heavenly Great Saint Queen". [112] This is an example of the Four Emperors plus the Holy Ancestor's Grandmother, and the other three who wear the Heavenly Crown are the Statues of the Jade Emperor and so on. Linked to the "TongtianGuan" of the Four Square Emperors derived from Wu Zongyuan's Chaoyuan, it seems that we can insert the Lion Rock (Laojun Cave) between the Chaoyuan and the Dazu Nanshan Mountain of the Southern Song Dynasty, or that the Lion Rock was made shortly after Confucius was changed back to the Tang system. It can be understood that as Confucius returned to the old form of the Crown Emperor, the Shengzu also began to differ from the Four Emperors who served the Heavenly Crown, and just like the Emperor of the Tang Dynasty (the Ancient Imperial Statues such as the Southern Song Dynasty painter Ma Lin's "Xia Yu" and "Shang Tang" were also the old system of the Crown, which can be circumstantially testified), after the Shaoxing period, the above three Dazu stone carvings such as the Four Emperors and the Second Queen of Nanshan showed a consistent old system of Crown, until the Ming Dynasty.
Back to Eighty-Seven. The two emperors in the southeast of this figure are all "dressed in heavenly crowns and silk robes", which is no different from the "Chaoyuan", so it can only be composed before the statue of Confucius at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty restored the old system. In connection with the many imperial images of the Tang Dynasty in the Mogao Grottoes of Dunhuang, they are all old systems of the crown and have been maintained until the fifth generation, so "Eighty-Seven" has no possibility of "late Tang" as Xie Zhiliu and Zhang Daqian said.
There is also an image detail that supports this article's point, namely the yellow main ribbon hanging from the sides of the imperial crown or crown of the heavens, hanging from the jade hairpin, in an oval shape. The function is "filling the ears", which symbolizes not listening to rumors, which actually has the same effect as hanging. The "Six Classics of Tang" quoted above has "The crown of the crown hangs on the white beads ten and has two axes, with the group as a wisp, and the color is like its silk." The yellow main trunk is full of ears. "The Book of Rites:
Oriental Shuo Chuan: Yellow Lord's Ear Plug. Li Wei Yue: Look down, plug your ears, show that you don't listen to the rumors and don't look at the right and wrong. Later Han Dynasty Public Opinion Zhi Zhi: Wang Zhen of the Side. The name of the interpretation is Wang Zhen, the town also, do not make a delusion, from the town heavy also. The king of shi really uses white silk, that is, the so-called ear-filling of the poem. Renjun uses the yellow lord, that is, the so-called yellow ear of the poem. [113]
Figure 22 Comparison of emperors from the Tang to the Ming Dynasty
Observe the imperial images of the Tang Dynasty to the Ming Dynasty from the Tang Dynasty to the Ming Dynasty or the Tongtian Crown, as shown in Figure 22, 1 is from the "Map of The Emperors of the Past Dynasties" (Collected in the Museum of Fine Arts of the Early Tang Dynasty), 2 is from the Mogao Grottoes Chu Tang 220 Grottoes, 3 is from the Mogao Grottoes Shengtang 103 Caves, 4 is from the Mogao Grottoes Late Tang 156 Caves, 5 is the Mogao Grottoes 98 Caves 5th Generations of Khotanese King Statues, 6 is "Eighty-Seven", 7 is "Chaoyuan", 8 is the Southern Song Dynasty Dazu Shucheng Rock Statue, 9 is from the Yuan Dynasty Yongle Palace Sanqing Hall, 10 are from the Ming Dynasty Shanxi Fanzhi Princess Temple. From the early Tang Dynasty to the fifth dynasty, 1-5 figures, the yellow main silk is not visible, only 1 figure has a thin hanging spike around the ear, and the lower end hangs a round object the size of a fingernail shell, which should be the yellow main silk. Other examples of the Mogao Caves (from caves 220 in the early Tang Dynasty to 98 caves in the fifth dynasty) are even more ambiguous, perhaps indicating that Yan Liben, as a chancellor, was clear about the system of crowning, while the remote Dunhuang painters were not. In contrast, in the Chaoyuan and Eighty-Seven, the Huang Lord of the Second Emperor of the Southeast is very clear, and its size is like a thumb. Look at the Dazu Southern Song Dynasty Shucheng Rock and Nanshan Example, as well as the Southern Song Dynasty Ma Lin painting "Xia Yu Wang Standing Statue Axis" (The National Palace Museum in Taipei), Huang Zhongyi or greater than "Chaoyuan". Extending to the murals of the Three Qing Halls of the Yongle Palace in the Yuan Dynasty, the size of the Huang Lord's Qi is still undiminished. It was not until the murals of the Shanxi Princess Temple (and the Pilu Temple in Shijiazhuang) in the Ming Dynasty that the Huang Main Qi gradually became smaller. Therefore, the rhubarb master of the Eighty-Seven was not seen five generations ago, nor was it found in the Yuan Dynasty, only between the Song and Yuan dynasties.
In addition, the structure of the band in "Chaoyuan" (and "Eighty-Seven") also reveals the separation from the culture of the Tang Dynasty. There are several music girls under the title "Xianle Turtle Division", including two people holding pipa, one waist drum, one horizontal flute, one person in the row pipe, one person in sheng, one person in vertical flute, and one person in clapping. These seven instruments are still in use today, but one instrument that was very popular from the Northern Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty and is not used today is not in the picture of the "Vertical Fence". The vertical flute is a very important instrument in guizi music, often listed at the top of the list of instruments, such as the Old Book of Tang:
Turtle Zile, worker soap silk cloth turban, silk cloth robe, brocade sleeves, silk pants. Four dancers, red forehead, silk jacket, white pants, and udge boots. Music with vertical basket one, pipa one, five-string pipa one, sheng one, horizontal flute one, pipe one, 筚篥 one, Mao yuan drum one, Du Tan drum one, Tara drum one, waist drum one, karma drum one, chicken Lou drum one, copper pluck one, bei one. Mao Yuan drum is dead today. Vertical fence, Hu Le also. The Han Ling Emperor is good. The body is long and long, twenty has two strings, vertically embraced, played in unison with both hands, commonly known as the fence. The phoenix is like a phoenix, and there is a necklace like a hedge. [114]
Looking at the murals of the Western Wei Dynasty to the Fifth Dynasty in the Mogao Grottoes of Dunhuang, most of the bands have this vertical fence called "Hu Le". Such as the early Tang 220 caves, 61 caves, Sheng Tang 45 caves, middle Tang 201 caves, 112 caves, 154 caves, late Tang 156 caves and so on. Since the Chaoyuan deliberately marked "Guizi Music", but the lack of typical musical instruments, it seems to indicate that the author has been some distance away from the Tang Dynasty where guizi music was popular. The same is true of "Eighty-Seven".
VI. Aftermath: Who could be the author of "Eighty-Seven"?
Since the beginning and end of the "Eighty-Seven" volume are all broken, it is impossible to see whether there is an original money signature or a collection seal, so there is no way to argue the author. Xu Beihong spoke highly of the author of "Eighty-Seven": "Ancient and modern painters are talented enough to do this, but there are only five or six people: Wu (Dao) Xuan, Yan Liben, Zhou Fang, Zhou Wenju, Li Gonglin and so on. From the perspective of artistic expression and achievement, this statement generally stands. According to Xu Beihong's thinking logic, Yan Liben, Zhou Fang, Zhou Wenjue, and Li Gonglin all have generally credible works that have been handed down, which are not similar to "Eighty-Seven", so only Wu Daozi, who has no heirloom works, uses the method of elimination. This article believes that "Eighty-Seven" is not a Tang painting, and before the facsimile "Chaoyuan" in the early Southern Song Dynasty, then in addition to excluding Yan Liben, Zhou Fang, Zhou Wenjue, and Li Gonglin, Wu Daozi was also excluded. Then, Xu Beihong's list is completely eliminated.
This article acknowledges that "Eighty-Seven" is the work of a super master, and its time period should be in the early Northern Song Dynasty. Is it possible to find possible authors for Eighty-Seven during this period? I think there may be two who qualify.
The first is the aforementioned famous painter Wang of the early Song Dynasty, whose birth and death years are unknown, who was active before Wu Zongyuan, famous in Qiande and Kaibaojian (963-976), and was considered by the contemporary Wu Daozi, who was greatly admired by Wu Zongyuan. The two northern Song dynasty texts record him as follows:
Commentary on Famous Paintings of the Song Dynasty, Volume I:
Six divine characters
Wang Wan
Wang Wan, character guoqi, Henan Luoyang people, beautiful wind table, talent discernment, less interest in painting, the family is very poor, no funds to travel to study, painted by Wu Sheng, the temple wall of Laozi temple in Beiqi Mountain, is known as the absolute pen. Although the snow is poor in winter, there is no tiredness. Where there is a dust stain, it will be wiped and scraped to find its traces, and it is the method of obtaining its legacy. And can be flexible, choose the long and short, the reputation is very much, moving in the four distances, the prince has a painter, think it is a treasure. In the last year, Shi Zhongling painted the corridor wall of Zhaobao Temple with a ceremonial summons, and paid a generous reward of gold coins, so that between Qiande and Kaibao, there was no enemy. On the day of his death, the painting flowed and cried. Yubu Wushi Waizongyuan was also a native of Henan, and every time he sighed, he said, "I don't know that there is Wu Shengyi when I look at the pen of the national instrument." Wu Sheng painted the neck of the heavenly woman with a rough neck collar and a lame step. And the tree and stone are shallow and incomparable. The national instrument is not taken, so things are exhausted. The complex energy is set to be clear and moist, ancient and modern, hate at the same time, and accept its law. Hanlin Waiting for Gao Keming is also known as a person: "If you get a national instrument painting now, why should Wu Sheng?" The so-called buy king gets Wu Yi. "The wise man thinks that he knows the word, and the sub-end is also famous in the time. Comment: The name of Danqing in this dynasty is invincible, but the Ou is the first. Ho Jay? Look at its meaning, the exchange is not delayed, the shortness of the ancients, the length of the future generations, the informality, the hard work is wonderful, and the so-called former Wu Shengyi is sincere. Former residence on the divine product. [115]
Pictorial Chronicles, Volume III:
Wang Wan, a native of Luoyang, Henan, painted Buddhist figures, deeply known as Wu Fa, known as Little Wu Sheng. Shi Zhong ling tasted the painting luo zhong Zhao Bao temple wall. And there are Buddhist merits, stories, characters and other pictures passed down to the world. [116]
From the above can get 5 points of understanding:
1． Wang Wan, in the early Song Dynasty, was very famous ("Ancient and Modern Wulun" and "Between Qiande Kaibao, There Is No Enemy");
2． Wang Wan learned from Wu Daozi (copying the Five Holy Dynasties Yuantu of the Laojun Temple in Luoyang, "Deeply Obtaining wufa");
3． Wang Wan, dissatisfied with Wu Daozi, made changes ("flexibility is not delayed, choose the long and choose the short");
4． Wang Wan's painting style is exquisite ("exhaustion");
5． Wu Zongyuan greatly admired him ("Hate different times, accept his law");
Liu Daoluo was a contemporary of Wu Zongyuan, who listed Wang Wan as the first painter of the Song Dynasty, the only "divine character", and even believed that "there was no Wu Sheng before", which can be seen to be extremely admired. Looking at "Eighty-Seven" today, it should inherit the tradition of Wu Daozi and have some changes, and it should be composed by the first-class painters of the Song Dynasty, so why should we not associate this masterpiece with Wang Wan?
People in the early Song Dynasty often confused Wang Wan with Wu Daozi's paintings, Wu Daozi was more famous, and Wang Ou was more loved by the times, and the difference between the two was not important. Liu Dao's text is quoted above: "Hanlin waits for Gao Keming, also known as a person: If you get the painting of the national instrument (Wang Ou) now, why should Wu Sheng." The so-called buy king gets Wu Yi. [117] Mr. Xu Beihong, on the contrary, probably "bought Wu" and "won the king". Zhao Mengfu commented on "Chaoyuan": "I don't dare to think of Wu Pen. However, treasure paintings have also been true for hundreds of years. This sentence can also be borrowed to comment on "Eighty-Seven": I dare not think of Wu Pen. However, the treasure painting has been around for thousands of years.
The second possible author of "Eighty-Seven" is Wu Zongyuan. Judging from the literature and historical materials, Wu Zongyuan was also a first-class painter in the early Northern Song Dynasty, and the artistic standard of "Eighty-Seven" can match him. The reason why Xu Beihong did not include him in the list of possible five or six people in the text at that time was because everyone believed zhao Meng's inscription at that time and believed that "Chaoyuan" was the work of Wu Zongyuan, then "Eighty-Seven" would certainly not be Wu. On the other hand, if "Chaoyuan" is indeed written by Wu Zongyuan, then the artistic level of Wu has not reached the first-class level. If, as this article speculates, the Chaoyuan is only a facsimile of Zhai Ruwen in the early Southern Song Dynasty, then where is the mother text? The possibility of Xu Zang's Eighty-Seven cannot be ruled out. Zhao Mengfu's inscription has misled posterity for many years—perhaps he himself has never seen Wu Zongyuan's Chaoyuan, the present-day Xuzang's Eighty-Seven. Of course, this step of inference lacks tangible evidence. Masterpieces are often copied repeatedly by posterity, and the mother copy of each copy may be different, it is difficult to establish a direct genealogical relationship in these facsimiles, and no one can guarantee that such hand scrolls only have "two brothers" and happen to be seen after thousands of years of disaster.
In summary, the main points of this article are as follows: the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls were not written in the Tang Dynasty, but in the early Northern Song Dynasty. Its author is difficult to verify, it is likely to be Wang or Wuzong Yuan, although it is certainly not wu Daozi's original work, but it is still a first-class work in the history of painting. It is not only higher in art than in the Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map, but also earlier in time. The "Chaoyuan Xian Zhan Tu" cannot be used as a "standard instrument" for Northern Song painting, it is not the original work of Wu Zongyuan, it is a facsimile of the Southern Song Dynasty, and the direct author may be Zhai Ruwen. Although its Song and Yuan texts may be true, it does not hide its low artistic quality. At present, the academic community overestimates the "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map" and ignores the prejudice of the "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls" should be changed. We must understand the language of painting, torture the picture itself, and make it the core basis for judging the nature of the work, rather than the inscription or assertion of an authoritative person. When the detailed viewing of the picture is consistent with the combing of the literature, a more objective understanding can be obtained.
bibliography:
[1] Wang Zhen and Xu Boyang, eds., Xu Beihong's Art Anthology, Ningxia People's Publishing House, Second Printing, 2001, p. 339.
[2] At 11:00 a.m. on May 22, 2007, CCTV10 aired episode 8 of the 8-episode feature film "Xu Beihong".
[3] Catalogue of Ancient Chinese Calligraphy and Painting (24 volumes), Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1985-2001.
[4] Baner Dunon, Parthenon, now translated Parthenon. [5] History of Feidia, Pheidias, now translated as Phidias.
[6] Antiina, Athena, now translated as Athena.
[7] Löndal Vinci, now translated as Da Vinci, 1452–1519, was an Italian painter, scientist, and engineer. Raphael, latino, 1483-1520, Italian painter. The Athenian School is now translated as the Academy of Athens.
[8] This passage is a transcription of the author's original work, which is a heavy title for Xu Beihong, recorded as August 1938, but the original inscription was in July 1937, and there are few differences (or transcriptions), and the individual sentences are also different. The original trek: "In July of the 26th year, the tragic and joyful praise of the inscription was completely extinct. The following are the seven best of the best, "it is difficult to see the immortal side." See Wang Zhen and Xu Boyang, eds., Xu Beihong's Collected Works of Art, Ningxia People's Publishing House, Second Printing, 2001, p. 340. In the original, the seven absolutes were framed after the inscription and the seal of Sorrow in August of the 27th year, forming the first of the second inscription.
[9] This passage is a transcription of the author's original work, and the transcript of The Collected Works of Xu Beihong edited by Wang Zhen and Xu Boyang is slightly erroneous, see page 532 of the book.
[10] Stein, circa 1626–1679, was a Dutch painter who specialized in genre painting.
[11] Methue, Gabriel Metsu, 1629–1667, Dutch genre painter.
[12] Genre painting.
[13] Angelico, 1387–1455, Italian painter.
[14] Botticelli, 1445–1510, Italian painter.
[15] The inscription of this passage, which is not found in the original, is recorded from a photocopy of The Collected Works of Xu Beihong edited by Wang Zhen and Xu Boyang, see page 531 of the book.
[16] Song Youming compiled the Xuanhe Pictorial Notation, Volume II: "Zhang Qianguan Gongsun Da Niang danced the sword weapon, then cursive writing into the gods." Daozi is to painting, and it is only that. Yu Anlan, ed., The Second Volume of the Painting History Series, Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 14.
[17] Tang Zhang Yanyuan wrote The Record of Famous Paintings of Past Dynasties, Vol. II, and Yu Anlan edited the first volume of the Series on the History of Painting, Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 22.
[18] Song Guoruo wrote "Pictures and Pictures", vol. 1, and Yu Anlan edited the first volume of the "Painting History Series", Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 14.
[19] Xu Beihong did not say when the Drunken Road Map was composed, but according to the literature, the people who made the "Drunken Road Map" were Tang Yan Liben, Fan Changshou, and He Changshou. See Song Xuanhe Pictorial Notation, Vol. 1, Yu Anlan, ed., Painting History Series, Vol. II, Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 10.
[20] Xu Bangda, "From a Sample of a Copy of the Mural to two volumes of Song Paintings: 'The Picture of the Immortal Battle of the Dynasty'", Cultural Relics Reference Materials, No. 3, 1956, p. 57.
[21] Xu Bangda, "Examination and Identification of Ancient Calligraphy and Painting Pseudo-Falsification" (volume 1: text part), Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1984, pp. 173, 175.
[22] Yang Renkai, Chinese Calligraphy and Painting (Cultural Relics Textbook of the State Administration of Cultural Heritage), Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1990, p. 197.
[23] Huang Miaozi's "Wu Zongyuan and Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map", included in Huang's Yilin Yizhi - Ancient Art Literature Compilation, Life, Reading, and Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore, original in 1985, revised in 1999, reprinted for the second time in 2004, pp. 243-244.
[24] Wang Chaowen, editor-in-chief, Deng Fuxing, deputy editor-in-chief, Xu Shucheng and Xu Jianrong, editors-in-chief of The History of Chinese Art, Song Dynasty Volumes (Part I), Qilu Publishing House, Tomorrow Publishing House, 2000, p. 94.
[25] Zhou Jiyin, ed., The Great Canon of Chinese Dynastic Paintings, Warring States to song dynasty volumes, Jiangsu Education Publishing House, 2002, p. 832.
[26] Stephen Little with Shawn Eichman, Taoism and the Arts of China, The Art Institute of Chicago, 2000. p.240.
[27] Yu Mars, "Image Analysis Study of the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls and the Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", Journal of Southeast University (Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition), September 2006, Vol. 8, No. 5, pp. 100-106.
[28] That is, the Dunhuang Tibetan Scripture Cave unearthed the "Blazing Light Buddha and Five Star Chart", according to the inscription on the painting, the statue is Zhang Huaixing. In the present-day British Museum, see Dunhuang Painting I. in the first volume of the British Museum of Western Art, plate 27, Kodansha, Japan Corporation, 1982.
[29] Wang Zhen and Xu Boyang, eds., Collected Works of Xu Beihong's Art, Ningxia People's Publishing House, Second Printing, 2001, pp. 367-368.
[30] Li Jian, Erqiao, 1747-1799. Xu Bangda has pointed out that there are three passages of the Chaoyuan text as pseudo-texts, and Li Jianbao and another paragraph of Yu Mou's pseudo-texts "seem to come from one hand, of course, none of them are authentic". See Xu Shi's Examination of False Falsifications in Ancient Calligraphy and Painting (Vol. 1: Text Part), Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1984, p. 175.
[31] Xu Bangda, "Examination and Identification of Ancient Calligraphy and Painting Pseudo-Corruption" (volume 1: text part), Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1984, p. 175.
[32] He Ruyun, "Wang Ji Qianben Wuzong Yuan < Dynasty Yuan Xian Battle Chart > Ten Flaws", China Cultural Relics Daily, July 6, 2005, 7th edition. Yu Mars, "An Image Analysis Study of the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls and the Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", Journal of Southeast University (Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition), September 2006, Vol. 8, No. 5, p. 101.
[33] Xu Bangda, "Examination and Identification of Ancient Calligraphy and Painting Pseudo-Corruption" (vol. 1: Text Part), Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1984, pp. 173-175.
[34] Huang Miaozi's "Wu Zongyuan and Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map", included in Huang's Yilin Yizhi - Ancient Art Literature Compilation, Life, Reading, and Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore, originally written in 1985, revised in 1999, second printing in 2004, pp. 243-244.
[35] Song Jiangkui wrote the "Genealogy of The Continuation book", Lu Fusheng edited the second volume of the Complete Book of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2000, p. 173.
[36] Zhang Zi □'s "□" is unknowable, and some people read it as "Min", such as the text description of the "Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map" in the Complete Works of Chinese Art, Paintings of the Two Song Dynasties, and there is no evidence. The book also states that the painting measures 44.3×580 centimeters, which is also incorrect, unlike the actual 58×777.5 centimeters, the latter data from Stephen Little with Shawn Eichman, Taoism and the Arts of China, The Art Institute of Chicago, 2000. p.240.
[37] Xu Bangda, "Examination and Identification of Ancient Calligraphy and Painting Pseudo-Corruption" (volume 1: text part), Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, 1984, pp. 174-175.
[38] He Ruyun, "Wang Ji Qianben Wuzong Yuan < Dynasty Yuan Xian Battle Map> Ten Flaws", China Cultural Relics Daily, July 6, 2005, 7th edition.
[39] Gao Zhenbai, "Interesting Facts on Chinese Historical Relics", Hong Kong and Shanghai Bookstore, 1976, pp. 56-57.
[40] Huang Miaozi's "Wu Zongyuan and Chaoyuan Xian Zhan Tu", included in Huang's Yilin Yizhi - Ancient Art Literature Compilation, Life, Reading, and Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore, original in 1985, revised in 1999, reprinted for the second time in 2004, pp. 239-240.
[41] Gao Zhenbai, "Interesting Talks on Chinese Historical Relics", Hong Kong and Shanghai Bookstore, 1976, p. 58.
[42] Gao Zhenbai, "Interesting Talks on Chinese Historical Relics", Hong Kong and Shanghai Bookstore, 1976, pp. 55-56.
[43] Song Ouyang revised the "Peony Record of Luoyang": "The customs of Luoyang are mostly good flowers, and in spring, no nobles and lowly people in the city arrange flowers, although the burden is the same." "Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 845, p. 6. Song Wu Zimu wrote the "Record of Dreams" volume 19 "Folk proverb cloud: burning incense, ordering tea, hanging paintings, arranging flowers, four kinds of idle things are not suitable for the family." Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, vol. 590, p. 162.
[44] Xie Zhiliu, Ten Treatises on the Study of Ancient Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Fudan University Press, 2004, p. 8.
[45] He Ruyun's article also says: "In June 1992, he was in New York at the age of eighty-six", looking closely at Xie Bao, ming wrote "Eighty-Three", Xie Zhiliu (1910-1997), and 83 years old in 1992.
[46] Anon. "A Catalogue of Calligraphy and Paintings Collected by Yuesheng", edited by Lu Fusheng, vol. 2 of the Complete Book of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2000, p. 727.
[47] Yang Renkai, ed., Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1990, p. 231.
[48] Dunhuang Institute of Cultural Relics, ed., Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes, Vol. V, Plates 87, 103, Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1987.
[49] Dazu Stone Carving Art Museum of Chongqing and Dazu Institute of Stone Carvings, Chongqing Academy of Social Sciences, ed., Dazu Stone Carvings, Chongqing Publishing House, 1999, p. 289.
[50] WU Tung, Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: Tang through Yuan Dynasties, The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 1998, pp. 224-229.
[51] Zhang Mingyuan, "Research on the Art of Taoist Grottoes in Longshan, Taiyuan", Shanxi Science and Technology Press, 2002, p. 85.
[52] Yuan Xia Wenyan wrote the Book of Illustrated Treasures, vol. IV, and Yu Anlan edited the second volume of the Pictorial History Series, Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 95.
[53] Huang Miaozi's "Wu Zongyuan and Chaoyuan Xian Battle Map", included in Huang's Yilin Yizhi - Ancient Art Literature Compilation, Life, Reading, and Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore, original in 1985, revised in 1999, second printing in 2004, p. 238, note 1.
[54] Yuan Detuo et al. Revised History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 372, Zhonghua Bookstore Point School Edition, 1985, p. 11545. The History of Song does not record the date of his birth and death, but his grandson Zhai Fan wrote an epitaph: "Gong Yixin was born on the eleventh day of September in the ninth year of The Reign of Xining, and died on the 29th of August in Shaoxing Xin You, in changshu County, Pingjiang Province, at the age of sixty-six." See Appendix to ZhonghuiJi. Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 1129, p. 317.
[55] Zhonghui Ji , Appendix, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, vol. 1129, p. 315. There are similar records in the seventh volume of the Huijizhi written by Song Shisu and others.
[56] Anon. Xuanhe Pictorial Notation, vol. 2, and Yu Anlan, ed., ed., Pictorial Series, Vol. 2, Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 13.
[57] The Palace Museum and shanghai museum, ed., Collection of Ancient Chinese Calligraphy and Paintings of the Palace Museum and Shanghai Museum, Forbidden City Publishing House, 2005, plate 26.
[58] Stephen Little with Shawn Eichman, Taoism and the Arts of China, The Art Institute of Chicago, 2000. p.175.
[59] Song Deng Chun wrote Painting Succession, Vol. IV, and Yu Anlan edited the first volume of the Painting History Series, Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 26.
[60] Song Wang Anzhong wrote the preface to the Chuliao Collection: "Emperor Huizong reigned for a long time, and the scribes and poets did not reduce the Yuan and Changqing for a while, and the characters such as zhai gong, han gong, Hanlin Wang gong, and chuliao wanggong all showed themselves in their literary words, and they were called outstanding and unattainable. "Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, vol. 1127, p. 4.
[61] Song Liu Zai, "The Old Biography of Jingkou Qi", vol. IV, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 451, p. 154.
[62] Yang Renkai, "Manuscripts on the Identification of Chinese Paintings and Calligraphy", Liaohai Publishing House, 2000, p. 20.
[63] Wenyuange Siku Quanshu Xuanhe Pictorial Genealogy Volume IV "Wu Zongyuan" article, recorded "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map" I" instead of "II". Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 813, p. 93. The secretary ben of Tsu is also one and not two. From the analysis of the creation scene, the murals on the east and west walls of the Yuqing Zhaoying Palace hall were respectively responsible for Wu Zongyuan and Wang Huan, and the existing Wangzang "Chaoyuan" and Xu Zang's "Eighty-Seven" are both east wall manuscripts.
[64] Yuan Tang wrote the "Painting Book", Edited by Lu Fusheng, the second volume of the Complete Book of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2000, pp. 898-899.
[65] Wang Yuanqi et al., PeiWenzhai Calligraphy and Paintings, Vol. III, Vol. 37, Beijing China Bookstore, 1984, p. 947.
[66] Yuan Zhao Meng, Song Xuezhai Collection, vol. VIII, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 1196, p. 711.
[67] Edited by the Editorial Committee of Fine Arts, Editor-in-Chief of the Encyclopedia of China, Encyclopedia of China • Fine Arts Volume I., Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 1991, p. 321, Xue Yongnian wrote the "Pictorial Book".
[68] Xie Zhiliu, ed., Appraisal of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Oriental Publishing Center, 2007, second edition, p. 206.
[69] Yuan Tang wrote the "Painting Book", Lu Fusheng edited the second volume of the Complete Book of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2000, p. 898.
[70] Tao Zongyi wrote "Sayings", vol. 7, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 876, p. 342.
[71] Wang Zhen and Xu Boyang, eds., Collected Works of Xu Beihong's Art, Ningxia People's Publishing House, Second Printing, 2001, p. 367.
[72] Song Anming's Xuanhe Pictorial Notation, vol. 2, Yu Anlan, ed., ed., Pictorial Series, Vol. 2, Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 14.
[73] Qiu Zhao'ao, "Detailed Notes on Du Shi", vol. II, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 1070, p. 133.
[74] Kang Biao wrote "Drama Talks" volume, Li Rifang et al. wrote "Taiping Guangji" volume 212, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 1044, p. 397.
[75] Sima Guang, Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 216, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1982, p. 6896.
[76] Regarding the identity of the "Five Saints", I have made a speech at the 2004 Dunhuang International Academic Symposium, followed by a paper entitled "The Three Treasures and the Five Saints: The Composition of the Main Statues of Taoist Grottoes and Temples in the Tang Dynasty", Journal of Hubei Academy of Fine Arts, No. 3, 2004.
[77] Yuan Yougen, Studies on Wu Daozi, People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 2002, pp. 170-177.
[78] Song Kangyuzhi's "Record of Yesterday's Dream", Tao Zongyi's "Sayings" volume 34, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 877, p. 774.
[79] Song GuoRuoxuan wrote "Pictorial Insights and Heards", vol. 3, and Yu Anlan edited the first volume of the "Painting History Series", Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, p. 35.
[80] Song Liu Daool wrote the Commentary on Famous Paintings of the Song Dynasty, Vol. 1, and Lu Fusheng edited the first volume of the Complete Book of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2000, p. 448.
[81] Song Guoruo wrote "Pictures and Pictures", vol. 3, and Yu Anlan edited the first volume of the "Painting History Series", Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 1982, pp. 34-35. Emperor Taizong's time for Emperor Taizong to go to the Qing Palace should be the fourth year of Dazhong Xiangfu (1011), see Yuan Detuo et al. "History of Song", volume VIII, Zhonghua Bookstore Point School Edition, 1985, p. 148. At this time, Wu Zongyuan had already made murals for the Yuqing Zhaoying Palace.
[82] Song Liu Daool wrote the Commentary on Famous Paintings of the Song Dynasty, Vol. 1, and Lu Fusheng edited the first volume of the Complete Book of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting, Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, 2000, p. 447.
[83] Wen C. Fong and James C. Y. Watt, Possessing the Past, The Metropolitan Museum of Art and National Palace Museum (Taipei), p.227.
[84] Liu Tao, Porcelain of the Song and Liao Dynasties, Cultural Relics Publishing House, 2004, p. 33.
[85] WU Tung, Masterpieces of Chinese Painting from the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: Tang through Yuan Dynasties, The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 1998, pp. 224-229.
[86] Song Li fu, Volume VII of The Collected Works of Water, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 1121, p. 74. Before that, there was Li Mouxu in December of the sixth year of YuanFeng, and it can be known that he was a person in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty.
[87] Yu Mars, "Image Analysis Of the Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls and the Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map", Journal of Southeast University (Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition), September 2006, Vol. 8, No. 5, p. 103. The article mistakes the "Water Collection" for the "Dripping Water Collection".
[88] Wang Yuanqi et al., Pei Wen zhai calligraphy and paintings, vol. 3, vol. 32, citing the Ouyang Wenzhong Gongji, Beijing China Bookstore, 1984, p. 821.
[89] Su Shi's original poem reads as follows: "The servant saw Wu Daozi painting the Buddha at the home of Chen Hanqing in Chang'an, but it was a pity that he saw it again in the family of Xianyu Zijun for more than ten years, and then he had a good back, and Zijun saw that his will was widowed, and wrote a poem to thank him: The noble Jin was idle, and he fought to buy calligraphy and painting without counting money, and he had already filled the iron stone (Yin Tieshi, emperor Wu of Liang, who now has iron stone characters in the book of the Great King of Fa Ti), and even supplemented Zhu Xuan as Daoxuan (the World received Wu painting Duo Zhu Shu pen also). The smoky house is leaking jade shafts, and the deerskin cangbi knows who is wise. Wu Sheng painted the Buddha's divine teachings, and in his dreams he transformed into a flying immortal. I feel that I have dropped my pen inadvertently, and I am wonderful and unique. When I saw this painting, I sighed that the treasure was empty. Su Si couldn't bear to look at it intermittently, and had already made a butterfly fly. Jun can pack up as a patch, and his physique is scattered and complete. Zhi Gong saw the sword ruler, and the Shuluo Heavenly Daughter Yu Xiongyan. Such as watching the old Du Fei bird sentence, the word out of the word to make up for the lack of reason. Ask the king to beg for a good intention, and want to wash the eyes of the common man. Nobles are ashamed at first sight, and they are full of donations. There is no need to use more Bo Ma wisps, pay with a torch with flying smoke. Compiled by the National Committee for the Collation and Research of Ancient Books in Colleges and Universities, Song Sushi wrote the first series of "Dongpo Collection, Dongpo Hou Collection", volume 9, Line Bound Bookstore, 2001, p. 209.
[90] Originally from the Pingyang area of southern Shanxi, there are no inscriptions or other written materials, mr. Jing Anning called it "The Picture of the Immortals Going to the Meeting"), and correctly believes that it is "most likely a work of the late 13th century". Jing Anning, "Mural Paintings of the Yuan Dynasty: A Picture of immortals going to the Meeting", Peking University Press, 2002, p. 1.
[91] Liu Changchang, Hu Wenhe, and Li Yongqiao, eds., Research on Dazu Stone Carvings, Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1985, p. 523.
[92] Liu Changchang, ed., Art of the Anyue Grottoes, Sichuan People's Publishing House, 1997, p. 180. Hu Wenhe, A History of Chinese Taoist Stone Carving Art (Volume II), Higher Education Press, 2004, p. 73.
[93] Tang Zhang Jiuling et al., Tang Liudian, vol. 11, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 595, p. 114.
[94] Dunhuang Institute of Cultural Relics, ed., Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes, No. 5, Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1987, plate 13.
[95] Chongqing Dazu Stone Carving Art Museum and Dazu Institute of Stone Carving Art, Chongqing Academy of Social Sciences, ed., Dazu Stone Carving Inscriptions, Chongqing Publishing House, 1999, pp. 290, 355.
[96] Hu Wenhe, Sichuan Taoist Buddhist Grotto Art, Sichuan People's Publishing House, 1994, p. 366.
[97] Yuan Te Te et al., History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 15, Zhonghua Bookstore, 1985, pp. 2549-2550.
[98] King Pu of Song wrote the Tang HuiJiao, vol. 50: "Tianbao Eight leap years leap may 5 system." King Wenxuan was at the same time as Saint Zu. Club is the head of the church. Although the words of Bede. It's hard to understand. And ask the preamble to the scriptures. It is taught by the family. Thinking broadly in the meaning of the three. With the honor of reverence for one. It is suitable for the Taiqing Taiwei Palace in front of the Holy Ancestor. More Liwen Xuanwang Dao statue. With the Four True Columns around. Zhonghua Bookstore, 1990, p. 881.
[99] Tang Zhang Jiuling et al. wrote the Six Classics of Tang, vol. XI, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Taiwan Commercial Press, 1986, vol. 595, p. 114.
[100] Later Jin Dynasty Liu Riju wrote the Old Book of Tang, vol. 23 Etiquette III, Zhonghua Bookstore Point School Edition, 1975, p. 890.
[101] Song Wang Yinglin, Yuhai, vol. 2, vol. 82, Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore, 1987, p. 1525.
[102] Tang Duyou wrote the General Classics, vol. 57, Zhonghua Bookstore Point School Edition, 1988, p. 1601.
[103] Song Wang Yinglin, Yuhai, vol. 2, vol. 82, Jiangsu Ancient Books Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore, 1987, pp. 1525-1526.
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The content of the reprinted paper is closely related to the theme of Mr. Li Wei's Academic Week Lecture, which mainly discusses the relationship between the "Eighty-Seven Immortal Scrolls" and the "Chaoyuan Immortal Battle Map". This paper was originally presented by Professor Li Wei in 2007 as "Tribute to Lao Tzu - The First International Symposium on the History of Taoist Art" (Xi'an, China), and later included in the conference proceedings "New Theories of Taoist Art", Shandong Art Publishing House, 2008, pp. 151-190.