Wang Qiwei: On the "Near-Name" Praise and Righteousness Movement in the Middle Northern Song Dynasty and Its Connection with the Politics of Scholars|202405-18 (No. 2710)

Thanks to Mr. Wang Qiwei for his contributions

Originally published in the 4th issue of "Sino-foreign Forum" in 2020, this is the author's original manuscript, with slight changes, please indicate the source when citing

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On the "near-name" praise movement in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty and its linkage with the politics of scholars

Text / Wang Qiwei

Distinguished Associate Researcher, School of Liberal Arts, Wuhan University

Abstract: The "Near-Name" Praise Movement was a bottom-up revolution in the concept of prestige led by the Qingli scholars, which reflected the consciousness of the name of the scholar class in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty. Since the beginning of the Song Dynasty, the government has pursued the ideology of pragmatism and abstaining from hypocrisy. Monarchs and scholars were generally wary of "false fame" and advocated the strategy of far-reaching fame. This negative view of prestige reached its climax in the Renzong Dynasty, where Renzong and Lao Chengshi mostly criticized the "near name" as political speculation. In order to eliminate the stigma attached to the "proximity", Dr. Qingli launched a campaign to praise and justify, and put forward the theory of positive proximity in the debate, and decided the social function of prestige to persuade good and frustrate. The new concept of prestige advocated by them became an important ideological background for political reform during the Qingli period, and gradually became widely recognized by Shilin after the failure of the Qingli New Deal, and finally became a part of the mainstream political culture in the later period of the Renzong Dynasty. At the same time, Fan Zhongyan and Ouyang Yu started from their own political setbacks, reflected on the theory of positive proximity, and paid attention to winning the trust of others to make up for their shortcomings, thus forming their own views on "fame" and words. In contrast to the "near-name" praise movement, the establishment of "prestige politics" in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty was established. With the independence of the prestige system and the vitality of the scholarly theory, a group of Confucian idealists were independently elected by Shilin as highly appealing leaders, and entered the decision-making level at critical moments, so as to promote political change or change the political line. The "prestige politics" took shape in the Jingyou party struggle, the Qingli New Deal was formally formed, the Jiayou and Zhiping Zhizhi developed steadily, and the Xining New Law reached a new round of climax and came to an end, and its explicit and implicit alternation constituted an important clue in the political history of the middle Northern Song Dynasty.

Key words: Northern Song Dynasty, political culture, scholars, near names, prestige

I. Introduction

"The name of the husband is to the people, and the great one is also. [1] As an immaterial item of value, prestige[2] is of undeniable importance to scholars. Confucius Ziyun: "A gentleman is ill and his name is not worthy." [3] Shi Qian called the "establishment of a name" as the "extreme" of the scholars by "entrusting them to the world and listing them in the forest of gentlemen"[4], that is, the criteria for standing in the world that have been recognized by the scholar class for thousands of years.

Since the Qin and Han dynasties, the unique role of scholars and bureaucrats has always constituted the main body of ancient Chinese bureaucratic politics, and a unique style of scholar politics has been born. [5] The dual role and ideal of fame and fame also led to the negotiation of prestige and politics in many forms. On the one hand, prestige participates in the process of power operation and personnel selection, and this kind of participation is generally guaranteed by systems, rules or practices, and its degree is positively related to the strength of the scholarly power relative to the imperial power, which determines that the higher prestige scholars are generally more likely to obtain promotion and administrative convenience, and the phenomenon of "taking people by name"[6] and "taking names to officials"[7] has always existed in China in the imperial era; on the other hand, the sources of the prestige of scholars are very diverse, and they are moral, cultural (ideological, Academic, verbal, literary), political (grade, position, merit, seniority, turbidity), interpersonal relationships (family history, marriage, travel) and other aspects all contribute to the prestige of individuals and families, and the establishment of a name itself is an important goal of the government. Confucianism advocates the "three immortals" of virtue, speech, and meritorious service, that is, it establishes a rich and orderly concept of fame for scholars.

In the Song and Song dynasties, the bureaucratic political system became more rational and rigorous, especially the popularization and improvement of the imperial examination system, and the infiltration of the capital-based principle into the election system[8], which greatly weakened the institutionalized radiation effect of prestige on politics since the Middle Ages. At the same time, with the advent of the imperial examination scholars in the Song Renzong Dynasty[9], the concept of "governing the world together" was formally formed, and a new type of scholar politics came into being. [10] In the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, a new round of scholarly consciousness and rise after the end of the Han Dynasty became a historical stage in which scholars flourished, scholars saw the fashion and prestige supreme, and prestige strongly influenced and even impacted the operation of politics, the distribution of power, and the public life of scholars. However, the social form, political system, and scholar spirit of the Song Dynasty were all different from those of the Middle Ages, and the way in which prestige intervened in politics was naturally very different. To paraphrase the popular words of the two eras, the "famous ministers" of the Zhao and Song dynasties and the "famous scholars" of the late Han and Wei and Jin dynasties have their own faces after all. [11]

It is worth noting that although the prominent role of prestige in the politics of scholars in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty can be said to be a certain inevitability of the historical development of the Tang and Song dynasties, it encountered great controversy and resistance at that time. This is because throughout the early Northern Song Dynasty, a pragmatic and hypocrisy political culture prevailed, and prestige was far from being an overt element in the power field. The political arena of the Renzong Dynasty continued the above-mentioned inertia, and the "close name" was still a stigma that scholars avoided and could not avoid. Through the struggle of Dr. Qinglishi, the influence of his prestige has been substantially increased.

This change is mainly manifested in three levels. The first is the conceptual level. In response to the derogatory and stigmatization of the official ideology in the field of prestige, Dr. Qingli jointly launched a campaign to praise the "near name" to defend his posture of re-naming and re-arguing the importance of "name" and the legitimacy and feasibility of "near name", which completely changed the prestige concept of the mid-Northern Song Dynasty scholarly class. The second is the subject level. With the advancement of the "near-famous" praise movement, more and more scholars began to calmly face prestige and openly pursue fame, and their interest in prestige obviously shifted from the long-standing virtue of the early Northern Song Dynasty to the reputation of active progress. Independently of the imperial court, Shilin independently elected a group of highly appealing leaders according to their prestige, especially respecting and even following those political critics with a very idealistic temperament, which was quite a sign of competing with the government. At the same time, prestige is not only a valuable political capital for scholars, but also a burden and constraint that cannot be shaken off, which is mainly manifested in the anxiety of the famous about public opinion and "honor" [12]. Finally, there is the political dimension. In the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, the politics of scholars and doctors showed a distinct characteristic of "prestige politics", and the influence and importance of prestige in the political field were qualitatively enhanced. At that time, Shilin not only succeeded in establishing an independent prestige hierarchy, but also made it an important reference for the imperial court to employ people and take measures. At certain critical moments, the prestige system relied on public opinion to directly intervene in the distribution of power, prompting the monarch to appoint the most desirable scholars. And these scholars also had to take corresponding political actions (often to implement political changes) after taking the throne to meet the expectations of the scholars, otherwise they would face the consequences of discrediting their reputation. From the Qingli New Deal to Wang Anshi's reforms, it is not difficult to find in many major historical events in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, and the prestige runs through and plays an indispensable role. It can be said that "name" is a key word for understanding the political history of the middle Northern Song Dynasty.

This paper focuses on the proposition of the interaction between prestige and power, and focuses on the "near-name" praise movement of Qingli scholars, and concretely presents the tortuous process of prestige elevation in the politics of scholars in the early and middle Northern Song Dynasty. In a sense, this is also an epic of the growth of the Song Dynasty scholar class.

2. The prevalence of the principle of "distant fame" in the early Song Dynasty and its influence on scholars

In the eleventh year of Emperor Chunyou of the Song Dynasty (1251), Lin Binzhi, the Zuo Si Zhi, pointed out when reviewing the party struggle of the Song Renzong Dynasty: "From Jingyou and Qingli to Zhihe and Jiayou, there are those who shake the gentleman with the theory of friends, and there are those who correct the theory with a good name. [13] It can be seen that the Song people have long seen that "friends" and "good names" are the most commonly used derogatory terms used by old Chengshi doctors to attack Qingli Shi doctors. In the political and cultural change led by Dr. Qinglishi, it is precisely the great debate on the two political issues of "friends" and "close names". [14] Among the two, the "theory of friends and parties" has always been the core concept in the study of Song Dynasty literature and history, and has accumulated quite fruitful results. This is related to the common practice of taking party struggle as the basic narrative of politics in the Northern Song Dynasty. On the other hand, the equally important "pronymous theory" has not received the attention and systematic discussion it deserves. [15]

The "near-name theory" became a key topic affecting the overall situation in the Renzong Dynasty, and the reason was that Dr. Qingli directly responded to the ridicule of the old Chengshi doctor for his "proximity". In other words, "near names" as a discourse was originally thrown into the space of public opinion by the old Chengshi doctor, and the Qingli Shi doctor actually flipped the value under the discourse framework set by political opponents. Therefore, in order to truly understand the intention and connotation of the "near-name" praise movement, it is necessary to first uncover the reasons why Dr. Qingli was criticized and at the same time the target of their targeting, and explain why Dr. Lao Chengshi "used a good name to justify the theory". For this phenomenon, it is inevitably unfair for future generations to slander the gentleman with a villain. This kind of political attack by the old Chengshi needs to be understood in the context of the political culture of the early and middle Northern Song Dynasty, which is a manifestation of their recognition and defense of the mainstream concept of prestige since the early Song Dynasty, and is by no means simply for the sake of power and power.

At the beginning of the Song Dynasty, the formation of the centralized system was generally based on the spiritual principle of overcorrection and prevention of malpractice[16], and the Song court deliberately advocated a cautious and cautious political character, which made scholars generally favor the style of humble and humble gentlemen who were humble and self-shepherd. In addition, at that time, the art of Huang Lao and the study of name and law were prevalent, and the Song court also paid attention to the orientation of comprehensive examination of the name and truth. Therefore, the ideology of the early and middle Northern Song Dynasty obviously showed the characteristics of pragmatism and abstinence. In such a political and cultural context, as stated in the Zhuangzi Nei Chapter and the Health Master, "there is no near name for goodness"[17], prestige was still a necessary but not important factor in the power field of this period, and in many cases it was not even a concept with much positive connotation, so "name" at that time often appeared in derogatory terms such as "false name" and "fame".

The rulers of the early Northern Song Dynasty had the following two tendencies toward prestige. On the one hand, the personnel decision-making of the Song court has always attached great importance to the matching of power with virtue, especially the Qing Wangguan who is on the stage and above generally requires at least a person who is not interested in matter. Therefore, in the documents announcing the appointment and dismissal of personnel, there are many words such as "Yu Longshiwang" and "If you do not meet the expectations of the people, it will be difficult to succumb to the Chao Yi"[18]. Another example is that Song Taizong treated Su Yijian as "a concubine and so on", but deliberately postponed his appointment to participate in politics, one of the reasons was that he "wanted to make him famous and then correct Taiwan". [19] He promoted Xiang Minzhong and Xiahou Cheng to serve as secret envoys, because he considered that "the secretary of the close secret, the leader is particularly important, and those who are famous and dignified will be punished, and they can be quiet and responsible". [20] In addition, Zhenzong of the Song Dynasty once asked the minister Qian Ruoshui to "visit the available people of the close ministers", and Qian replied that Wang Dan "has virtue and prestige, and is worthy of great affairs", and Zhenzong also praised him, and Wang Dan soon became the second government. [21] In the first year of Tiansheng (1023), Qian Weiyan wanted to enter the phase, and supervised the imperial history Ju and said, "If you think that you are the prime minister today, you will be disappointed in the world", and the Empress Dowager Liu sent the inner attendant to show Qian Wei's performance, indicating that this matter is difficult to achieve. [22] Another example is that when Song Renzong worshiped Chen Zhizhong, he was afraid that his "material hope would not be fulfilled", and Zhang Fangping, a scholar of Hanlin University, was good at making it grass, "so that outsiders can have a voice". [23] This shows the value of the prestige in the selection of middle- and high-level officials. In fact, this was also the normal state of operation of the bureaucratic system in ancient China.

On the other hand, however, the Song court was very wary of and even rejected those who actively made a name for themselves without merit, and focused on maintaining the pragmatic tendencies inherent in the bureaucracy. As a result, the emperors of the early Song Dynasty repeatedly denounced the "false name". For example, Song Taizong tried to call Tang Taizong "a good vain", and ridiculed him for "every thing, he must make a statement, and then do it, and you will pass on a brief book", believing that good history should be "pragmatic and love and hate". [24] Taizong's tendency to worship truth and illness was reinforced by his son, Song Zhenzong. Zhenzong once personally wrote the "Seven Articles of Wenchen", "Bestow all the Taoist shepherds and the governors of the prefecture and the army to judge the governor and the county", the fourth of which is to be responsible, "to seek practical results, not to be vain" [25]. In the second year of Xianping (999), he was dissatisfied with the courtiers' "superficial wind" of "making friends and fanning each other's reputation" in order to "seek progress quickly", and "ordered the edict to apply for the police, and the imperial history platform picketed it". [26] In the eighth year of Dazhong Xiangfu (1015), he saw that the power knew that Kaifeng Prefecture was cautious and congested Ji because of "good words" and caused "many slanderers", and once again emphasized that "officials should abide by the usual way, or force themselves to be good to take a name, then the punishment will follow". [27] It can be seen that the purpose of Zhenzong's crackdown on "false names" is to teach officials to keep to themselves and seek practical results.

The upward side has a downward effect. Most of the high-level officials in the early Northern Song Dynasty were known for their sincerity and pragmatism, and their courtesy. [28] Li Xin and Wang Dan, the famous ministers of the Zhenzong Dynasty, are among the exemplary figures. They relied on their prudent and diligent political performance to develop high hopes over time, and never took the initiative to seek fame. In other words, avoiding fame is the key to maintaining the prestige of these two celebrities. Li Xin "is straightforward and forgiving, prudent in his inner knowledge, has no branches and leaves, and knows the general situation." Prudent in position, not seeking reputation, and obeying the rules and regulations, no one can do it for personal gain" [29]. He advocated that the governance of the Tao should be given priority to "not need to be superficial and new people who are happy to be happy", so he advised Zhenzong not to use Mei Xun, Zeng Zhiyao and others who were "conceited of their talents". [30] Wang Dan "has a sense of strategy, is good at calming major affairs, and does not take reputation, but seeks truth." Gou is virtuous and talented, and he will be an official for a long time, and everyone thinks that it is appropriate to move to a certain position. What it recommends, no one knows", "Anonymous traces, far from power." He recommended many people, and he did not tell anyone." [31] Li and Wang successively ruled the country in the Zhenzong Dynasty, employing people to "suppress flashiness and still be substantial, reward and retreat and dethrone and compete", and "cultivate a strong and honest style". [32] Under the example and admonition of the monarch and important ministers, the name of the official and the person has almost become the code of conduct of scholars and doctors in the early Northern Song Dynasty.

What's more, the elite scholars and doctors in the early Northern Song Dynasty could even ignore their reputation and public opinion for the sake of seeking practical profits. Wang Dan coincided with the fact that Zhenzong was reviving the book of heaven and sealing Zen, although he was deeply aware of it, but "everything was predetermined", so he was added. Later generations regretted that he "knew that he was offended by the Qing Dynasty, and he was obsessed with love and could not decide", and he eventually had a dishonor. [33] It can be seen that prestige has a limited weight in the political choices of this famous minister. More than Wang Dan, it is more important to count the power of the Zhenzong Dynasty. When Ding first got involved in his career, he persuaded Wang Yuyan to "be good and not close to fame", and Wang retorted that Ding "wants to rise and fall in the world, and falls into fame". [34] Ding Wei regarded the powerful ministers Cao Cao and Sima Yi as saints, and preached: "The so-called loyal ministers and filial sons in ancient and modern times are not credible. It is a historical pen ornament, and it wants to talk about beauty for future generations. [35] This striking argument reveals Ding's full face as a politician: always acting with utilitarian purposes and ignoring his posthumous name. Therefore, in the first year of Qianxing (1022), after he squeezed out Kou Zhun, he gave Zaizhi a large number of officials, and Wang once persuaded him not to "remove the official who has been absent for decades once he is dismissed", but should pay attention to public opinion, and Ding Weifu listened. Later, former Prime Minister Li Di suffered several accidents in the depreciation office, and someone questioned Ding Wei: "If Di is degraded to death, what is the public like a scholar?" Ding did not care about the public opinion of the world and the reputation of future generations, and replied: "Good things on a different day are scholars who make pen and ink, and the memory is important, but it is just said that 'the world cherishes it'." [36] The deeds of Wang Dan and Ding Wei undoubtedly exposed the extreme form of the pragmatic political style since the early Song Dynasty: in the absence of lofty ideals, the traction of independent scholars, and the disregard for the constraints of reputation and public opinion, scholars may show a weak and spineless or even immoral side.

In the early Northern Song Dynasty, there were still a few scholars who tried to break through the barrier of "distant name" consciousness, but their experience confirmed the strong control of this ideology at that time. Kou Zhun is a typical case. Kou Zhun was a highly controversial official in the Tai and Zhen dynasties, which has a lot to do with his maverick political character. A good name is one of the very conspicuous ones, mainly manifested in his self-reliance after he often wants to establish a name and an alliance with the Yuanyuan. These two events are also important reasons for the ups and downs of his career. Kou Zhun's career as a eunuch is always accompanied by accusations of "seeking fame". During the Jingde period, Kou Zhun advocated that "the prime minister is so a hundred officials", so "the measures are more self-responsible", "in the middle of the book like to use the cold in, every imperial history is lacking, and the people who dare to speak out use it", Zhenzong was dissatisfied with his "reward for the country's reputation for falsehood" and "no minister's body", so he resigned. Feng Zheng, who participated in politics, also invoked the words of his former prime minister, Lu Mengzheng, to attack Kou Zhun for "taking it lightly to gain fame". [37] In the third year of Dazhong Xiangfu (1010), when Kou Zhun knew about the Tianxiong army, he took the initiative to give money and goods to the Zhenwu soldiers who escorted the Khitan envoys across the border, and provoked Zhenzong to ridicule him for "accepting favors in order to seek false reputation". [38] In the eighth year of Dazhong Xiangfu (1015), Kou Zhun dismissed the privy envoy, and even Wang Dan, who had always appreciated him, did not take his "good people's favor, and wanted others to fear power", believing that these "are all avoided by ministers, and they should be regarded as their own responsibility, which is also short". [39] In the fourth year of Tianxi (1020), Kou Zhun once again dismissed the prime minister, and the reasons listed in the edict were still "clear and obvious, and the voice is real"[40]. If the good name of middle- and lower-level officials is generally regarded as seeking advancement, then the close name of ministers like Kou Zhun in personnel appointments and dismissals is considered to be used for public and private purposes, and there is even a suspicion of relying on the self-respect of the scholars to oppose the monarchy, so it has repeatedly attracted the suspicion and suppression of the true sect. On the contrary, Wang Dan and Li Xin followed the "far fame", and Ding Wei emphasized that "the famous person is a public weapon, and it is rare"[41], in fact, they are all out of the so-called consideration of abiding by the subordinate division.

In fact, Kou Zhun Yu Tai and Zhen Zhishi did create a reputation with their extraordinary talent and deeds. In the early years of Zhenzong, when he knew that Kaifeng Mansion had the hope of entering the prime minister, Wang Jiayou also reminded Kou Zhun that "the hope of the world, China and foreign countries have the responsibility of peace", and if he could not get the king, he would "lose his reputation" if he could not "make meritorious deeds and benefit the people". [42] The subsequent party struggle between Kou and Ding became symbols of good and evil in the world of power. Tian Guo's "Confucian Discussion" recorded: "Kou Zhun is in the phase, and he wins the heart of the world with pure brightness. Ding is a good look, a devotee and a bad man, and he is angry with the world. The folk song says: 'If you want the time, you should call Kou Lao, and if you want the world, you should go to Ding.' And successively depreciated, the folk have many pictures of the appearance of the two, against Zhang Yubi, slaughtering the wanton, often have a shame. Although they are stubborn and young scoundrels, they all show their fingers, praise Kou and criticize Ding, if they are their own kindness, they are all old and knowledgeable!"[43] Han Qi also recounted: "When Ding and Kou Li Dynasty, when the world hears a good deed, the Lai Gong (Kou Zhun) who returns to it may not be able to exhaust the Lai Gong; [44] This kind of public opinion in the world divided good and evil into specific individuals, and the arrow stack effect was the first in the Song Dynasty. However, Shilin Qingyi did not give Kou Zhun open and strong support as he later did when he followed Fan Zhongyan in the party struggle between Fan and Lü, which led to his decision to plot a coup d'état to a certain extent.

As for Kou Zhun himself, although prestige can sometimes be used as capital for promotion, he also does not leave enough room for fame in his pursuit of pleasure and power. Kou Zhun was extravagant by nature, he went out of the town and other states as an old minister, "although he has a heavy name", he "does not care about the affairs of officials", and "feasts and travels all day long", which inevitably leaves a handle for political opponents. [45] In the third year of Tianxi (1019), when Kou Zhun sentenced the Yongxing Army, his subordinate Zhu Neng said that the Book of Heaven descended to Ganyou Mountain, "relying on the old hope and wanting to do the truth"[46], Kou Zhun wanted to re-enter the phase, "the damage to the festival has become a thing, and the matter has been ridiculed" [47]. It is said that at that time, "China and foreign people knew their deception"[48], but Zhenzong was happy to see the support of Kou Zhun, who was famous and anti-Tianshu, and summoned him to Que. Brigadier General Kou walked, and a protégé advised: "If the public goes to Heyang, it is the best policy to say that he insists on asking for external compensation." If you see it, you will be able to do the deceit of the book of heaven, and you can still be upright in your life, and you will be the second. At the bottom, it is re-entered into the middle book, which is the prime minister. [49] Kou Zhun was not unaware of the implications of each of these political choices, but he quickly made his own trade-off between his full name and his rise to power. The fact that those who "won the heart of the world" had to approach the center of power in a way that damaged their own reputation, which quite shows the weakness of the prestige factor in the political field in the early Northern Song Dynasty. First, prestige is in a completely weak position in the power field, and people with prominent reputations cannot get the corresponding public opinion support, let alone political status; second, scholars have not yet developed a sense of prestige within themselves, and the weak concept of prestige leads to their tendency to "make a profit" in the face of political choices. The Song people were always too relieved to "die in calamity, cover themselves"[50], and Kou Zhun brought disaster to himself in his later years, which was actually the tragedy of a famous person in that "far name" era.

Liu Kai, an ancient writer who was active from the Taizong Dynasty to the early years of Zhenzong, also "liked to be famous in the times"[51]. Liu Kaiping regarded himself as a Taoist leader in his life, and his disciple Zhang Jing said that he was "famous in the world as a great Confucian, and scholars took the public as a yarrow turtle, and he was famous for his public care" [52]. However, there are many elements of exaggeration in Zhang's words. Liu Kai's writing language is clumsy, and he is also quite strange, he has exchanged literature for martial arts, and has worked in the border area for a long time. This kind of experience of his was difficult to arouse widespread recognition in the social context of the society at that time, which was endowed with poetry and admired literature and suppressed martial arts, and his successor Mu Wei still had the worry of learning from the ancients, "reciting the fame of the time and being wider than the rich"[53]. In fact, the self-recognized value of life by ancient writers such as Liu and Mu and their disciples was largely achieved in the process of actively alienating themselves from the mainstream or saying that they were anti-vulgar and self-reliant.

Another ancient writer at the same time as Liu Kai, Wang Yuyan, was obviously more hopeful in Shilin. Wang Yuyan preached the value of "near-fame", and he himself "carried down the world's hopes with his articles"[54], but this "hope of the world" failed to help him "take advantage of the time to become a prime minister"[55]. Throughout his life, the king was no more than a minister in the court, so he often lamented his own situation of having a way and no position: "Although the fallacious palm Sven has not been lost, if he wants to do my way, he has no right", "If he consciously has a literary and ancient way, he may not be a Tai Shengmin" [56]. In addition, he "dares to speak out when encountering things, likes characters or not, and takes it as his responsibility to bow down to the Tao", and writes books for literature and "involves more sarcasm", which is not tolerated by Taizong and vulgar, and is often reprimanded. [57] Therefore, Wang's literary name brought him not only glory, but also the melancholy of slander and jealousy, and he tasted his confession: "There are many people who are not famous in vain, and there are many people who are jealous of talent; [58] Wang Yuyan deliberately uses the derogatory "false name" here, which is actually an expression of self-deprecation and helplessness. When he was demoted to Huangzhou in his later years, he also had the saying that "if you are higher than others, people will be jealous, and if your name comes from the public, you will be ranked by the people"[59], which shows that although Wang has no position to do the way, he really feels the pressure brought by fame in the chaotic public opinion field.

Yang Yi, who was a generation later than Wang Yuyan and was mainly active in the literary circles of the Zhenzong Dynasty, was also "good at the world with his dictionaries, and was the sect of the times"[60]. He is also "Geng Jie's frankness, Dun Shang is famous", the evaluation of good and evil characters is clear, and "likes to induce the backwards, and there are many people who rely on them to become famous". [61] It can be said that although Wang Yuyan and Yang Yi are sometimes ancient in the focus of their writing, their literary names and temperaments are quite similar, and they are both straightforward and well-known Wenzong. And Yang Yi was in the late period of the Zhenzong Dynasty when the political situation was severe, and the dilemma of this literary attendant was even worse than that of Wang Yuyan. At that time, Wang Qinruo suddenly saw that he was reused, and because he was despised by Yang Yi, he "repeatedly decided to lose". Chen Pengnian "sold in literature and history", "avoided hundreds of millions of names", and also "destroyed each other". Those scribes who were belittled by Yang Yi were also "retreating and complaining". [62] Under the influence of political enemies, the Xikun style initiated by Yang Yi was first admonished by Zhenzong for satirizing the emperor, and then he was suspected by Zhenzong of the matter of brazenly publicizing the edict on behalf of the monarch, and his "kindness gradually declined"[63]. In order to avoid slander, Yang Yi pretended to flee to Xuzhou, and later wrote "Jun Ke Sifu" to describe himself, "Don't be discreet in your ambition, and your words are well-founded." If you don't work hard and do good, how can you promote yourself and harm your energy! Every dry kiss and hesitation, repeatedly caress the heart and camp. …… How can you hope for the retribution of the husband and the city? How can you love the name of painting cakes, the simplicity of the people's livelihood, and hope for the traces of the past. I can't think of anything, and I am greedy for heavenly merit"[64], and in order to clarify the facts, I had to suppress my own sexual rigidity and fame. Fan Zhongyan lamented that Yang Yi "is a talent in the world, and his position is not sufficient, so the world knows the public's writings, but does not know his way"[65], pointing out that his power and literary talents do not match.

The words and deeds of Li Xin, Wang Dan, Ding Wei, Kou Zhun, Liu Kai, Wang Yuyan, and Yang Yi, the seven elite scholars and doctors in the early Northern Song Dynasty, in terms of prestige, represent the typical attitudes of different types of scholars and doctors in the face of prestige and its influence at that time. Generally speaking, the consciousness of "distant names" has always been an important part of the mainstream political culture in the early Northern Song Dynasty, and the concept of the full names of scholars and doctors is generally indifferent. At the same time, prestige can neither be effectively translated into the capital of the power world, nor can it be translated into actual support for the power of public opinion. In addition, the words and deeds of Kou Zhun, Liu Kai, Wang Yuyan, and Yang Yi show that the scholars of the Song Dynasty began to attach importance to and pursue prestige. Kou Zhun is responsible for the peace at home and abroad, and Wang Yuyan and Yang Yi are discredited in the field of public opinion, which has already reflected the pressure of prestige on individuals. However, the consciousness of the scholar's view of the name and festival, as well as the independence and maturity of the prestige system mastered by the scholar, will have to wait until the next generation.

3. The logic and basis of Song Renzong and Lao Chengshi's anti-"near-famous" work

The Renzong Dynasty was a critical period in which the concept of prestige of the Northern Song Dynasty scholars and doctors underwent a qualitative change, and it was also an era in which the dominance of the consciousness of "Yuanming" reached its peak. Renzong and Lao Chengshi were both inheritors and defenders of the ideology of the early Northern Song Dynasty, and "Yuanming" was naturally unanimously recognized by them. Like Taizong, Renzong thought that Tang Taizong was "like a good name", and this move was praised by his subordinates as "still virtuous and simple". [66] He also paid special attention to the scholars, "because of their deeds, they are responsible for their reputation"[67], and once issued Zhenzong's "Seven Articles of Civil and Military Affairs" to admonish his subordinates. [68] Therefore, Renzong was quite displeased with the fact that officials "vain their own fame and take risks to favor them"[69], and also disgusted the Taiwanese admonitions for "slandering ministers and exalting the monarch in order to catch a false name"[70], emphasizing that words and deeds "are practical and practical, and nothing is wrong with words"[71]. Renzong not only followed his father's style of re-enforcing the truth and rejecting false names, but he also often set an example and warned scholars not to "get close to their names", and this kind of far-reaching "performance" almost ran through his career as a Thai semi-emperor:

(December of the second year of the Ming Dynasty, 1033) Bingshen, the so-called assistant minister said: "Every time you retreat from the court, you must listen to it in person." Lu Yi simply said: "If all the little things are to be listened to, I am afraid that it will not be so to support the holy gods." He said: "I inherit the entrustment of the first emperor, and I dare to be self-conscious!" and said: "I don't want to be beautiful in my daily meal, and my clothes are mostly made of silk, and the palace people may think they are laughing." When the officials eat, there are insects in the eating utensils, and I don't say anything, and I am afraid of crime and the division. Yi Jian said: "Your Majesty's filial piety is to serve first, and the good is to the future, although the ancient Shengde, why add this." Shang said: "This couple and Qing said that they don't want to be heard about outside, and they are close to their names." ”[72]

(August of the first year of Qingli, 1041) Jiashen, sent officials to sue Zongmiao. On the same day, the assistant minister said: "Yesterday built a small hall forbidden, and there is no intention of the division, too luxurious, but do not want to destroy its success, now the great Xiangguo Temple to build the temple to hide the imperial book of Taizong, the temple can be relocated." "Because of the words, I mostly use yellow cloth as a mattress. Lu Yijian said: "Your Majesty is filial piety to the first, thrifty to the lead, although the virtue of the saint, who is more than this!" said: "Even with the Qing and others to talk about it, not to hear about it, afraid of its close fame." ”[73]

In the third year of the Qing calendar (1043), there was a drought in May, and it rained at night in Dinghai. Wuzi, Prime Minister Zhang Dexiang waited for the congratulation, and said: "Last night, I suddenly heard a slight thunder, because of it, I stood in the court, and looked up to the sky to worship a hundred times. When the rain arrives, I and my royal clothes are wet, and I dare not avoid it, and I dare to move the rain, and then thank you and dare to ascend. He said: "If you are not your majesty's sincerity, how can you move the heavens and the earth!" and said: "It is better to spend the night carefully and secretly pray for the good ears than to slander oneself and avoid sleeping and withdrawing from food, and I am afraid that it is close to worshipping false names." ”[74]

(June 1048, 8th year of the Qing calendar) Renchen, the emperor's assistant minister said: "Spring and summer long rain, I eat vegetables every day, and I pray to God all night." The prostitution has not stopped, and when he goes to eat and sip water, he hopes to move the disaster and bow down. However, I don't want to make it known to outsiders, and I think it is close to my name. Zaichen Wen Yanbo said: "Today's scenery is clear, and the sense of sainthood is also clear." ”[75]

Renzong repeatedly showed off to his ministers that he had the qualities of a diligent government, frugality, and concern for the people, and did not forget to attach restrictions on the spread of foreign news and careful secret prayers, deliberately highlighting his sublime style. [76] This Renzong's unique "everything publicity" is nothing more than a tortuous habit of repeating the ancestor's distant name in order to become virtuous, and the other is also a lasting demonstration effect through the interaction between the monarch and the minister and the possible external propaganda of the minister, repeatedly exhorting the scholar to be a practical and far-reaching person. Renzong's dislike of "near-names" makes "near-names" a highly generalized political stigma. And the ministers who cooperated with Renzong, Lu Yijian, Zhang Dexiang, Wen Yanbo, and the old Chengshi doctors, were the confidants of the monarch in the point of "distant name". They (and of course Renzong) had reached a consensus on their expectations for the role of "famous ministers", mainly due to the political and cultural traditions shaped by the monarchs since the early Song Dynasty. In their creed, reverence for one's name is a necessary code of conduct.

For example, Lu Yi simply discusses things "tactfully and uprightly, argues and judges, is easy to follow, does not worship empty language to do superficial reputation", and is "not famous, not hardworking, dare to let the world's grievances, dare not have the world's virtues". [77] Wang once obeyed Wang Dan's words that "the employment of people must first be realistic"[78]. It "swept the world with a heavy weight, especially suppressed the race", so that "the scholars and doctors at that time were self-nourishing with obscurity" [79]. Zhang Dexiang is a person who is "humble, unpretentious, not self-defeating, and enterprising", "eight years of auxiliary government, and the constitution is clear." Above its Jiayou, there is a division for the merits, and the fame and fame are not taken. Therefore, the critic is virtuous, but he cannot say that he is virtuous." [80] Chen Zhizhong "inherited the world's capital, self-evident, at the beginning did not rely on the party to attract the importance of the name of the high, upright and maverick, clear and not complicated, such as a thousand walls, high leaning on the sky." Stay at the top of the matter, be honest and unfettered, do not violate the way to interfere with reputation, and do not show affection in order to get the whole picture", "grasp the big handle, cut off the national theory, and make no attempt to omit anything when making any advances, and there are things that are done by the world." If you are good, you will be the king, and you will only return to yourself. Monopoly and far-reaching, anonymous traces". [81] Gao Ruosu "resides in the constitution, is a professional and discriminate, does not stir up careful criticism, and wants to be false", "sex is mediated, neutral and non-party, but the way is faith, and not the world's reputation is a gain or loss"[82]. Ding Du "is not welcome, not aggressive. Don't seek profit, don't take fame. I am the only one who is what he says"[83]. Zhang Fangping "does not like to be famous, so he has not tried to be decorated, and he is as slanderous as he is", and he is also "not good at getting along with the party" and "not happy with rights." [84] Song Zhen "is a person who is honest and fearful, and has a law for progress." That is, if there is a question from above, it must be corrected according to the experience, and it will not be tried to say anything to others. Occasionally, they may lead to the doctor, but they are afraid that they will hear about it, and they will not dare to plunder the grace." [85] Wen Yanbo wrote the "Motto Chronicles", which quoted the scriptures and history, and ridiculed the world's people for "not getting the image of their learning, that is, they pretend to exaggerate their foolishness; when they are young, they are good at what they do, and they are worried about the time when they don't know it, and they will want to go to their homes and know their homes". [86]

The unifying stance of the old Chengshi doctor towards prestige and public opinion is to help the "distant name" occupy an important position in the mainstream political culture of the Renzong Dynasty. The old adult doctor generally regards the "distant name" as the principle of eunuchs pursued for life: words and deeds can not provoke the near name, friends and travelers cannot form a party to invite fame, and when the big man should not take the name, and the recommendation should not be used for public and private purposes to seek fame. It can be seen how sophisticated and self-consistent the concept of "old success" has reached with "Yuanming" as the center. In addition to the need to lead by example, there is another key reason, that is, the principle of "distant name" was questioned and despised like never before at that time, and it was no longer enough to exist as a self-evident norm of conduct. Therefore, they speak out with a sense of crisis in the midst of political and cultural conflicts and changes, and the high-pitched voice of their voices shows the anxiety of their hearts.

The challenger to the principle of "distant name" is none other than Dr. Qinglishi. As the most controversial and staunch good name of the Renzong era, the "name" is no longer an obscure and negative thing for the Qingli scholars, but constitutes the most significant quality of the scholars' public and private lives. The Qingli scholars have inherited and carried forward the traditional Confucian concept of prestige, and the "name" they seek is not only a reputation in space, but also a permanent attribute in time. Fan Zhongyan made no secret of his fanciful personality of "young love for fame"[87], and his concept of fame combined "the heart of benefiting the world" and "the ambition of the eternal"[88], with almost infinite boundaries of time and space. This self-expectation that "fame can be immortal"[89] is also very strong among Fan Zhongyan's colleagues. Su Shunqin called himself "a young man who likes to read, writes and researches, and is ashamed of being ignorant when he is a little older." It is said that the reason why people are human beings is also words. Whoever speaks will return to morality. "Tao and righteousness are only in things, and they are immortal"[90], which not only roots articles and political affairs in Tao, but also sets immortal expectations. When Cai Xiang congratulated Ouyang Xuan and other Qingli three admonitions on taking office, he also exhorted him with the words that everything will be dusted and his fame will last forever[91]. Yin Zhu said: "I look at people's feelings, and I can't help but show glory and insult for poverty." However, on the day of death, there was no difference between the baht and the two. The book of good and evil alone, although its people are not there, its name still exists, and it will be regarded as its size and size, and it will be near and far from the world. Therefore, the gentleman ignores the other and forgets about it. [92] He believed that the honor and disgrace of life were temporary, and that the names of good and evil were far from long-lasting, and it was natural to conclude that the gentleman forgot about it. Ouyang Yu also realized that "since ancient times, all sages have been immortal, but if the name is immortal, it will last forever"[93], and once wrote a poem: "In a lifetime, there is no hundred years. Infinity comes after it, and eternity comes before it. It's too long, it's too short. But he is immortal, and his reputation is literary. [94] Therefore, he firmly believed that although his friends Shi Jie and Su Shunqin had a rough life, their articles would be "inextinguishable"[95], so he did not need to care about the short-term gains and losses in life. And it was precisely the desire for "immortality" that plunged Ou himself into a long state of anxiety for the rest of his life[96]. The pursuit of immortality beyond the name of the world not only gave the doctors of the Qingli Scholars self-confidence, but also prompted them to attach great importance to the management of their own prestige.

In the field of power, the Qingli scholars adopted a behavior pattern that was completely different from that of the old Chengshi doctors and far exceeded the expectations of traditional political culture, and they always regarded them as "morality", "faithfulness", "honor", "mutual benefit", and "one heart and mutual assistance"[97], and when they were not in their position, they were "alarmist, and they made clear the rules and benefits"[98], and in their positions, they "wanted to reform all things and do everything to achieve discipline"[99]. Prestige forms the basis of their personal self-esteem and resonance with each other, and is a central concept of the new ideology they have created. In the eyes of the old doctor, these new students almost stand on the opposite side of the traditional prestige concept in a high-profile manner, and everything they do is a passionate and famous move. Therefore, in the Renzong Dynasty, most of the criticisms based on "close names" issued by the monarch and the old Chengshi doctor fell on the Qingli Shi doctor. The edicts issued by the Song court against the "evil deeds" of the Qingli scholars often included reprimands such as "selling reputations"[100]. Fan Zhongyan's "Last Table" and Ouyang Xuan's "Sacrificial Seniority Fan Official Document" also mention "slanderers" and slander Fan's "close name". [101] Another example is that Shi Jie was denounced by Zhang Fangping as a "crazy thief"[102], and he himself discovered: "Jie is crazy and good at talking nonsense, and there is a person who does not listen to it, but has to sell his reputation and be aggressive." [103] Fu Bi was picketed in Beijing and was warned by the government to "do nothing", but Fu still insisted on his opinion. [104] It can be seen that Renzong and Lao Chengshi have been working together to suppress this rising trend of "near-famousness".

Observing a series of stigma carried by Dr. Qingli in the field of prestige: "Temptation", "Trickery", "Aggressiveness", "Impatience", "Fame Fishing", "Good Names and Happy Events", "Attachment and Separation of Fans", and "Betrayal of the Father"[105], it is not difficult to find that the "near name" is closely related to the outspokenness, friendship, and reform issues of the Renzong era, which affect the whole body, and at the same time, we can clearly see the long-term determination of Renzong and the old Chengshi doctor to advocate for reality. In their view, the near-famous are essentially a group of people who rush to compete, often disregard their words and deeds, do not live up to their name, abandon their roots to the end, favor and abolish the public, and the party is the same as the other.

Therefore, Renzong and Lao Chengshi decided that the people who are close to the name are undoubtedly extremely demagogic and destructive in the world of power, and the harm of these people lies not only in their own moral mismatch, but also in their hypocritical speculation to confuse the boundary between good and evil, to disturb the political rules of "officials have ranks" with their desire for power to seek advancement, and to corrupt the honest and simple morale cultivated since the early Song Dynasty with a flashy and frivolous style. If the prestige system is allowed to continue to expand in Shilin, it will inevitably threaten and even subvert the power hierarchy centered on the imperial power.

It is undeniable that the logic of Renzong and Lao Chengshi's rejection of "close names" is reasonable, which is a lesson they have learned from history and the stories of their ancestors from their own political experience. Song Taizong once complained that the officials in high positions did not pay lip service: "The people in power, when they are not employed, are all in charge and happy to allow themselves, that is, they get the position, but they are competing for silence, and they have not been for me." [106] Renzong also saw that "in the modern world, when the scholars and doctors have not arrived, they are good at pointing to current affairs, but they are not being used"[107], and this phenomenon of "making progress with words" is constantly staged in the world of power, which greatly erodes the credibility of those who speak and do things, especially those who admonish them, and even produces notorieties such as "selling their names directly"[108]. Jia Changchao also found that "the people of the time were arrogant, cheeky, and arrogant, and they were out of the rope inspection, and they often had nothing to gain from their deeds." In the end, "those who get it with their lofty intentions will accumulate and accumulate wrongs, that is, they will become a disaster and fail", so the ridicule of "selling excitement" has a reason for it. [109] Another example is that Wang Zeng belonged to the important members of the old Chengshi doctor who appreciated the "Fan Party", and he commented on the dispute between Jing Youfan and Lü: "It has always been like Gao Rune's generation is mostly profit-oriented, and Fan Xiwen is also famous. It must be purely intended for Taiwan. [110] "Choosing profit" is a constant disadvantage of the famous, and Fan Zhongyan was recognized by Wang Zeng as a close name mixed with selfishness, and the reason is worth pondering.

And the encroachment of the imperial power on the imperial power is not only a warning from medieval history to future generations. In fact, Zhang Fangping once said that he witnessed the process of the continuation of the authority of the imperial court in the Renzong Dynasty. He recounted that since the fourth year of Jingyou (1037) Wang Zeng and Lu Yijian went to the prime minister, and the "light and sharp people" were slightly used, "gradually becoming a strange theory, in order to shake the imperial court, and the imperial court was often shaken by it", so "people with good names and happy events" were rampant in the court, among which Fan Wei, Kong Daofu, and Fan Zhongyan "took their talents as the first", and on the occasion of Qingli, Ouyang Xuan, Yu Jing, Cai Xiang, Sun Wei, etc., with the support of Zai Zhi Yanshu and Fu Bi, "and served as officials", "so they privately said that they were victorious, and the court was light", and they did not return to the former Zhenzong Dynasty The dignity of the court, the world privately says that it can't be done". [111]

For example, the "General Record" of the "Book of the Yuan Turtle" written by Zhenzong Dynasty set up a special "false name" door, counting the examples of the vanity and corruption of the literati and celebrities of the previous generation, and its preface concluded: "The husband's name is floating in action, the reputation is exaggerated, the ancestors are ashamed, and the villains are arguing. Cover by impure virtue, decorate its deceit, as an axe algae, words and leaves, fornication in the world, sleep to become a wind. The big one is high, and the sun is floating, and the second is reserved for his own use, and he is in vain. There are many strange things, but what is the truth is there? Or mishear and advance, or follow the authority and appoint, and get a lot of help, and ultimately fail. [112] This shows that the rulers of the early Northern Song Dynasty focused on shaping a "realistic" rather than "grotesque" officialdom and were determined to solve this chronic problem that had existed since the formation of the bureaucracy.

However, when the concept of anti-proximity was solidified as part of the official ideology of the early and middle Northern Song Dynasty, its blind overcorrection and prevention of malpractices gave rise to new problems. Especially in the Renzong era, Dr. Gyeongli strongly felt the suspicion and shackles from the official, which was the direct reason why they started the debate of "close names".

Fourth, the "near-name" praise movement of Dr. Qinglishi

In the face of the menacing criticism, Dr. Qingli urgently needs to defend his words and deeds. Like the "Friends Theory", Dr. Qingli never avoided and denied the ridicule of Renzong and Lao Chengshi's "good name", on the contrary, they relayed and launched a campaign to praise the "near name", challenging the official ideology through controversy, justifying their own name move, and then reinterpreting the connotation and value of "name", and removing the stigma attached to the "near name".

In fact, the Song Dynasty scholars' positive interpretation of "name" began with Wang Yuyan's "Answer to Ding Prescript". However, the influence of one of the "Answers to Ding Weishu" is relatively limited, and the second discussion is also slightly brief, which cannot form an effective impact on ideology, and even Wang Yuyan's remarks are not taken by Ding Wei at all. In short, it is not until the generation of Dr. Qingli rises in the political arena that the positive value of "fame" can be comprehensively and deeply determined.

The following will be a close reading of Fan Zhongyan's Shangzhi Yan Shilangshu (1030) and Treatise on Near-Names (1036), Ouyang Xuan's Treatise on the Essence (1042), Tian Guo's On Good Names (1043), Fan Zhongyan's Essays on the Provincial Lord Ye Neihan (1049), Bao Zheng's Seven Matters on the Important Affairs of Shangrenzong (1051), and Ouyang Zhen's Treatise on Bao Zheng's Removal of the Three Envoys (1059) and Pu Yi (1068) The Praise Movement, and elucidate the transformation of scholars' concept of prestige in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty.

The early period of the Renzong Dynasty was the initial stage of the creation of a new type of "near-name theory" for the Gyeongli scholars, and this task was mainly completed by the seer Fan Zhongyan among them in two polemics. The first round was with Yan Shu. In the fifth year of Tiansheng (1027), Yan Shu came out of the Tianfu and invited Fan Zhongyan to take charge of the school. During Fan's tenure of teaching, he wrote thousands of words to the government, and the prime minister Wang Zeng saw it and instructed Yan Shu to recommend Fan as a library position. On the winter solstice of the seventh year of Tiansheng (1029), Renzong led hundreds of officials to the birthday of Empress Dowager Liu, and Fan Zhongyan strongly opposed it, slipped in, and did not report it. When Yan Shu heard the news, he interrogated Fan face to face: "How can you worry about the people of the country! It is easy to be reckless, but it is not a burden for the lifter!"[113] Fan retreated to himself, believing that he had committed Yan Jin's advice precisely to repay the favor of the Lord, but he was unintentionally convicted of loyalty, so he wrote to Yan Shu to discuss the legitimacy and necessity of "curiosity and fame". The second round is with Lu Yijian. In the third year of Jing Yu (1036), Fan Zhongyan discussed the relocation of the capital to Luoyang, and Renzong inquired about the minister Lü Yijian, and Lü commented that "Zhongyan is broad and broad, and the name is not substantial." [114] When Fan heard about this, he set up four treatises, namely "The Emperor's Good Style", "Selecting the Virtuous and Appointing the Talents", "Near Names", and "Pushing the Committee", among which the "Treatise on Near Names" systematically expounded the positive value of "near names" on the basis of the "Shangzi Yan Shilang Shu". Let's look at Fan's two self-defenses:

If a certain curiosity is too much, then Yi Yin is in charge of Ding, Taigong is straightforward, Zhong Ni is a dwarf to respect Lu, Yi Wu is tied up and domineering, Yi Xiang is like a strong neighbor, Ge Liang invites the master to the disadvantages, Chen Tang is controlled and broken in the big one, the ancestors swear to the river and conquer the Central Plains, Fang Qiao cane is in the military gate, Yao Chong's arm is in Weishang, the previous generation of the saint is not unusual, and a certain trouble has not yet arrived. If a certain name is used as an invitation, then the saint will worship the name and teach and the world will begin to persuade him. Zhuang Suyun "has no name for goodness" is the Taoist saying of self-perfection, and the meaning of those who rule the world is the same! If the famous religion is not worshipped, then the so-called Shun is not enough to be admired by the people and the monarch, and the so-called eight yuan is not enough to be respected, and the four evils are not enough to be ashamed, and there are good people in the world! If people do not love their names, then the rights of saints will be gone. It is said that "standing up and making a name for oneself", "not being good is enough, not enough to become famous", and "being ashamed of the world and not being famous", and "honoring oneself as a treasure". Yes, the way of enlightenment does not precede the name, and the three ancient saints do not try not to be famous! [115]

"Lao Tzu" said that "the name and the body are relatives", saying that people know that they love their names, but they are not as good as their relatives. "Zhuangzi" said that "there is no name for goodness", and people will be jealous of it, not the way of the whole body. This is a Taoist training, so that people are thin and their names are preserved. The disciples of the people can be added to the non-lords, the rewards can be moved, and the pigs can be used by the state! My ancestors took the name as the teaching, so that the world could persuade itself. Tang Jiewang, King Wen buried dry bones, and the marquis of the world heard about it and returned. It is three generations of people who have been valued by their names. Taigong directly invited King Wen, Yi and Qi died of hunger in Xishan, and Zhong Ni hired seventy countries to seek the way, which is the holy and the like is not involved in fame. Confucius wrote "Spring and Autumn", that is, the book of famous teachings. The good will praise it, and the bad will belittle it, so that the kings and ministers of later generations will love to be famous and persuaded, and they will be cautious in fear of bad names. The master said, "The disease is not famous in the world." "Yi" said: "Good is not enough, not enough to become famous." ”…… King Wu Keshang, the door of the style of business, the prisoner of the release of the basket, the tomb of Feng Bigan, is the saint Dun Prize Famous Teaching, in order to excite the world. If you take the words of the Taoists, if you don't make a name for yourself, then you will have loyal ministers and martyrs for the use of the country![116]

Fan Zhongyan's two self-defense speech strategies are generally the same, both of which jump out of the framework of the argument preset by the old Chengshi doctor, and focus on completing the positive and negative transformation of "proximity" by dissecting the ideological resources behind "famous", and then reconstruct the theoretical basis of positive pronymous theory. Fan did not directly deny the theory of negative prominence, but pointed out that it comes from Lao Zhuang's theory, which is only limited to existence, and is difficult or even hindered by transitivity. Then, by interspersing the deeds of the good names of the sages and the aphorisms of the Confucian renaughty, he expounded that prestige has the effect of persuading the good and the evil, and emphasized that the sages should set an example. It can be seen that Fan Zhongyan's political thought is based on the worship of Confucianism and the suppression of Buddhism, and has developed a dualistic world view since the Middle Ages. [117]

It is also worth noting that in the course of his discourse, Fan Zhongyan specifically used the term "famous religion" to refer to the social function of prestige, which is slightly different from the traditional sense of "famous religion" based on the ethics of the general principle (i.e., name) [118]. In fact, the "name" of fame and the "name" of fame are derived from the pre-Qin debate of name and fact, and in essence, they both belong to the category of symbols relative to entities, and they have similarities in both concept and practice. In the late Han Dynasty, the politics of famous religion was the most famous[119], which is a clear example of the inseparability of "famous festivals" and "famous religions". Before Fan, there were many scholars who used the ambiguity of "name" to defend "near name". For example, "Gan's Family Motto: Famous Facts" opposes the uselessness of the fame of the people of the time to question "the saint thinks that the famous religion" is used, and proposes that the saint's move is intended to "persuade him to establish a name, and then he will be realized". [120] The pros and cons here both tacitly imply that "famous teaching" means "teaching with a reputation". Another example is Wang Yuyan's assertion that "if you cultivate oneself, you will be famous, and if you practice oneself, you will be famous"[121], and that the generalized "name" runs through individual ethics and social order. Fan Zhongyan's theory of famous teachings is on the extension line of Yan and Wang's theory.

Of course, Fan Zhongyan's self-defense is not purely self-conscious, and he focuses on responding to the criticism of Yan Shu and Lu Yijian in the latter part of "The Theory of Near Names". Yan Shu accused Fan Zhongyan of hypocrisy, and Lu Yijian attacked Fan for his inflated ability, which were the main negative impressions left by the famous people on the old Chengshi doctor. Fan admits that "for the sake of goodness and fame" has the possibility of being pretentious, and he draws on Mencius's historical view of strictly distinguishing between saints, kings and overlords, pointing out that even if it is "a person who seeks fame with false loyalty and filial piety", although it is not as good as "those who are loyal and filial to their nature" and "those who practice loyalty and filial piety", after all, the bottom line is still there, and it is far better than "those who no longer love their names" who "are simple and virtuous, rebel against morality, kill their fathers and rebel against the king, and only want to obey". In this sense, "name" provides an external restraint mechanism for the world in addition to the "criminal law". [122]

In the two debates, Fan Zhongyan specifically expounded how "fame" can become a positive factor in "exhorting the world." This new concept of prestige is also the consensus of the Qingli scholars, and constitutes the starting point of the entire "near-name" praise movement. After proposing the theory of positive proximity, Dr. Keireshi was not satisfied with sitting and arguing, but always tried to criticize and reform politics in this way. Soon, at the time of the country's internal and external difficulties and the growing importance of the concept of "handsome", the opportunity for them to get up and do it came. At this stage, the representative texts of the "near-name" praise movement include Ouyang Xuan's "On the Treatise" and Tian Kuang's "On Good Famous Performances", which jointly demonstrated the effectiveness of the positive near-name theory. The former was mainly aimed at scholars, while the latter was directed at the monarch.

In the second year of Qingli (1042), Ouyang Xuan wrote three articles of the "Treatise", which focused on the main problems existing in the political and ideological fields at that time, and gave solutions respectively. His "On the Essence" pointed out that it was the lack of "wealth" (finance), "soldier" (military), "law" (system), "xian" (talent), and "name" (prestige) that caused the Song Dynasty to "have more and more teeth, more and more land production, and more and more urgent public use. [123] Among the above five, Ouyang Yu believes that "name" occupies the most fundamental position:

The husband's financial resources are known and he is insufficient, and the number is indefinite. Those who dare to fight will not be able to use it. In this way, the system is not established. The husband and the soldier are in charge, and the legal system is not the same, and there is no one who forgets to promise the country, so that he knows that no one else can do it. Those who do not appoint others are not nobody. He may have known that in the good name of the evil people of the time, he hid his animals and harvested them, and did not dare to reveal them, for fear that he would be disgusted by the people of the time. It is because everyone becomes foolish, the fool is not responsible, and the fool is sick, so that the affairs of the world will be relaxed, and no one dares to do anything. This unnamed disadvantage is also the biggest trouble in the world. Therefore, it is said that all five are abolished. [124]

Ouyang Yu traced back from "wealth" and "soldiers" to "system" to "people" to "fame", and concluded that "the disadvantages of not being famous" are the "biggest trouble in the world" that triggers the chain reaction of "all five are abolished". The stigmatization of "close names" for a long time makes the sages dare not work hard because of their concerns, which in turn leads to the absurd situation of scholars "turning the virtuous into foolish". Ouyang's views stem not only from his insight into history and reality, but also from his personal experience of eunuchs.

Since the beginning of the Song Dynasty, the official ideology of pragmatism and abstinence has greatly weakened the social function of prestige and persuasion of good and frustration, which objectively has indeed promoted the endogenous inertia of the bureaucracy, suppressed the initiative and enterprising spirit of officials, and promoted a political atmosphere that is more conservative and can even be said to be conformist. Scholars generally "take slander as wisdom"[125], pursue negative "non-destruction" rather than positive "reputation", advocate not doing something, and avoid causing trouble. In particular, Renzong and Lao Chengshi equated positive fame with Gu and agitation, which effectively screened and knocked out many hypocritical speculators, but they also suspected and excluded Confucian idealists such as Qingli Shi Dafu, and rejected high-minded political criticism and reform programs, which eventually led to the division of the power world and the relaxation of political affairs in the early period of Renzong's dynasty.

The inherent flaws of the "Yuanming" policy were exposed in the political crises of Baoyuan and Qingli. So after Ouyang Yu, Cai Xiang repeatedly criticized the stigmatization of "close names". In March of the third year of Qingli (1043), Cai Xiang saw that Renzong personally selected Wang Su, Yu Jing, and Ouyang Xuan to prepare additional officials, and specially reminded Renzong that "it is not difficult to let advice, but it is difficult to listen to advice; [126] Cai Xiang's book was really sent by feeling. After he took office as an advisor, he immediately pointed out that when the old prime minister Lu Yijian was in power, "when he saw those who were self-reliant for the sake of good people, they all wanted to be rich and noble in the name of good and dirty", and "good people were ashamed of this, and often retreated to avoid the destruction of the good name", so that in the past 20 years, "everyone is not willing to be honest and honest, and there is no shame in the shallow and deep in the evil." Cao Xiugu, Duan Shaolian, Kong Daofu, Yang Kai, Sun Wei, Fan Zhongyan, Yu Jing, Yin Zhu, Ouyang Xuan and other direct ministers of Renzong since his accession to the throne were among the defiled. [127] Cai writes in a rather sharp tone about the serious consequences of the loss of prestige in officialdom. In particular, his distinction and depiction of the mediocre "shallow" and shameless "deep" can be said to be pertinent.

In view of this, Ouyang Yu devised a political reform plan of "equalizing wealth and saving soldiers, legislating to control them, appointing virtuous people to abide by the law, and respecting the name to be virtuous"[128]. He emphasized the importance of honoring prestige, and called on the imperial court to completely praise the "proximity" in the evaluation mechanism of officials, and reactivate the social function of prestige, so as to encourage the sages to take the responsibility of correcting malpractices and creating a good political and public opinion environment for them to promote promising policies. At the end of the text, he expects Renzong to "work hard to show off his reputation, just like Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty and Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty"[129]. Tang Taizong, the "good name" that Renzong never liked, was impressive. Subsequently, Ouyang Xuan "took responsibility for his own words and responsibilities and had no scruples" [130] in his appointment as an official, and devoted himself to "making upright people and scholars work with peace of mind and avoid slander"[131], which was largely due to the consideration of "respecting the name and being virtuous".

The "honorific name" of the power of the European sun reflects the demand for political change that arose in the Shilin at the time of the lunar calendar. In the third year of the Qing calendar (1043), with the support of Renzong, the Qing calendar New Deal led by Fan Zhongyan was fully opened, and the praise and disparage of the concept of "near name" was directly related to whether or not the political reform was carried out. Tian Qian once went to the temple to give a recital, and discussed the political system with Renzong, who "regarded a good name as wrong, and intended to abide by the old ways"[132], and his will to change became more and more deteriorating. Seeing this, Tian Wei retreated to write "On Good Famous Performances":

The famous person is born from the truth, not in vain but from the good. Yao, Shun, and the kings of the three generations are not good names, and Honglie Hude is like the sun and the moon, and those who can't be obscure have real beauty. If we are modest and self-controlled, and do not do things to restore our wisdom and wisdom, then our reputation will be obscure, and although we want to be good, how can we get it? The imperial court intimidated the people to kill and plunder, and did their best to prepare for the capital, but they were not immune to the fear of invasion. Therefore, Qu is talking about peace, which is the art of taking away the sword. Since the non-monarchs and ministers are angry day and night, and there is a lot to do to curb the future, the more worrying it is. If Your Majesty is afraid of a good name and does not do it, it is not what the ministers dare to know. Your Majesty is known for being brave and wise if he is diligent and resolute and clear-sighted; if he gives orders and deters adultery, he has the name of being a martial artist; if he rejects extravagance and reforms customs, he has the name of advocating frugality; if he is redundant and light-hearted, he has the name of wide love; if he is upright and flattering, he has the name of accepting advice; if he consults and is able to achieve obscurity, he has the name of being diligent in his administration; and if he is responsible for his merits and suppressing luck, he has the name of seeking cure. If you don't do it now, then what can the world hope for? Or do you hear that the way of the sages is called the famous teaching, and the discipline of loyalty is called the famous festival, and the ministers and Confucians respect the imperial court, and the discipline and the great foundation of the people. If Your Majesty does not, then the indoctrination will be weakened, the righteousness will be abolished, and the shameless people will strive to advance, and the persuasion of the frustrated will not work, how can the Holy King lead the way?[133]

Tian Guo focused on the relationship between name and reality: "name" is born from "reality", and at the same time, it will have a counter-effect on "reality". On this premise, he first argued that the generation of "fame" is a natural process that does not depend on people's subjective will, and the implication is to persuade Renzong to pay more attention to practice rather than worrying about "false fame". Then, Tian Guo revealed the disadvantages of the stigmatization of "recent names": Renzong was disgusted with the "good name", and then resisted his "reality", that is, "promising" politics, and was unwilling to fundamentally solve political problems, so he inevitably choked on food. This is similar to Ouyang Xuan's "honorific name". Not only that, but Tian also introduced the urgency of the grim situation that followed one after another with internal and external troubles to help reverse the stigma of prestige. He hoped that Renzong would cheer up from now on and gain the reputation of being wise, martial, thrifty, loving, admonishing, diligent and seeking governance, and living up to the expectations of the people of the world. Finally, Tian Guo put forward the consistent statement of Confucian "famous teaching" and "famous festival", reiterating the "persuasion" role of prestige. This is also comparable to Fan Zhongyan's positive pronymous theory. In short, Tian Guo's performance and Fan Zhongyan and Ouyang Xuan's words and help obviously constitute a mutually echoing relationship, which can be regarded as a concentrated expression of the positive pronymous theory at a critical moment.

From the Heavenly Sage to the Qingli, the Qingli Scholar has always paid attention to explaining and promoting the social function of prestige in the process of presiding over the praise of "near names". With their unremitting efforts, the theory of positive proximity was finally put into practice to a considerable extent during the Qingli New Deal, which constituted the conceptual background of the monarch and the minister. However, the famous names of Ouyang Xuan and Tian Guo did not have much attraction to Renzong. When the Song and Xia peace talks and the internal and external crises were resolved, Renzong soon embarked on the old road of "making good names", not only quickly stopped supporting the reformers and their new policies, but also issued an edict to reprimand them for "attaching themselves to the fans and forgetting to return" when the reformists were degraded abroad. more to help each other in order to sell their reputation" [134]. This marked a resurgence in the ideology of the Injong dynasty.

5. Reflections on the Theory of Positive Pronity

With the Qingli New Deal as a node, the "near-name" praise movement has entered a new stage of external and internal contraction. On the contrary, although the Qingli scholars had been in power for many years after their derogation, the new prestige they had constructed was increasingly recognized by Shilin, and their influence in the Song court was increasingly evident, and it was re-accepted by the government ten years later with the return of Qingli scholars. On the inward side, the reality of the blocked reform prompted Dr. Qingli to introvert attribution, re-examine his own and his colleagues' actions in the New Deal, and then carry out in-depth reflection on the theory of positive pronity.

During the reign of Emperor You, Bao Zheng's "Seven Matters of Shangrenzong's Important Affairs" and Fan Zhongyan's letter to Ye Qingchen showed the progress of the positive pro-nomenclature theory in the new stage. Let's start with the expansion of positive pronmatism in the public space. In the third year of the reign of Emperor You (1051), the Tianzhang Pavilion was to be systematized, and Bao Zheng of the Zhiyuan presented to Renzong the seven things of "today's important affairs", all of which were related to the political malpractices that had been highlighted "in recent years", and the third said:

When the ministers heard that the ministers were in charge of the government, and the talented people were disadvantaged, and if they had some development, they would be famous, or they would be agitated, and they would want to achieve it, so that the talented people would not dare to be self-effective, and even if they could ignore the taboos and criticize the affairs of Chen, they would be trapped in frustration and would be useless. And the name is also precious. Confucius said: "A gentleman is not worthy of his name." Jia Zi said: "The martyr is famous." "People don't care about their names, how can they be good? Although the husband and the masses are under the government, there are very few people who are interested in the urgency of the country. He can deal with the theory that he is worried about trying to repay and is trapped in his close name, so that the people with lofty ideals and benevolence will never be able to make progress, and his majesty's heart is also the sin of this sincere minister. His Majesty is willing to do it urgently regardless of his intentions, and not to seek progress with the idea of being famous, so that people can do their best. [135]

Bao Zheng observed that the theory of negative proximity has become a common excuse used by "ministers" to squeeze out "talented people", and once the positive suggestions are stigmatized by the "ministers" as "seeking advancement by being close to fame", "talented people" will not dare to do anything. Therefore, he proposed that Renzong should face up to the role of prestige, completely free the "people with lofty ideals" from the "theory of proximity", and fairly evaluate their opinions and implement them. It is not difficult to see that Bao Zheng has a deep resonance with Dr. Qingli in terms of prestige, and is a supporter of the positive pronity theory and a sympathizer on the side of Dr. Qinglishi. His shortcomings and suggestions are exactly the same as Ouyang Xuan's thinking about "the disadvantages of not being famous", and Ji Xuebao deliberately cut off Renzong and the "minister" so that the latter could bear all the "crimes". Bao Zheng's words undoubtedly expressed the hearts of a large number of scholars and doctors who have witnessed the political changes since the Qingli New Deal. [136] Therefore, although the Qingli scholars lived in the area for a long time, the political discourse initiated by them still often echoed in the temple. According to other historical records, Bao Zheng played in the academy, and the imperial court adopted it more, among which there was naturally this famous "Seven Things". It can be seen that the attitude of policymakers towards "proximity" at that time also softened.

Let's look at the ebb and flow of the positive proximity theory within Dr. Qinglishi. In the first year of Emperor You (1049), Ye Qingchen and Jia Changchao, the three ministers of power, had a dispute over the matter. [137] At about the same time, Ye Zhishu Fan Zhongyan discussed this matter, saying, "The heart of self-confidence is changed from the old." This gold stone is sincere, and it is worthy of the gods" [138]. In his reply, Fan first affirmed Ye's openness, and then changed his words, advising his old friend who was "talented and cheerful and daring to act in trouble"[139] to be patient:

However, the safety and survival of the country depend on its people. If the righteous are safe, the royal family will be long, and if the righteous are dangerous, the world will be worried. Therefore, the gentleman settles down and then moves, and changes his heart and then speaks. Therefore, the body is safe and the country can be protected, and the special is more generous than himself! Although he was clean and clean, he was not ignorant through the ages, but the evil and the good were fierce, and the disaster of the world was swiftened, and the Han family also died. Servants who think that those who are worried about the country should also be the ones who should be fervent. If the country survives, then there are those who die from the hair, and the one who is inferior to himself is the one who is wise and holy and benevolent, but the one who is virtuous and virtuous is the same as the one who is good and the world is lifelong. In the former, several gentlemen were inflamed, and the high council pointed out directly, not sympathetic to grievances, and reprimanded them one by one. Although he is confident in his heart, it is not enough to be ashamed, so that the Taishang will be loyal to those who say that my way is not credible, this is not important! Daoqing can not take this into account? It is advisable for him to share the worries of the country, and he has no professional reputation, and he forgets the greatness of the country, then the world is very fortunate![140]

Fan Zhongyan revealed to Ye Qingchen such a paradox about the honor: the name itself originated from and led to justice, but when the name festival itself became the object of the scholars' pursuit, it was likely to hinder the realization of justice. Fan classifies the name and honor into the category of private interests, and opposes the public interest of the state, and his attitude towards the name and honor is obviously mainly derogatory. This is almost the opposite of the positive synonymism advocated by him when he was younger, and it is tantamount to stepping into the negative synonymism that he once despised so much. The only difference is that Fan has set a lofty goal to be achieved compared to the old Chengshi doctor.

The drastic change in Fan Zhongyan's view of prestige is the result of his repeated review of the failures of the New Deal over the years. "Fan" has experienced the difficulties of being a governor [141], and thus profoundly realized that political reform is never carried out in a vacuum, and will inevitably involve extremely complex personnel relations and interest entanglements in reality. Therefore, Fan put forward the principle of establishing a dynasty where the gentleman's body is safe and the country can be protected, that is, the gentleman must first be humble in his words and deeds, be wise and protect himself, and maintain his relationship with the monarch, officials and even "villains" before he can expect to make a difference. In the letter, he pondered history and the past, and criticized the "Li Ying's disciples" and the "Qingli Four Admonitions" in the late Han Dynasty from a righteous standpoint, and pointed out that although they were "clean and pure" and "confident in their hearts", they either accelerated the demise of the Eastern Han Dynasty, or made the monarch no longer trust Confucianism and Taoism and gentlemen. In other words, the theory of positive pronimity has eliminated the self-interest and the preference for the country, but it has created a new oneself-preference over the country based on honor. The more jealous and hateful these men are, the more they will undermine justice.

Fan Zhongyan's reflection on the theory of positive prominence is undoubtedly very thorough. When the scholars chanted, "Loyalty and righteousness can serve the country, and honor can be honored"[142], the tension between "country" and "body" already exists. In his later years, Fan Zhongyan criticized the disadvantages of focusing on honor and forgetting his family and country, that is, he intended to straighten out the relationship between "country" and "body" under the theory of positive proximity. Fan's reflection and contrast reflect that after the failure of the New Deal, Dr. Qinglishi's political philosophy transitioned from pure idealism to realistic idealism. [143] And this transition laid the foundation for the prestige of the Qingli scholars in their later years. Han Qi has the most dignified personality among the sages of Qingli, he once commented on Yin Zhu and Fan Zhongyan, thinking that the former is "loyal and righteous, and does not care about himself", but he can only "set up a section", "test his life, it will inevitably end up in nothing", and the latter "After the body is safe, the country can be guaranteed, and the reason for the news is clear", and finally "achieve great things to help the world". [144] In Han Qi's eyes, Yoon-so and Fan Zhongyan represent two types of idealists. Yin "worked hard" for state affairs, which may be very suitable for the image of Dr. Qingli in the imagination of later generations. However, Han pointed out that judging from the results, Yin can only establish private festivals and cannot help the country. He prefers Fan to put his "body" before "the country", but in the end he can "help the world", that is, to suppress the current impulse to pursue justice in order to achieve a higher good. This is obviously a continuation of Fan Zhongyan's argument. Han Qi Lichao "does not tolerate villains, and does not distinguish between good and evil, black and white", "so villains are also less taboo", that is, he feels that "rich, fan, Ou, and Yin often want to divide the villains and villains, so the villains are jealous and resentful, and the friends also rise". [145]

Although other colleagues such as Ouyang Xuan did not take an extreme position like Fan Zhongyan, they also re-examined the theory of positive proximity from the perspective of how to win the trust of others, and also tried to correct the deviation. Ou's reflections were concentrated in the "Treatise on the Elimination of the Three Envoys of Bao Zheng" written in the fourth year of his reign (1059). This article can be said to be the culmination of Ouyang Xu's summary of the "near-name" praise movement and his supplementary exposition, which clearly shows the trend of the "near-name" praise movement outward and then inward.

At the time when Dr. Qingli returned to the dynasty to serve as the country's Jiayou and Zhiping, the theory of positive proximity was firmly accepted by the Song court and transformed into a principle of governance. The "near-name" praise campaign has been completed. Ouyang Xuan's "On the Elimination of the Three Envoys of Bao Zheng" described in detail the tortuous rise of the concept of "handsomeness" since the Qingli New Deal, including the theory of positive proximity[146]. He believes that the hallmark of the political and cultural change of the Renzong Dynasty is that the "talker" will finally win the trust of the monarch and "people at home and abroad", and will no longer be stigmatized as a villain who is "good at slandering for personal gain", "falling into public affairs", "selling reputation" and "trying to make progress".

As a member of the "Four Advice of Qingli", Ouyang Xuan "used to see in person how difficult it was at the beginning of the imperial court's advice, and now he has seen the effect of His Majesty's advice", and he knows how valuable the overall change from concept to policy is above. Therefore, when he heard that Bao Zheng had impeached Zhang Fangping and Song Qi in succession after the two envoys of the Third Division in the imperial history, he was keenly aware of the seriousness of the matter, and Bao Zheng's move was "not only a suspicion of himself, but also a loss to the imperial court", so he immediately wrote to express his opposition. After all, "the fault of the speaker is like a reproach, and the position of a person is like a fall", and only "nothing is beneficial to the middle" can he understand his heart and win the trust of others. Once a "minister of words and deeds" like Bao Zheng, who is known as a straightforward person, will not only "enable the traitors in the future to confuse the Lord for what they say, and in the future those who speak will not be trusted and will not be able to understand themselves", but will also "tempt the ministers of his words and deeds, covet them from others, and become accustomed to each other." This incident will inevitably destroy the political tacit understanding and "effect of admonishment" that was established with great difficulty in the later period of the Renzong Dynasty, causing the Song court to fall back into the quagmire of suspicion of talented people and ministers. [147]

Ouyang Xuan's earnest remarks of "the original and the end" quite show his intention to maintain the positive pro-name theory. Although Ouyang Xuan was no longer as enthusiastic and enterprising in his later years as he was when he was young,[148] he still recognized and cherished the atmosphere and prestige of speech and affairs led by him, and took the initiative to play the role of mediator between the monarch and the Taiwanese counselor on many occasions. Ouyang clearly recognizes that the sustainability of a set of political values depends on its credibility rather than its coercion. Not only that, Ou also started from Bao Zheng's appointment as the third envoy and emphasized the importance of "name and festival":

Those who rule the world by news are only those who know and employ people. The method of employing people is suitable for each other, the soldiers of the army are the first to be able, and the soldiers of the court are the first to be famous. The success of the military brigade is feared that he will not strive for profit without rewarding, and those who can do it first and then save their name will also be tempted to make it so. The bishop of the imperial court, the thinness of customs, and the turbulence of governing the road depend on the employment of people. And the education is also under the family, and it cannot be forgiven by the family, so the people who always respect the name and the festival are encouraged to steal the world with the wind. The so-called notionary man of the husband is honest and shameful, and he cultivates the gift, which is not conducive to gaining, and does not follow him, but only where he is righteous. The power of the white blade is not avoided, and the ease of breaking branches is not done, but only the righteousness is guarded. It stands in the imperial court, and the advance and retreat can be the law of the world. His people are extremely difficult to achieve, and they are extremely important. Therefore, those who are scholars often have their names to respect themselves, and those who are gentlemen often have their full names to raise good men. [149]

Ouyang Xuan explained that the essence of "honor and integrity" is to act in accordance with morality, and emphasized that the preservation of honor and honor should be the primary principle for scholars to establish themselves and establish a dynasty and for the monarch to employ people and raise soldiers. Here he proposed that the imperial court should employ "people who respect the name and the honorable", which seems to be in the same vein as the plan of "respecting the name and honoring the virtuous" designed in the early years, and its connotation has actually undergone a change in direction. First, the nature has changed from "virtual" to "real", and the logic of "respecting the name and being virtuous" is to use the "name" to lead to the material energy ("real"), the "name" is only a means, and the "name festival" oversees the reputation and discipline, which itself is a kind of "reality" that is independent of or even takes precedence over the "material ability"; second, the function has shifted from focusing on "persuading the good" to "frustrated", and the key to respecting the name is to "exhort the world", while the "respect for the name" focuses on maintaining the "festival of honesty and shame" that "does not take what is done"; and the third is the mechanism from the "inside" to the "outside" and "name" To play a role, it mainly depends on external public opinion supervision, and the "name and festival" always need to be maintained by the moral code in the heart, and everything must be done without following others.

These threefold changes in the focus of Ouyang Xuan's discourse reflect that at the time of Jiayou and Zhiping, as the role of Qingli Shi Dafu rose from a low-level critic to a high-level decision-maker, the positive pro-nomency theory developed from speech to practice, and the political reflection after the failure of the New Deal, the prestige of Qingli Shi Dafu turned to a more moderate and profound state on the whole. Of course, Ouyang Xuan is talking about doing something here, and he has his own loyalty, uprightness and courage as the premise, not to return to the negative theory of proximity, but to hope that through the exposition of "fame", the phenomenon of seeking progress that Renzong and the old Chengshi doctor are worried about will be eliminated from the root.

In fact, Fan Zhongyan initially put forward the theory of positive proximity in order to counter the stigma of "proximity", which was inevitably overkill and overly optimistic about the expectation of "proximity". Therefore, in the "Theory of Near Names", he temporarily affirmed the hypocrite of "those who seek fame under false loyalty and filial piety" out of the need for debate. At this point, Ouyang Xuan made up for the relatively weak discourse of the positive pronymous theory with a strict moral position, and completely banished the hypocrites from the scope of the name. According to history, after Ouyang Yu played, "saving the family is to avoid life, not allowed, and after a long time, it is to take office" [150], which shows that Bao Zheng also agrees with Ou's statement of "cherishing the name festival".

As mentioned above, Ouyang Xuan's special name festival stems from his own political experience and that of his colleagues, especially his experience as a speech official, and the other comes from their emphasis and pursuit of scholars. The former prompted Dr. Gyeolishi to think deeply and try his best to remedy the inherent shortcomings of positive prominence, while the latter provided them with an outlet to solve the problem.

Let's start with the stimulus of political experience. Dr. Qingli Shi has been vigilant in the process of promoting the "near-name" praise movement, and actively proximity theory is not only to motivate talents, but also to allow speculators to find opportunities. Ouyang Yu realized very early on that "those who are different from the crowd to take their names, and those who are difficult to carve themselves" are all "bitter festivals" that are "too modest", so "you can't do it for a long time, and you can't do it to others for a long time". [151] After Qingli Xingxue, he observed that many young scholars were influenced by the "close name" and the atmosphere of discussion, and in order to seek "dissociation", "they would be strange and strange in order to gain the name of virtue, and talk about false arguments in order to gain the reputation of knowledge"[152]. This is undoubtedly also a kind of "bitter festival", which is hypocritical and excessive. In his later years, he sadly concluded that apostasy is the norm in this world: "The scholar is diligent in his body, and he is famous for his work, and he is cute and admirers at the beginning." Those who get what they want and slack off, and those who are forced to move because of their interests, and seek to complete their festivals to ensure their ends, are not one or two. [153] Ou's reflection on positive prominence is based on his sense of reading the world.

Shi Jie also heard such a case from the scholars in the court, a certain official at the beginning "loyal and straightforward, said to be bold and outspoken, touched the dragon and rebelled, did not avoid death, because the master of the people knew it, his reputation was ruined, and he sensationalized the government and the opposition." In less than four or five years, take the prestige", and when "the position is high, the body is noble, the wealth is generous, and there are five or six people who drag the green ribbon in the private court, and the heat in front of the door can be hot", they will take care of the "power and favor", "if there is something to plug their ears, if there are leaves to cover their eyes, if there is a clamp to keep their mouths, the court has a government, the country has a legacy, if you don't hear it, if you don't covet it, you won't say it." Therefore, the scholars and doctors came to the conclusion that a certain official was "loyal and straightforward, and dared to speak" for fame and reputation, but only used it as a "medium for rapid progress". [154] Cai Xiang also reluctantly admitted in his "Ming Advice" that at first, the vain people "followed the words to advance quickly, and even treacherously and disorderly, and the intention was to be reckless, and he was self-consolidated", and then some people took the opportunity to criticize: "Those who raise the good words of the world all take the ears of the nobles, and then seek the so-called loyal ones of the faithful husbands!"[155] It is the existence of such hypocrites that has made the decision-makers since the early Song Dynasty have always refused to relax their vigilance and suppression of "close names".

For this reason, in order to promote the theory of positive proximity, it is necessary to first distinguish between true hypocrites, that is, Cai Xiang said, to clarify "the distinction between the loyal and the skillful"[156]. As the initiator of this new concept of prestige, Dr. Qingli should find a way to distinguish himself from those who seek advancement, and win the trust of the monarch and the scholars with his words and deeds. Dr. Qinglishi's relevant thinking and practice focused on the Taiwan admonition. They are well aware that the actions of such actors, and the consequent dethronement, often affect the overall direction of political culture.

In response to the criticism of Renzong and Lao Chengshi for "making progress with words", Dr. Qingli advocated that those who speak should always be "self-evident and trustworthy"[157]. Specifically, those who speak should be cautious about promotions, choose to back down if necessary to avoid suspicion, and if they achieve high positions by speaking out, they must still be active and consistent, so that the doubts of the world can be alleged. Ouyang Yu's letter to dissuade Bao Zheng from being promoted to the third envoy is a manifestation of practicing this opinion.

In fact, as early as the Qingli New Deal, Ouyang Xuan paid special attention to his own advances and retreats when he was in office. In December of the third year of Qingli (1043), the Song court edict Ouyang Xuan tried to know the system to show his grace, but he "retreated to the province and did not stop worrying"[158], so he insisted on not going. Renzong then issued an order to directly eliminate the knowledge system and sent a messenger to the door to tell him. Ou Lei didn't get it, but he was able to speak right, and he still spoke passionately and knew everything. Ou repeatedly stated in the resignation and exemption of the knowledge system that he "therefore dares to implore those who are above the body of the imperial court, and not the private interests of the sons of the court"[159], for the following reasons: first, he himself has been questioned that "he is not for the sake of the country and goes to evil, but he leans into the body of the people", and now if he accepts the "promotion of the higher and the second", it means that he takes the initiative to sit down and ridicule, although he "reflects on the festival of loyalty to the country, and only His Majesty knows about it", but he no longer wants to wash away the stigma of "extorting fame" and "seeking progress by chance"; secondly, the villain" Those who see what they say will move forward as quickly as possible, and they will rush to their own affairs", "fighting for the matter of words", so that "those who later criticize will be the same as those who will be suspicious of doing things", and they will not be able to "gain trust by self-understanding", which will eventually lead to the dilemma of "gentlemen, villains, and lovers". [160] It can be seen from this that Ouyang Xuan's statement in the "Treatise on the Removal of the Three Envoys of Bao Zheng", except for the discussion of the name and verse, has been expressed at the approximate moment of his career as a minister, reflecting Ou's consistent cautious attitude and deep contemplation that "only those who speak and do things should not be quickly favored and honored"[161]. Ouyang Xuan "acted in a single-minded manner during his tenure as an official, and did not avoid suspicion of deeds"[162], and his face as a direct minister had long been widely known, but at the same time, he repeatedly pushed "favor" for fear of avoiding "suspicion of deeds", and his humble retreat posture may be little known. These two political manifestations seem to be opposites, but they have reshaped the role expectations of Zhao and Song's voicers. They are essentially "famous", as Ouyang Xuan said, "only righteousness is kept", and there is no avoidance or inaction.

What happens after the speaker gets the position by name is also an issue that Dr. Qingli attaches great importance to. In November of the second year of Ming Dao (1033), Renzong Zhao used Longtu Pavilion to be made by Kong Daofu as the right counselor and the right to be in the history of Zhongcheng. In the following month, Shi Jie wrote to Kong, questioning why Kong had "made a strong voice in the world, regained his position in the court, and was used for the Son of Heaven", why he "spent more than a month for Zhongcheng, but did not hear of it". Shi Jie then bitterly pointed out that from ancient times to the present, "there are few gentlemen, but there are many villains", "gentlemen often do not win over villains, villains not only always win over gentlemen, but they cannot tolerate them", and what is even more indignant is that those so-called gentlemen, after gaining the throne or being frustrated, often "cannot die to end their reputation, and in the middle of the festival, there must be a change". [163] To this end, he specially reminded Kong Daofu:

Today, there are people who are not visible, who are below, who can stand upright and ignore their bodies, dare to speak outright, commit the color of the Son of Heaven, seal and resist sparseness, and discuss the interests and disadvantages of the world, and the villains will set up a finger and say: "This person seeks to advance quickly, and he sells his false name, not by doing the right thing." If we don't use the way of Zhou Gong and Confucius, we will roll it up and cherish it, and if we use it, we will already be able to do it! Phew! It's weird. Your Excellency should also be a great warn, do not let the world have any opinions, then the gentleman is very fortunate, and the world is very fortunate. [164]

The reason why Shi Jie wrote so urgently to tell Kong Daofu was that Kong's silent speech during his tenure as a spokesman was not only a matter of deciding whether he could protect his own reputation, but also whether a gentleman could wash away the stigma of selling his name and seek progress and win the trust of the world. Kong Daofu naturally understood Shi Jie's deep meaning. Soon, he and Fan Zhongyan, the right secretary, led a group of Taiwanese officials to ask for a petition, and unanimously opposed Renzong and the zaichen Lu Yi to abolish Empress Guo, so they belittled Taizhou. This turmoil was recognized as a symbolic event of the growing power of the Renzong dynasty. With his words and deeds, Kong Daofu once again won the respect of the Qingliu officials and successfully defended the theory of positive proximity.

On the one hand, it is to obtain a relatively stable political environment and make a difference, and on the other hand, it is also to open up a new route that can not only give full play to the function of prestige and persuasion, but also effectively identify and eliminate the phenomenon of "advancing with words" in addition to the "one-size-fits-all" employment policy of Renzong and Lao Chengshi, so as to enhance the credibility and feasibility of the positive pronomictuation theory. This can be said to constitute another clue of the "near-name" praise movement, which takes the Qingli New Deal as the boundary from dark to light. During the Jiayou period, Ouyang Xuan's article "On Bao Zheng and the Elimination of the Three Envoys" summarized and sublimated the principle of "self-understanding and trust", and he also set a clear target for this new line, that is, the "famous festival" formed by the combination of prestige and ethics. He not only used this principle to discipline himself, but also used it to warn others, and made every effort to maintain the healthy operation of the speech and affairs mechanism.

Let's look at the importance that Dr. Qingli attaches to the festival. As for the eternal social problem of how to overcome the possible drawbacks of "fame", Renzong and Lao Chengshi were undoubtedly rather pessimistic, so they suppressed their prestige, and were willing to give up the persuasion function of prestige while rejecting false fame. On the other hand, Dr. Qingli believed that the "name" could be perfected by emphasizing the "festival", and the sincerity of the person who spoke could be determined by righteousness and profit, so as to eliminate the negative impact of false name. This is also their own belief. The reason why these two groups have a complete disagreement on this dilemma, from cognition to action, is that their judgments of human nature are very different. Han Qi's reminiscence of an anecdote about Fan Zhongyan and Lu Yijian's evaluation of the world's characters helps this:

Xi Wen tried to discuss the characters with Lu Shengong, and Shen Gong said: "I have seen so much, and there is no one who is thrifty. Xiwen said: "There are people in the world, but they don't know what to do." Xianggong treats the corporal of the world with this intention, and it is appropriate for those who are thrifty to not come. ”[165]

Lu Yijian and other old scholars have read a lot of people, and they have always had a low opinion of the conduct of scholars and doctors who are trapped in Vanity Fair, so they are accustomed to looking at those extraordinary or well-known political behaviors with a suspicious eye, and tend to believe that their motives are impure, but just delicate and hypocritical shells wrapped in selfish desires. Fan Zhongyan and other Qingli doctors are different, they clearly know that the world is not unscrupulous, it is the old Chengshi doctor himself who is constantly rejecting and stigmatizing gentlemen, so they are villains everywhere they look.

The reason why Dr. Qingli affirmed so much that "people are inherent in the world" was that they themselves were the "gentlemen's party" who "guarded the morality, those who did it were faithful, and those who cherished it were honorable"[166]. Judging from the long history of scholars, Qingli Shi Dafu can be said to be the second scholar community after the late Han Dynasty celebrities to consciously regard the name festival as an important principle of self-cultivation and serving the country. They have always been supported by tempering integrity when practicing the theory of positive pronity, and generally show a loyal and upright character and a high degree of self-discipline, which is fundamentally different from those who are agitated. Ouyang Yu once said: "Shame, the great festival of scholars and gentlemen, those who can rarely keep themselves, and the ears of profit to win." Things are won by them, although those who are good at guarding them may be led away. Therefore, Mencius said that he was brave and educated, and he had a purpose! The way of a gentleman is becoming more and more popular, and now people seek quick reputation, so they can quickly destroy themselves to destroy themselves, which is a matter of course. [167] A gentleman must always be honest and honest under the temptation of lust in order to stand up for his name and integrity, so as not to fall into a situation that is not worthy of his name.

Doctor Qingli also learned from his own experience as a eunuch that the scholars of Renzong were shrouded in the negative theory of proximity, "unwilling to be honest and honest, and to be honest", so that "those who are shallow follow the path of the people, and those who are deep are not ashamed." [168] They preached the theory of positive proximity, hoping that one would rely on the prestige of persuasion and the supervision mechanism of public opinion, and the other would use the employment policy of "respecting the name and honor" as the baton to jointly urge the scholars to attach importance to the name and honor and reverse the practice of choosing profit and ignoring the honor and honor since the early Song Dynasty.

In fact, except for the above-mentioned Ouyang Yu's book and his criticism in the "History of the New Five Dynasties", Dr. Qingli did not explain too much about the "famous festival". Perhaps, in their view, the honor should be practiced rather than paid lip service. As a result, these actors set an example and succeeded in implanting this concept of righteousness and courage into the mainstream political culture of the mid-Northern Song Dynasty. This is the precious spiritual legacy left by Dr. Qingli to future generations. Han Qi witnessed that Ouyang Xuan was in the position of an official, "the color is bound to be committed, and there is no seam." The right way is to attack, and the treacherous and cute attack", so that "people are afraid of clear discussions, and they know that the time is not tolerated." Each has a good name, and he bows down everywhere", and he has changed the morale in 20 years with the strength of one person. [169] Chen Fuliang, a scholar of the Southern Song Dynasty, believed that "between Jianlong and Tianshengming Dao, the ugliness of the five seasons was washed, and the hometown was known, and the habit of keeping the old ways was not changed." Fan Zi began to fight against him in vain, and the world followed it, and everyone was ashamed to see it"[170], constructing the history of Dr. Qingli to sweep away the habits of the five generations with his name. Zhu Xi talked about the political and cultural innovation of the Northern Song Dynasty from the details of the famous ministers of the Zhen and Ren dynasties seeking to restore each other:

Asked: "This dynasty is like Wang Yigong, his character is very high, and in his later years he is seeking revenge, why not?" said: "Even the predecessors did not take this matter seriously, so Fan Wenzheng was honest and ashamed, and cheered up morale." He said: "Like Kou Laigong, he also wants to regain his appearance because of the Book of Heaven." He said, "It is." ”[171]

Kou Zhun and Wang Zeng were both recognized righteous people by the Song people[172], but they coveted power and did not feel anything wrong. It wasn't until Fan Zhongyan inspired Shilin with honesty and shame that the name and discipline became a factor that really needed to be considered and chosen by scholars. Since then, scholars' attention to public opinion and self-examination have been greatly strengthened compared with those in the early Northern Song Dynasty. As Han Qi taught his juniors: "Wealth is easy to obtain, but fame is difficult to keep." [173] After he supported Yingzong to ascend the throne, he received a letter from his close friend Yin Gun, the son of Yin Su, urging him to retire in the name of a warrant. A few years later, Han Guo had to invite other towns to make trade-offs with Wang and Kou. Of course, Dr. Qinglishi advocated the festival not only to prevent cheating, but also to persuade goodness and "boost morale". The History of the Song Dynasty says that "(Fan Zhongyan) was grateful to discuss the affairs of the world, and he did not care about himself, and for a while the scholars were vigorous and fashionable, and Zhongyan advocated it"[174], that is, to point out the positive side of the famous festival.

Ouyang Xuan's discussion of famous festivals in the Jiayou period can be said to be a constructive reflection on the positive theory of proximity compared to the disadvantages of Fan Zhongyan's later years. However, when he was arrested in the Yingzong Dynasty, Ouyang Xuan was accused by Lü Xu, Fan Chunren, Lü Dafang and other Taiwan officials of being the first to open the "Pu Discussion" and was ready to be attacked, and his previous support for the positive proximity theory was completely shaken by this incident. In the first year of Xining (1068), Ouyang Yujin presented four volumes of "Pu Yi", openly defending himself and the ministers of the two governments during the Zhiping period. Ou's preface and the first volume of this book make it clear that the Taiwanese officials' insistence on the emperor's proposal has nothing to do with ethics and justice, but they want to use the "good topic" of "Pu Discussion" to vent their anger and reputation, and satisfy their own selfish desires. In the book, he recounted the process of "falsely accusing the monarch of buying a false name with evil": they were first "newly promoted, enterprising, seeking quick reputation, seeing things and saying things, no longer thinking about their duties, and the story was too obedient to be executed", and then because "words and deeds are not good", they were ridiculed by the courtiers, "Yi was ashamed and angry, so he decided to go to the plan, so that he was offended by his words, and it was enough to take a good name", and then he used "Pu Yi" strange goods to live in, "Xiang and Li Yan", but was vetoed by Yingzong, so " In the end, the scholar did not know the end of the "Pu Discussion" and credulously believed the false words of the Taiwan officials, "but if he was deposed by his words, he would be loyal ministers, and he would strive for his reputation." [175]

Ouyang Yu's criticism of the speaker is almost a copy of the negative prominence theory. However, it is not so much that Ouyang Yu is repeating the old tune of the old doctor who questioned the proximity, but that he, like Fan Zhongyan, was stimulated by his personal experience and deeply criticized the positive pronymous theory. Ou observed through the "Pu Yi" and other incidents that after the theory of positive proximity was generally accepted by the new generation of scholars, a more extreme and advanced method of selling names and taking names was produced. On the one hand, prestige has become a very important symbolic capital, and even for many scholars, the name itself is the highest state of self-realization, with independent and supreme value, on the other hand, if the Taiwan admonition is punished by the imperial court because of some form of reprimand, it can generally get the sympathy and praise of public opinion. As a result, in order to pursue a straight voice, the Taiwanese often collectively adopt an extremely high-profile, extreme, and even self-destructive speech strategy or political performance, so that the entire imperial court continues to fall into meaningless political internal friction. Whether intentionally or not, this is a kind of unscrupulous evil in the name of false justice. Once a "gentleman" becomes selfish, he is undoubtedly much more terrible than those villains who are aggressive. Ouyang Yu's views are fundamentally derived from his relatively conservative political stance in his later years, and at the same time, it inevitably has an element of intention. But he does point out that positive synonymism also has a tendency to alienate in the process of becoming the dominant political culture. And Ouyang Xu, the advocate of a new concept of prestige, eventually dramatically became its victim and opponent, which seems to be a kind of trick of fate to "backtrack" himself. [176]

To sum up, the "near-name" praise movement in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty was a bottom-up revolution in the concept of prestige led by Dr. Qinglishi. It is bounded by the Qingli New Deal, and is clearly divided into two stages. In the previous stage, the Qingli scholars constructed and tried to put it into practice, and through several debates, they cleared away the stigma attached to the "near name", revealed the negative impact of the negative pronymous theory on morale and politics, and at the same time explored the social function of prestige to persuade good and frustrate, and linked it to political change. The latter stage is the stage in which Dr. Kyorishi successfully promotes the theory of positive proximity and turns into a stage of reflection. Taking the opportunity of the New Deal, the theory of positive pronity quickly gained wide recognition by Shilin, and was gradually absorbed by the mainstream political culture, and its disadvantages became more and more obvious. Dr. Qingli discussed this issue from different angles, Fan Zhongyan suppressed the "famous festival", while Ouyang Xuan advocated the "famous festival", although there were differences in specific opinions, but Fan and Ou both emphasized the need to win the trust of others to save the evil, reflecting the conservative trend of the political ideas of the two. In his later years, Ou personally experienced the attack of the "fame sellers" and launched a fierce criticism of them, which brought the curtain down on the "near-famous" praise movement led by him and his colleagues. The theory of positive proximity continued to be carried forward in the hands of a new generation of scholars until the arrival of the Xi and Feng eras.

6. The establishment of "prestige politics" in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty

The "near-name" praise movement liberated the social function of prestige and promoted prestige to become the first key factor to be considered in the public life of scholars and the operation of state power, thus opening a new era in which both the upper and lower names were recognized. In the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, the middle and lower class scholars no longer bowed down to power, but independently chose the objects they supported and followed according to their prestige. In this sense, "name" can be said to be the core element that maintains "the righteousness of the world"[177].

Therefore, in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, we can find a group of Shilin leaders with charisma, such as Fan Zhongyan, Ouyang Xu, and Wang Anshi. The reason why these scholars stand out has little to do with their position of power, but mainly depends on the distinctive qualities they exhibit. First of all, they themselves were generally recognized as moral role models at the time. Top scholars and first-class literati have outstanding character and all-round qualities; secondly, they are also staunch Confucian idealists, who take the world as their own responsibility, have a sense of mission to do the Tao, and at the same time possess the strong willpower and outstanding action required to practice their ideals, and are willing to take political risks and even make self-sacrifices for their ideals; thirdly, they often put forward a set of extremely lofty retro political visions in the public space to criticize the current politics, and claim that they can creatively solve the many problems existing in society through change, so that they can return to the Confucian ideal order; and finally, they are more maverick, whether the concept or words and deeds are in line with the ancient (Tao) but not in the present (vulgar). These Shilin leaders not only enjoyed unparalleled appeal in Shilin, but also had an extraordinary influence on the emotions, values, and beliefs of the Shilin. Not only were they themselves regarded as the embodiment of Confucian ideals and the spirit of reform, but their advance and retreat were also regarded as a sign of whether the government was clear or not, and even whether the Tao was good or not. It was these great men who completely changed the picture of the world of power in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty.

In the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, the new scholars did not stop at building a community based on prestige, but also tried to influence the central government's personnel policy from the bottom up through public opinion, so that the distribution of power would meet their expectations. Through their efforts, prestige gradually became independent from the control of power, and under certain circumstances, it surpassed power to become the most dominant criterion of social stratification, directly influencing and even determining the distribution of political power and the change of political line. In some critical periods, the principle of high-level personnel adjustment in the Song court changed from the traditional "matching with hope" to "matching the position with the name", and the ruler overtook the leaders of the Shilin who were expected to govern, and encouraged the successful to change their political course with their fame and grace.

For scholars, prestige has since become crucial and convertible political capital, and power is often not directly translated into prestige. Therefore, those in high positions of power not only may not be able to gain prestige, but also have the risk of soliciting criticism and losing morale. On the contrary, those with outstanding reputations can often get the help of public opinion, and they are always in the heart of the emperor, so that they can take the important positions when they advance, and even go beyond the rank and become the prime minister, and retain considerable voice and appeal when they retire, and occupy an extremely advantageous position in the official power distribution for a long time. These phenomena were unimaginable in the early Northern Song Dynasty, when scholars were widely known.

Considering the above-mentioned characteristics of scholar politics in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, it may be called "prestige politics". The "politics of prestige" was also directly promoted by Dr. Keere. It started from the pro-government of Renzong and ended with the Xining New Law, and mainly went through four stages: from the pro-government of Mingdao Renzong to the Jingyou Party Struggle, which took shape; from the Baoyuan and Qingli Song-Xia Wars to the Qingli New Deal, which was formally formed; from the failure of the New Deal to the rule of Jiayou and Zhiping, and developed steadily; from the rule of Jiayou and Zhiping to the Xining New Law, it experienced a new round of climax and came to an end. This will be followed by a phased account of the process of the establishment and dissolution of the "politics of prestige".

In March of the second year of Ming Dao (1033), Empress Dowager Liu died, and Renzong began to govern more than ten years after the reign of the Empress Dowager, and he presided over the reform of a number of maladministrations under the rule of the previous female ruler, and made major adjustments to the personnel of the central government: he deposed the ministers who had been appointed before the empress dowager's death, Lu Yi was the prime minister, Zhang Qi was the prime minister, Fan Yong, Xia Zhu, and Zhao Zhi were the deputy of the privus, and Chen Yanzuo and Yan Shu were in the government; Duan Shaolian and others, most of whom were known for their straightforwardness and outspokenness during the Empress Dowager's reign, were once again awarded the post of speech. Renzong also posthumously gave Cao Xiugu the right doctor, Liu Yue the right secretary, and Kou Zhun Zhongshu to restore the Duke of Lai.

Obviously, this series of personnel appointments and dismissals after Renzong's pro-government was mainly for his own purpose of maintaining imperial power, but it was not without considering the trend of the Qing Dynasty and public opinion since the end of Zhenzong. At that time, Shi Jie described Renzong as "a veteran, a detailed extension of the righteous people, or in the court, or in the wilderness, there are burly Boda, Zhuo Li heroic people, Xian Deng admires his people, pulls out the left and right, and assists the industry of the eternal Pipi with light." Therefore, the number of princes and Zhongcheng of the Xiangting Mansion are not in office and live in close proximity. He also summoned Li (紘) from Hebei as a knowledgeable miscellaneous, and from Chenzhou took Fan (Zhongyan) as an advisor, and reinstated the three lives of the imperial historical position, the Chinese and foreign Xu Xuan, the people and gods were happy, and they all thought that they would win people" [178]. Although it is not avoidable to exaggerate, it can also be seen that the imperial power and public opinion cooperate with each other.

At that time, the "politics of prestige" was characterized mainly by its influence rather than its causes, and the political situation in which "the wise and the holy government was reassuring day by day"[179] and the reign of the virtuous and famous made the scholars feel very excited and full of expectations. Ouyang Yu and other "Luo Zhishi doctors" were encouraged when Fan Zhongyan Chen was in the ninth year of Tiansheng (1031): "I know Fan Jun and know his material. It is not a royal history, it must be an official. Soon, Fan Guo returned to the court to serve as the right secretary, and they were even more "eager and unheard". [180] Shi Kai also said in a letter to Fan Wei that he "once he saw the sage dragon walking thunder on the Liuhe, the virtuous ministers jumped into the clouds, their ears and eyes were like deaf eyes, their minds were stagnant, and they were enthusiastic and excited, and they could not control their joy"[181].

Unfortunately, in the second year of the Ming Dynasty (1033), the situation in which the monarch and the ministers worked together was quickly broken by the dispute between the abolition of the queen at the end of that year. Although the Zaichen Lü Yijian helped Renzong to depose Guo and expelled all the dissidents, he lost his reputation because of this, so that his friend Wang Zhiqing ridiculed him for having no business; although Fan Zhongyan and Kong Daofu fell behind in the political dispute, their direct names became more and more prominent, and they were widely supported by the middle and lower class scholars, such as Ouyang Yu, who took the initiative to send a letter of condolences to Fan Zhongyan, who was in a degraded place. This laid the foundation of public opinion for the later return of Kong and Fan.

In the second year of Jing Yu (1035), Fan Zhongyan returned to Que, and ordered "righteous people to drink wine and congratulate each other" [182]. Later, he knew Kaifeng Mansion with the power of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the decision was like a god, and the Beijing Master said: "The court has Fan Jun without worry, and the Beijing Master has nothing to do with Xiwen." [183] It can be seen that Fan's every move was noticed by Shilin. Fan Zhongyan immediately had a fierce political conflict with Lü Yijian. Shi Fan's position is not insignificant[184], but compared with Prime Minister Lu Yijian, there is a huge disparity in official position, and his power is even more incomparable. However, the political dispute between Fan and Lü quickly expanded into a party struggle between scholars, and Fan Zhongyan, who was relatively inferior in political status, not only received strong support from Qingli scholars, but also divided the entire community of scholars and doctors during the years he was exiled by Lü because of "holding two people straight"[185], and for a time "scholars were unstoppable for Zhongyan"[186], and even Zhang Yu, a hermit in Shu, wrote to Lü Yijian to appeal that "Fan Zhongyan was reprimanded for admonishment, and if he was interested in material things on the outside, but only the state on the inside, it should be entrusted with a heavy authority"[187], and he said that Fan's reputation and prestige increased his own. Su Shunqin also described the attitude of the scholars at that time:

Since Your Excellency (Fan Zhongyan) was the counselor, the people of the world led for a few days, hoping that Your Excellency would enter the two mansions, so that the world would be given by them; and Your Excellency was condemned, the people of the world sighed and scolded angrily, saying that the prime minister (Lu Yijian) concealed the king's power, and did not allow the sage to be in the court, and the day will decline, and there will be no period of peace. When it is, those who do not say this will be regarded as foolish, but those who are treacherous and murderous, jealous of your fame, more than a coward, and driven by the crowd, and snort one after another, and dare not speak, but they will be happy to watch your mistakes every day. [188]

This is undoubtedly an extremely agitatory remark, and the following facts can be drawn from a slight paraphrase and summary of these words with exaggerated colors and prejudices against party disputes: Jing You's arguments during and after the party struggle were generally exemplary and subdued, while Fan, who was weak in the power field, was extremely strong in the field of public opinion, while Lu was the opposite. It can even be said that in the middle of the Renzong Dynasty, multiple social stratification mechanisms were formed, one is the political power system that is manifested in the high and low official positions, and the other is the social prestige system that is presented as the praise and depreciation of scholars. The former is a traditional strong hierarchical mechanism, which is controlled by the hands of the rulers, favors the concept of "old success", and can always be supported by the imperial power, while the latter is completely independent marked by the Jingyu party struggle, and is mainly established by the middle and lower class scholars with the Qingli scholar as the backbone, and they agree with the concept of "handsome", and are constantly challenging and weakening the authority of the executive power. [189] Su Shunqin himself once said: "The imperial court holds the title, and the gentleman is frustrated by the importance of the name." The Tao is formless, and once it is shot, it can be obtained, and the name is inferior. The name is only the corpse of the knowledgeable, not private, not hidden, not to honor and disgrace, in order to conform to the justice of the world, although the villain's likes and dislikes are confused, can not be taken away. [190] That is, it is recognized that the "title" issued by the imperial court and the "name" of the gentleman are two independent evaluation systems.

For Fan Zhongyan and his colleagues, honor is the benchmark for them to live in the world, so the prestige system is far more important than the power system. In Jing You's party struggle, Yu Jing, Yin Zhu, and Ouyang Xuan were willing to belittle Fan Tong, while Wang Zhen was happy to trap himself in the "Fan Party", and Cai Xiang's judgment of the virtuous and unscrupulous in Cai Xiang's "Four Sages and One Unscrupulous Poem" was just the opposite of the power system. In the seventh year of Fan Tiansheng (1029), because of the dissatisfaction of the Empress Dowager Liu, he was degraded in the middle of the river, and his friends sent him a meal called "this trip to the aurora"; in the second year of Ming Dao (1033), he was degraded to Muzhou because of the abolition of the posterity, which was also called "the more light of this trip"; and in the third year of Jing You (1036), he was dismissed and degraded from the state, and it was called "this trip to the aurora". [191] From the tacit understanding between Fan and his wingmen, it can be seen that they have a trade-off attitude when they are faced with the incompatibility of "name" and "position". In them, the system of prestige is not only independent of the system of power, but almost above it.

The establishment of the prestige system in the middle of the Renzong Dynasty was inseparable from the rise of a new type of scholar group. Thanks to their efforts and persistence, the prestige system of the Renzong era grew rapidly, and the power of public opinion was extremely tenacious, and they were not afraid to resist state power. Once the internal and external situation changes, public opinion will strongly intervene in the government's affairs. [192] This was particularly evident in the political arena on the occasion of Baoyuan and Qingli.

Soon after Fan Zhongyan's foreign descent, in the fourth year of Jing Yu (1037), Lu Yijian also resigned because of the incident, and the ministers Wang Sui and Chen Yaozuo, who came to power, "are old and sick and discordant, and there are many things in the Chinese book that are undecided", and Han Yi and Shi Zhongli, who participated in politics, "also hurt the public with their own interests", so "things are discussed and noisy". Su Shunqin impeached Wang Sui, Shi Zhongli, Zhang Guan, and Gao Ruone, who were "very light in their hopes and ignored by human feelings". [193] Han Qi, who was an official at the time, pointed out that Renzong was unable to serve as an assistant, and introduced Wang Zeng, Du Yan, Fan Zhongyan, and Lü Yijian, who were subordinate to the "hope of the world at that time", of which Dr. Qinglishi and his supporters accounted for three seats, and although Lü Yijian had previously been angry in the political dispute, he was better than the official and thus did not lose the expectations. Renzong was "forced to do the right thing" to dismiss Wang, Chen, Han, and Shi in one day, but he worshiped Zhang Shixun and Zhang Dexiang as his appearance, and then took Song Zhen and Chao Zongxuan as his participation in politics, which finally made "the world disappointed". [194]

In the first year of Baoyuan (1038), the Song-Xia War broke out, and the function of scholars to promote the virtuous and unscrupulous became more and more prominent, and Renzong began to accept the prestige system with reservations. According to Shi Jie, when the war in the northwest was stalemate, Fan Zhongyan was in Suzhou, and "everyone said that there was no need for Your Excellency (Fan Zhongyan), the thief could not be broken, and Liu (Ping) and Shi (Yuansun) were defeated, and this argument was full of uproar" [195]. Soon in the first year of Kangding (1040), Renzong deposed the minister Zhang Shixun, and then worshiped Lu Yijian as the prime minister, and Fan Zhongyan "Shiwang belongs" and "pulls out the edge protection". [196] Fan Zaibian's fame grew, and not only did he and Han Qi call him "Han and Fan", but Weide was even more famous, and even the Qiang and Xia people respectfully called him "Longtu Laozi"[197].

With the continuation of the Song-Xia War since the first year of Baoyuan (1038) and the aggravation of the social problems caused by it, the political culture of the Renzong period began to accelerate the transformation, and the prestige system affected the distribution of power in the central Song Dynasty on the eve of the Qingli New Deal. In the first month of the third year of Qingli (1043), Sun Xun shouted that "today, the corporal doctors are all called virtuous, and those who are not used by His Majesty will be ruined left and right; [198] The Song Dynasty also adjusted the principle of employing people from "capital" to "talent" in a timely manner. So in March of the third year of Qingli (1043), Renzong selected the "prestige at that time" Wang Su, Ouyang Xuan, Yu Jing, and Yu Zhouxun and ordered them to be the admonition officials (Wei Yu Jianci), Cai Xiang wrote a poem to celebrate: "The new imperial pen is removed from the three admonitions, and the Shilin congratulates each other." [199] The three of them also recommended Cai Xiang to the Yuan. Subsequently, these Qingli officials regarded themselves as the public opinion of the world, and often wrote "distinguishing between evil and good"[200]. Ministers who had disappointed the expectations of the people, such as the minister Lu Yijian, resigned and lost power until his death amid the rebuke of "full of crimes and deeds"[201]; Xia Zhu was summoned by Renzong as a privy envoy and was criticized by the Taiwan Minister, and was accused of being "treacherous" and made him return to the town before entering the country; Wang Juzheng, who participated in the government, was repeatedly denounced by the officials Ou and Cai as cowardly and incompetent, and the king begged to quit when he heard about it. On the other hand, Fan Zhongyan, Han Qi, Fu Bi and others "all thought that the scholars were the ministers" and "their positions were not deputies"[202], and Tian Guo and others thought that the number of people was to say, so Renzong "looked forward to the Chinese and foreigners" and did not use Fan, Han, and Fu as the privy deputy envoys [203], and the three of them repeatedly resigned and then were ordained, and it is said that at that time, "as soon as the order came out, the scholars congratulated the court, and the people liked the road, and there were those who drank and shouted for pleasure, saying that His Majesty went to the evil and was loyal, and he could observe the peace in the day" [204]. The young Wang Anshi read the newspaper in the south and rejoiced: "Give the edict to the road of leniency, and become virtuous and strong." The phase is being treated, and Su Ding is not annoying. [205] The officials Ou and Cai also asked for "retreat and use Zhongyan to answer the hope of the world"[206], exhorting the monarch to believe in the appointment of people without doubt, and to remove participation in politics in a few cases. In addition, recommended by Du Yan, Fan Zhongyan, Han Qi, Fu Bi and others, Su Shunqin, Wang Zhu, Diao Yue, Jiang Xiufu, Wang Yirou and other young talents are in the pavilion, and Sun Fu, Shi Jie and other great Confucians are in Taixue, all of which are the choice of the moment.

At this point, the main members of the Qingli Shi were reused by Renzong one by one, and they were also "grateful", "take the world as their own responsibility", and "plan day and night" in order to "enjoy peace"[207], and political reform was like an arrow. It was only through the intermediary of these "gentlemen" who were expected by the people, from the emperor's ambition to "change the rule of the people"[208] and down to the "heart of the Quartet"[209], that they could collude and unite into a joint force that pointed to the great and promising government of reforming the evils and opening up the peace, and the "prestige politics" of the Renzong Dynasty entered a climax. Many years later, in the eighth year of Xining (1075), Han Qi said when recalling this period of the sages and sages: "At the beginning of the Qingli calendar, Renzong ruled the world for a long time. If you enter the auxiliary ministers, you will win the people's prestige, and you will use the end of the fish to increase the number of counselors. [210] This person established a direct connection between "winning people's hope" and "completing peace".

However, the reform policy of the Qingli Shi Dafu aroused the opposition of the vested interests and the old Chengshi Dafu, who launched a public opinion offensive with the Yushitai as a position. Renzong also grew impatient with the reforms and began to question the positive prominence theory again. Since then, the concept of "distant name" has regained the ruling power in the central government. However, the power of the state, though extremely powerful, is not omnipotent, and instead of controlling the direction of the prestige system and the shift of political ideas, it adds a lot of heroic glory to the dissent. At the beginning of the fifth year of Qingli (1045), Renzong wanted to allow Fan Zhongyan to ask himself to participate in politics, and the minister Zhang Dexiang reminded Fan that "he has a false name, and he is afraid that the world will say that His Majesty will depose the virtuous minister", so he and Renzong designed to chase him. [211] It can be seen that Renzong and Lao Chengshi were also afraid of the prestige system behind Fan Zhongyan.

For more than ten years after the failure of the New Deal, although the Qingli scholars lived in the rivers and lakes en masse, their previous feat of cooperative reform and later governance of the local area ensured that this group still enjoyed a heavy name in Shilin, and Fan Zhongyan unfortunately died in the fourth year of Huangyou (1052), Han Qi and Fu Bi inherited Fan's political legacy [212], and "Han and Fu" were equally famous in the world, "and have the hope of the world" [213]. Ouyang Xuan's reputation is more multi-dimensional, political, literary, and academic, especially in the field of literature, and the Song people said that after the Qingli Dynasty, Ou "is good at the world with articles, and the world dares to contend with it"[214].

The support of the Qingli scholars came mainly from the middle and lower class scholars, represented by the Tai Zhi and the later scholars[215], the most typical example of which is Jia Di. Jia Dian was the champion of the Jinshi Department in the sixth year of Qingli (1046), and he visited the Qingli Doctor almost everywhere, first sending greetings to Ouyang Xu, who was far from Chuzhou, and then going to Yanzhou Du Yan to thank him. Jia returned to his hometown of Dengzhou, and when Fan Zhongyan was guarding, he asked him for advice, and Fan gave him the word "not to deceive". Jia Dian never forgot his words when he heard this, and often praised people: "I have to be a man who is honest with Fan Wen, and I can't use it in my life." [216] In the seventh year of Gyeongli (1047), when Yin Su was dying, Jia Dian also visited him. It was this young official who later returned to the court, "Since he was young, he prepared for the position of an official, and he was sure of his words." The first discussion on Han Qi, Fu Bi, and Fan Zhongyan can be of great use"[217], and actively spread the theory of scholars to the Song court. Jia An's practice was not uncommon in Taiwan at the time, and they always reminded the ministers of Renzong's advance and retreat to "follow the wishes of the world" and "follow the public opinion of the world"[218]. At the same time, although the old Chengshi doctor won the Qingli party battle, he was never convinced by Shilin, and he was "in the name of Yilong" and "his fame was lost" [219]. As a result, Zaifu and the Taiwan ministers continued to dispute, showing a situation of "the minister's body is light" and "the post of the Taiwan minister is revitalized", and the ministers of the two governments did not reign for a long time. [220] This is in stark contrast to the Gyeongri scholars, who dethroned the localities and gained great fame. Chen Shunyu, a later scholar, once summed up in a letter to Fu Bi that during the ten years when Fu Bi was degraded and returned to the Que, "the affairs of the imperial court are dying, and your lord's hopes are growing day by day"[221], at this stage, the scholar once again took the initiative to oppose the state power, and expressed high affirmation to the subordinates.

During the reign of Zhihe, Renzong was determined to change the disturbing situation caused by "the lack of health of ministers in recent years"[222] by carefully selecting ministers and "taking the opinions of the whole world"[223]. He begged for the prestige system, and finally no longer had to choose a candidate for the saerotarian "Jiao Lao is seen in the countenance"[224]. In June of the second year of Zhihe (1055), Renzong dismissed the minister Chen Zhizhong, and on the same day, he used Fu Bi and Wen Yanbo as ministers, and specially sent his inner servants to take advantage of Xuanma's time to "listen to his arguments in the class of hundreds of officials". As a result, the rich and the text "have been hoped for a long time", and "once reused, the courtiers often congratulate each other". The waiter also played, and Renzong was happy. A few days later, he knowingly asked Ouyang Xu, who was a bachelor of Hanlin at the time, "how to discuss it" in addition to being rich and writing. "Ou Guo" to the courtiers congratulate each other as the right", Renzong once again lamented that the monarch employs people "do not know people, should be from the people", Ou Hui Wen Yanbo's reply has "who to use the public words of the gentry, from the Chinese and foreign people" sentence, it has the words of Renzong. [225] Xu was too proud of his "generosity" in deposing the minister. Later, when the old minister Pang joined the pair, Renzong asked: "How can I use the two phases?" Pang replied: "The two ministers are both highly elected by the imperial court, and Your Majesty will promote them, and they will be the hope of the world." Renzong added: "As Qing said. Wen Yanbo is still very private, as for Fu Bi, the word ten thousand mouths are all said to be virtuous. Pang stressed the need to see that the reputation of public opinion and slander will be converted into each other, and sarcastically advised Renzong to "use it to be strong, let it be used for a long time, and then you can be blamed for success", which was quite appreciated by Renzong. [226] From this, the interaction between the monarch and the minister shows the positive effect of the prestige system in the distribution of power. Also there, Chen Shunyu recounted that in his Wu area, he heard that Renzong had summoned Fu Bi back to the government, and that "Mr. Jinshen, the scholar of Xuxu, and as for his own place, they all rushed to celebrate, saying that once the peace of the country was restored, they would wait and see, and listen to it, and no longer have any doubts"[227], which shows the significance of this appointment.

At that time, the personnel arrangements of "in the name of the position" were not only at the level of prime ministers, but also involved many important positions in the central government. Zaichen Fubi and Hanlin bachelors Ouyang Xuan, Zhongcheng Bao Zheng, and waiter Hu Ying are "all extremely desired in the world" and are known as the "Four Truths". [228] Youfu Bi, Ouyang Xuan, and Zhongcheng Zhang Yu were called "three people" by scholars[229]. In the first year of Jiayou (1056), Han Qi returned from Xiangzhou to serve as the third envoy, and the privy envoy was removed from the Dao reform, which also made "the gentleman of the gentleman and the foolish people of Luxiang" "rejoice, and lead the head to the north, lest the coming court be delayed" [230]. In the third year (1058), Han Qi succeeded Wen Yanbo as prime minister. In the fifth year (1060), Ouyang Yu paid homage to the deputy of the card, and in the following year, he entered the government, thus starting the rule of Jiayou and Zhiping of the Qingli Shi Doctor who had been in charge of the country for a long time [231]. In the overall context of the rule of the world, the authority of the central decision-making level, which had been almost overwhelming, was reshaped.

Fu Bi and Han Qi paid great attention to the reference prestige system, and Fu Wei Xiang "abided by the law, acted on the story, and attached it to the public opinion, and had no intention in the meantime, so the hundred officials served, and there was nothing to do in the world"[232], Han Ji introduced scholars, "many honest and famous, or loyal and honest town customs, listed attendants, prepared Taiwan advice, and used it for public discussion, so that Shi Mo knew who he was from" [233]. In the last years of Renzong, Han Qi and Ouyang Xuan and Sima Guang, Lü Xu, Fan Zhen, Bao Zheng, etc., also joined forces to solve the heir crisis and help Yingzong to ascend the throne smoothly, and the cooperation between the top and bottom was very effective. Therefore, in the third year of Zhiping (1066), Ou recalled: "Since Fu Bi and Han Qi became the country, in the past ten years, the external self-supervision department, and the internal provincial government officials, have been very good in the selection and promotion of analogy, and they have also won people, which is absolutely different from previous years. [234] From the promotion of public opinion to the winning of people by hundreds of officials, the system of prestige and the system of power complemented each other at this stage, especially during the Jiayu period, and the "politics of prestige" thus took on a relatively peaceful and lasting form.

Around the sixth year of Jiayou (1061), Li Qingchen completed his virtuous and virtuous volume. [235] Among them, there is an article entitled "Persuasion of Officials", which advocates "showing honor and disgrace" as "the key point of persuasion", and believes that "punishment and reward are temporary honor and disgrace, and its power is in the ruler of the time; There are still drawbacks to the punishment and reward, but there are no drawbacks in the name. Therefore, the saints are first rewarded in name, and then by punishment" [236], showing the willingness of the later generations of scholars under the "prestige politics" to try to integrate the prestige system into the political system.

However, the political stance of the rich, Korean, and European people tended to be conservative in their later years, and their steady style of government was clearly contrary to the new political culture they had led in their youth. In a sense, they have degenerated into old doctors whom they once vehemently opposed. Therefore, in the period of peace, South Korea and Europe both fell into the predicament of being in high positions and their reputations were declining. The political controversy represented by the "Pu Yi" is not only a great explosion of contradictions between the speech officials and the rulers, but also an intergenerational conflict within the new type of scholars, and at the same time a manifestation of the self-renewal of "prestige politics".

Wang Anshi, Sima Guang and other new generation of scholars began to emerge, and soon became the object of public expectation. On the one hand, they have taken over the concept of "handsomeness" in uprightness, attached importance to admonitions, and called for change, and on the other hand, they have reflected on the theory of positive proximity. Wang Anshi wrote "The Theory of Truth and Truth" to denounce the disadvantages of false fame and truth, and once ridiculed Fan "is talented and refreshing, but he has a lot of time, so he is not far away." It is good and famous, and it is a traveler, and it is thought that the party helps it, and it is very bad customs." [237] He, Sima Guang, Lü Gongshu and others retired quite quietly on the occasion of the emperor's right and Jiayou, and repeatedly resigned from important positions, so that "getting the official position" became a shortcut to seek progress for a while. [238] This shows the enormous influence of people's words and deeds, as well as the fact that political speculation can change from time to time. Although the new generation of famous scholars is more famous than the Qingli scholars, they are not inferior to their younger predecessors. Therefore, it is not difficult to understand why Sima Guang wrote about the king's reputation in the third year of Xining (1070) in the "Book with Wang Jiefu":

He has been in charge of the world's great names for more than 30 years, and he is talented and rich, and it is difficult to advance and easy to retreat. People who are close to each other know and don't know each other, and if they can't afford it, they can be peaceful, and the people are swept away. The Son of Heaven used this to introduce the Fu in the midst of the unavoidable, to lead in the great politics, and not to desire what the people hoped for in the evil of the Jiefu?[239]

Wang Anshi was a well-deserved leader of Shilin in the early years of Jiayou to Xining, and he was also the spokesperson for the reform demands at that time. It was with this high name, which was similar to that of a saint in the world, that Wang Anshi was selected by the young Shenzong to practice his great policy together. It stands to reason that the king should do his best to satisfy "the expectations of the people" when he comes to power, but the result is that "scholars and doctors in the court and those who come from all over the world are all dismissive and mouthful." Down to the people of Lu Yan and the pawns of the small officials, they also lamented bitterly, and everyone blamed Jiefu" [240]. Sima Guang stressed to Wang Anshi that this was a very dangerous signal, which would not only ruin Wang Anshi's personal reputation, but also cause great damage to the "prestige politics" based on public opinion and with "fame" as the order.

Sima Guang's fears finally became a reality, and the meeting of Shenzong and Wang Anshi created the peak of "prestige politics" and opened the road to its end. Wang Anshi relied on "prestige politics" to get his way, but he also found that "prestige politics" also caused a lot of obstacles to the reform of the law. Because there are too many scholars and doctors who are also famous all over the world who are resolutely opposed to the new law, their dissent is enough to stir up "popular customs" and influence the direction of public opinion. Among them, there are important ministers of the three dynasties such as Han Qi, Fu Bi, and Ouyang Xuan, famous ministers of the same generation such as Sima Guang, and rising stars such as Su Hui and Su Zhe. Therefore, in order to implement the new law, it is first necessary to exclude these contemporary celebrities. After the Xi and Feng periods, the power system guided by the new law and centered on the imperial power continued to suppress public opinion in order to attack the prestige system, which became an important means of monarchical dictatorship in the late Northern Song Dynasty. During the Song Dynasty, Luoyang and Bianliang presented an unprecedented pattern of separation between "political unity" and "Taoist unity", "teacher" and "official", and political and cultural gravity[241], which is undoubtedly directly related to the rupture and sinking of "prestige politics".

To sum up, "prestige politics" is essentially the result of the independence and intervention of the social prestige system represented by the theory of gentry. The gentry class no longer just passively waited for the monarch's choice, but they always took the initiative to exert public opinion pressure, so that the monarch had to take into account the trend of prestige, and also made the famous people have to maintain public prestige. At the same time, although the "politics of prestige" is generally initiated from the bottom up by relying on public opinion, it is ultimately inseparable from the approval of the monarch. As a dictatorial emperor, Renzong was able to respect the theory of scholars represented by the Taiji, attached importance to the selection of ministers of the auxiliary, tried to understand the significance of the theory of positive prominence, gradually adapted to and accepted the prestige system, and was willing to create a situation of "co-governance" with the scholars, and constantly sought a new balance between the imperial power and the scholarly power in the interaction. This is an important prerequisite for the formation and consolidation of "prestige politics" in the midst of twists and turns.

VII. Conclusion

Quentin Skinner reminds us of the "sudden conceptual shifts" that are moments of major historical transitions. [242] The essence of the "Near-Name" Praise Movement was an ideological revolution that broke with the political tradition since the early Song Dynasty, which reflected the qualitative changes in the mode of action and values of the scholar class in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, and directly determined the overall turn of the political culture of the Northern Song Dynasty together with the debates on political issues such as partisanship, speech, and reform at that time. Through rhetorical revolution and political practice, the Gyeongli scholars promoted the destruction of the concept of prestige, and constructed a set of positive theories of proximity that included the theory of personal cultivation (Mingjie) and the theory of national governance (Mingjiao), prompting the scholar class to regain the reputation that had been lost for a long time since the Five Dynasties.

In contrast to the "near-name" praise movement, the "prestige politics" formed an important clue in the political history of the middle Northern Song Dynasty in a regular alternation between the implicit and the explicit. As a combination of prestige and power, the implicit and explicit aspects of "prestige politics" mainly depend on the relationship between the two, and the relationship between the two is determined by the specific situation. When the country is in crisis or society generally demands change, the political power of the prestige system is greatly unleashed, and those recognized talents are favored by the rulers. This is an important prerequisite for the development of the Qingli New Deal and Wang Anshi's reforms. And once peace returned, the bureaucracy's tendency to stabilize prevailed, the natural repulsion of power to prestige grew, and the Shilin leaders turned to the suspicion of the rulers. This is an important reason why the Qingli New Deal cannot be sustained.

The "near-name" praising movement and the "politics of prestige" were promoted simultaneously under the leadership of Dr. Celestial Hunter, and to borrow Lynn Hunt's metaphor, the two were intertwined into a "Möbius belt". They reflect the consciousness of the name of the scholar class in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty from the conceptual level and the political level. Since then, the name festival has not only been regarded as the foundation of the individual scholar's establishment of the dynasty, but also truly become the basis of the relationship and the standard of the scholarly community. In this great era when it is recognized that talents are extremely prosperous and famous people are produced in large numbers, the role of prestige in "exhorting the world" should not be overlooked.

Notes

[1] Wang Yuyan, "A Ding Shu Shu", vol. 18 of the Song Shaoxing engraving edition of Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 1, Beijing: Online Bookstore, 2004, p. 654.

[2] In his essay "Classes, Identities, and Political Parties", Max Weber argues that classes, identity groups, and political parties are phenomena of the distribution of power within a community. Class stratification is based on the economic order, identity groups are based on the social order, i.e., the distribution of social honour or prestige, and political parties belong to the realm of power, and the basis of stratification is the legal order. See Max Weber, trans. Yan Kewen, Economy and Society (Vol. 2), Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 2019, pp. 1284-1302. Weber's ideas later developed into the theory of pluralistic social stratification, and the three orders he proposed evolved into three key dimensions of social stratification: wealth and income (economic status), power (political status), and prestige (social status). Among them, prestige refers to the good evaluation and social recognition that a person receives from others, and can interact with wealth and power. See David Popenoe, trans. Li Qiang et al., Sociology (11th Edition), Beijing: Chinese University Press, 2007, pp. 263-268; Li Chunling and Lü Peng, The Theory of Social Stratification, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2008, pp. 33-49.

[3] Liu Baonan, Gao Liushui Dian Xiao: Analects of Justice, vol. 18, Wei Linggong Fifteenth, Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 2009, p. 629.

[4] Ban Gu, Annotated by Master Gu: Han Shu, vol. 62, Sima Migration Biography XXXII, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1962, p. 2727.

[5] For the history of the evolution of scholarly politics in ancient China and the characteristics of the role of scholars, see Yan Buke, Manuscript of the Evolution of Scholarly Politics, Beijing: Peking University Press, 1996.

[6] In the late Han Dynasty, see Yan Buke, The Manuscript of the History of the Change of the Procuratorial System, Shenyang: Liaoning University Press, 1991, pp. 81-89.

[7] See Han Yu, "Shangkao Gong Cui Yu Bushu", by Han Yu, Liu Zhenlun and Yue Zhen, Han Yuwen Jihui School Note, vol. 32, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, pp. 3074-3076.

[8] See Deng Xiaonan, "The Song Dynasty Civil Official Election System", Shi Jiazhuang: Hebei Education Press, 1993, pp. 88-120.

[9] Zhu Gang pointed out that one of the major contents of the "transformation of the Tang and Song dynasties" lies in the change in the nature of "scholars" and the transformation of their main body from gate lords to imperial examination scholars, and the latter's identity consciously lies in combining the spirit of "saving time" based on the position of the world with the cultural inheritance consciousness of "passing through the scriptures" and "doing the way". The symbol of the self-consciousness of the imperial examination scholars was the rise of the Qingli scholars in the Song Renzong Dynasty. See Zhu Gang, Tang and Song Dynasty "Ancient Literature Movement" and Shidafu Literature, Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2013, pp. 239-240.

[10] In the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty, especially in the Renzong Dynasty, the scholars' political participation consciousness and the situation of "co-governance", see Zhang Qifan, "An Analysis of the "Emperor and Scholars Ruling the World": An Exploration of the Political Structure of the Northern Song Dynasty, Jinan Academic Daily, No. 6, 2001, pp. 114-123, and Deng Xiaonan, "The Law of the Ancestors: A Political Narrative in the Early Northern Song Dynasty", Beijing: Life, Reading, Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore, 2006, pp. 416-421.

[11] According to the Song Dynasty, the Song people liked to talk about the famous ministers of their own dynasties, such as Du Daqi's "Collection of Famous Ministers Tablet Biography Wanyan", Zhu Xi's "Words and Deeds of Famous Ministers of the Five Dynasties" and "Words and Deeds of Famous Ministers of the Three Dynasties", and Zhu Xi's grandson Li Youwu's "Continuation of the Words and Deeds of Famous Ministers of the Imperial Dynasty", "Words and Deeds of Famous Ministers of the Four Dynasties", and "Words and Deeds of Famous Ministers of Imperial Taoism". The Song people were acutely aware that it was these elite scholars who defined their value system and shaped the world of power in which they lived.

[12] See the article "The Burden of "Han Yu Today": Ouyang Xuan's Role Consciousness and Writing Strategy in His Later Years", Beijing Social Sciences, No. 7, 2018, pp. 97-107.

[13] Lin Xiyi, "Gongbu Shilang Bao Zhang's Pavilion to be Prepared by Lin Gongxing", Qing Edition, Zhuxi 鬳齋eleven 藁續集, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Journal, vol. 83, p. 588.

[14] See "The Fan, Lu Dang Controversy and the Transformation of Political Culture in the Northern Song Dynasty: An Investigation Based on Political Revision," Sino-Foreign Forum, No. 1, 2020, pp. 3-74.

[15] Of course, there is also some discussion in the academic community about the "pronymous theory". For example, Liu Fusheng, "The Revival of Confucianism in the Middle Northern Song Dynasty" (Taipei: Wenjin Publishing House, 1991, pp. 136-137), [Japanese] Sato Ren: "Fan Zhongyan "Near-name Theory" ("Minutes of the Faculty of Literature of Kurume University", 1994), Wang Ruilai: "The Mainstream Spiritual Theory of Song Dynasty Scholars: An Investigation Centered on Fan Zhongyan" (in Song History Research Series, vol. 6, pp. 169-198) There is some analysis, but it does not expand the horizon to the entire group of Qingli doctors. Xie Yan: "The Anxiety of "Immortality": Ouyang Xu's Jinshi Activities from the Perspective of Intellectual History" (Journal of East China Normal University, No. 2, 2017), Li Changshu: "On the "Good Name" of Northern Song Dynasty Scholars: Taking Ouyang Xuan as an Example" (Journal of Anhui Normal University, No. 5, 2018) discusses the phenomenon of new scholars attaching importance to honor and honor in the middle of the Northern Song Dynasty with Ouyang Xuan as the center, and involves the controversy of "near names". Yang Shili, "The Northern Song Dynasty Shifeng and the Confucian Concept of Famous Festivals" (Zhongzhou Academic Journal, No. 2, 2010) noted that the Renzong Dynasty broke out in the controversy centered on "near names" and "good names", but only used the "near names" controversy as a historical material to help morale and the Confucian concept of famous festivals, and did not deeply explore its ontology. In short, on the one hand, the existing research emphasizes "jie" rather than "name" when discussing "name festivals", and on the other hand, it does not consider the dispute over "near names" in relation to the political culture of the early and middle Northern Song Dynasty, so it does not observe the transformation of the meaning of words and the ideological transformation behind them.

[16] See Deng Xiaonan, "A Discussion on the Song Dynasty's 'Law of the Ancestors': Focusing on the Northern Song Dynasty", in Deng Xiaonan, Lang Tong Xue Shi Jungle Manuscript, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, pp. 1-35.

[17] Wang Shumin, Zhuangzi Proofreading, vol. 1, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2007, p. 99.

[18] "Wang Dan Bai Ji Xiang System", "Blame Qian Wei Yan Chongxin Military Festival to Ben Cheng Zhi", edited by Si Yizu, Song Da Zhi Ling Ji, vol. 51 "Prime Minister I", vol. 205 "Political Affairs Fifty-eight", Beijing: Zhonghua Book Bureau, 1962, pp. 263, 764.

[19] See Detachment et al., History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 266, Liebiography XXV, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 9173.

[20] See Li Tao, "Continuation of the Capital and Governance of Tongjian" (hereinafter referred to as the "Long Edition"), vol. 41, "Zhidao 3rd Year August Jihai Article", Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1992, p. 876.

[21] See History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 282, Liebiography 41, p. 9544.

[22] See History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 297, Liebiography 56, p. 9886.

[23] See Ye Mengde, Yuwen Shaoyi Kaoyi, Hou Zhongyi, Shilin Yanyu, vol. 5, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1997, p. 75.

[24] See "Long Edition", vol. 35, "Chunhua 5th April Ding Youtiao", pp. 779-780.

[25] See Song Imperial Decrees, vol. 191, Political Affairs No. 44, p. 701.

[26] See "Long Edition", vol. 44, "Xianping 2nd Year February Jiyoutiao", p. 930.

[27] See "Long Edition", vol. 85, "Dazhong Xiangfu 8th Year October Bingxu Article", p. 1953.

[28] See Deng Xiaonan, "A Discussion on the Song Dynasty's 'Law of the Ancestors': Focusing on the Northern Song Dynasty," Lang Tong Xue Shi Jungle Manuscript, 2010, p. 5.

[29] History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 282, Liebiography 41, p. 9541.

[30] See Su Ying, Yu Zongxian, Longchuan Beizhi, Beijing: Zhonghua Publishing House, 1982, pp. 73-74.

[31] Xu Ziming, Wang Ruilai, Song Zaifu Chronicle Proofreading, vol. 3 Emperor Zhenzong, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, pp. 103-104.

[32] Lü Zhong, "Lectures on the Memorabilia of the Imperial Dynasty", vol. 6, written by Lü Zhong, edited by Zhang Qifan and Bai Xiaoxia, Lectures on the Memorabilia of the Imperial Dynasty, Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 2013, p. 139.

[33] See Hong Mai, ed., Kong Fanli, Rong Qi Sui Pen, vol. 4, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2005, p. 55. Again, Su Yun commented on this matter: "When Wang Dan was the prime minister, there were people who had passed the talent, but he was not able to fight so far, and there were few people who discussed it. Gai Dan is a human being, and he is a great prime minister. The Tao is unfortunately born in a chaotic world, and it cannot stand on its own feet in the time of life and death; once the true sect is true to the truth, it is obedient to its words and is content with the situation, and it cannot end itself with righteousness, which is no different from the Tao. ("Longchuan Biezhi", vol. 1, p. 73) This shows the continuity of political culture from the late Tang Dynasty to the early Northern Song Dynasty.

[34] Wang Yuyan, "A Ding Shu Shu", vol. 18 of the Song Shaoxing engraving Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Magazines, vol. 1, p. 654.

[35] Wang Zeng, Zhang Qifandianxiao: Wang Wenzheng Gongbilu, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2017, p. 21.

[36] See "Long Edition", vol. 98, "Bingyin Article of February of the First Year of Qianxing", pp. 2273-2275.

[37] See Song Zaifu's Chronicle Proofreading, vol. 3, Emperor Zhenzong, p. 101.

[38] See "Long Edition", vol. 73, "Dazhong Xiangfu 3rd Year First Month Ding Chou Tiao", p. 1653.

[39] 參見, "Long Story," 84, "Ōnaka Shokō Eight Years, April Month Dog," p. 1923.

[40] Song Zaifu Chronicle Proofreading, vol. 3, Emperor Zhenzong, p. 143.

[41] Wang Yuyan, "The Book of Answers", vol. 18 of the Song Shaoxing engraving of Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Collection Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 1, p. 654.

[42] History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 293, Liebiography 52, p. 9800.

[43] Tianjie, Zhang Qizhen, "Confucian Government," Beijing: China Book Bureau, 2017, pp. 65-66.

[44] Qiang Zhi, "The Legacy of the Duke of Han Wei", written by Han Qi, Li Zhiliang and Xu Zhengying, Note: Appendix 5 to Anyang Ji Chronicle Notes, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 2000, p. 1880.

[45] "Long Story," No. 65, "Jing Dei Four Years, June Six Months," p. 1466.

[46] "Long Edition", vol. 93, "Tianxi 3rd March Yi Youtiao", p. 2142.

[47] Wen Ying: 《Xiangshan Field 錄》卷中,Wen Ying撰,Zheng Shigang, Yang Liyang點School:《Xiangshan Field 錄 續湘山野錄 玉壺清話》, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Bureau, 1997, p. 27.

[48] "Long Edition", vol. 93, "Tianxi 3rd March Yi Youtiao", p. 2142.

[49] [Length], 93, "Tianqin 3 Years, May Ko Shenjo," p. 2148.

[50] [Long Story], 93, "Tianqin 3 Years, May Ko Shenjo," p. 2148.

[51] Wen-ei: "Jade Pot Pure Story" (卷 3), "Xiangshan Field Tale 續湘山野錄 玉壺清話", 1997, p. 29.

[52] Zhang Jing, "Therefore Rujing Envoy Jin Ziguang Lu Dafu Inspector Sikong Zhi Chuzhou Military Prefecture Affairs Soldier Ma Liang and Imperial Shi Dafu Shangzhu Guo Hedong County Kaiguo Bo Shiyi 900 Households Liu Gong Xing", Liu Kai, Li Kefeng Dian Xiao: Liu Kaiji, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2015, p. 221.

[53] Mu Xuan, "A Qiao Shi Shu", in the Qing edition of Henan Collection, vol. 2, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 2, p. 409.

[54] Wang Yuyan, "A Reply to Zheng Baoshu", vol. 18 of the Song Shaoxing engraving of Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 1, p. 651. However, it is impossible to overestimate Wang Yuyan's reputation, as recorded in the "Jade Tomb Qinghua" Su Yi Brief List of Sun and more than 300 people sent Wang Yuyan out of Huangzhou to know that the matter was due to the posterity. For an analysis of this matter, see Zhou Bida, "Erlaotang Poems", edited by He Wenxuan, "Historical Poems", Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2004, pp. 657-658. Most of the young scholars sought after Wang Yu for the utilitarian purpose of meddling, and even Wang also encountered "those who have a job and act in disobedience, who are not only ill with grandchildren and talents, but also resentful of their undisputed reputation, and gather to create slander" (Wang Yuyan, "A Reply to Zheng Baoshu", Song Shaoxing's engraving of Wang Huangzhou's Small Animal Collection, vol. 18, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 1, p. 651).

[55] Wang Yuyan, "The Song of the Reward for the Secret of Peace", vol. 13 of the Song Shaoxing engraved edition of Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Collection Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 1, p. 618.

[56] See Wang Yuyan, "He Tuntian Yang Langzhong Stayed in the Same Year", Song Shaoxing's engraved edition of Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, vol. 11, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 1, p. 611, and Wang Yuyan, "Changzhou Repatriation", vol. 2, edited by the Institute of Ancient Literature, Peking University, vol. 71, Beijing: Peking University Press, 1995, p. 806.

[57] See History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 293, Liebiography 52, p. 9799.

[58] Wang Yuyan, "Xie Zhuan Xingbu Lang Zhong Biao", vol. 22 of the engraved edition of Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Journals, vol. 1, p. 683.

[59] Wang Yuyan, "Huangzhou Xie Shang Biao", vol. 22 of the Song Shaoxing engraving Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 1, p. 684.

[60] History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 305, Liebiography 64, p. 10091.

[61] "Long Story," 96, "Tianqin 4th Year 12 Month Ding Ox Joe," p. 2227.

[62] See History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 305, Liebiography 64, pp. 10082-10083.

[63] Ou Yang Xuan: "Gui Tian Lu", vol. 1, by Ou Yang Xuan, Li Yi'an, "Ou Yang Xuan", vol. 126, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2001, p. 1914.

[64] Zeng Lizhuang and Liu Lin, eds., The Complete Song Dynasty, Vol. 282, Shanghai: Shanghai Resignation Publishing House, Hefei: Anhui Education Press, 2006, vol. 14, p. 148.

[65] Fan Zhongyan, "Yang Wengong Writes True Praise", by Fan Zhongyan, Li Yongxian and Wang Ronggui Edited by Fan Zhongyan, Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 2007, p. 167.

[66] [Long] 146, "慶曆四年年正月丙辰", 條, p. 3549.

[67] "The Edict of the Priest of the Great Doctor," Song Da Zhi Decree Collection, vol. 192, Political Affairs No. 45, p. 706.

[68] Some scholars have noted that the Song emperors admonished scholars and doctors to ensure that their names were in line with their names and that they were responsible for self-cultivation and self-examination, a requirement rarely seen in the edicts of Tang emperors. See Huang Zhengjian, "The Characteristics and Changes of "Scholars" in the Tang Dynasty: Focusing on <唐書>Dual-Use Words", in Ancient Chinese Social and Economic History: A Collection of Essays Commemorating the 80th Birthday of Mr. Huang Huixian, Wuhan: Hubei People's Publishing House, 2010, pp. 496-502.

[69] [Long], 110, "Tensei Nine Years, October Otojo," p. 2568.

[70] "Long Edition", vol. 124, "Bao Yuan 2nd Year September Yi Si Tiao", p. 2924.

[71] "The Covenant of the Covenant of the Covenant of the Princes," Song Da Zhi Decree Collection, vol. 194, Political Affairs No. 47, p. 712.

[72] [Long] 113, "Meido 2nd Year 12 Month 丙 Shenjo", p. 2646.

[73] [Length], 133, "Gyeongsang's First Year, August Koshinjo," p. 3161.

[74] Sima Guang, edited by Deng Guangming and Zhang Xiqing, Shushui Ji, vol. 8, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1989, p. 148.

[75] "Long Story," No. 164, p. 3954.

[76] In fact, it is likely that the opposite is true, and instead of keeping it secret, the Zaichen will publicize the face of Renzong as a king, and of course it is customary to add this aspect of reverence. If Renzong really didn't want to be famous, the historian would not have written about it again and again.

[77] Zhang Fangping, "Therefore Recommend Cheng Baode Xuanzhong Liang Jie Chongren Xiegong Shou Zheng Yi Dai Gongchen Kaifu Yi Tong Sansi Shou Taiwei Zhi Shi Shangzhu Guo Xu Guo Gong Shi 18,400 Households Sealed 7,600 Households Donated Taishi Zhongshu Ling Wen Jing Lu Gong Shendao Inscription", written by Zhang Fangping, Zheng Han Dianxiao: Zhang Fangping Collection, Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Publishing House, 1992, pp. 588-593.

[78] Luo Congyan, "Zunyaolu", vol. 5, Luo Congyan, ed., The Collected Works of Mr. Luo Yuzhang, vol. 5, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1985, p. 62.

[79] See Wang Kaizhi, ed., Lv Youren, Dian Ed., Records of the Yan Shui Yan, vol. 3, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1981, p. 30.

[80] Song Xiang: "The Charter of Literature and the Tomb of the Tomb," Song Xiang: "Jingwen Shu," Wu 59, Shanghai: Commercial Seal Library, 1936, pp. 786-788.

[81] See Zhang Fangping, "Tuicheng Baode Chongren Shouzheng Zhong Liang Yi Dai Gongchen Kaifu Yi Tong Sansi Shou Situ Zhishi Shangzhu Guoqi Guogong Shiyi 1900 Households Shishi Shi Gong Shen Tao Inscription Gong Yingchuan Chen Gong Shen Tao Inscription in the Confession of the Emperor and Servant Zhong Zhi Gong Gong Yingchuan Chen Gong Shendao Inscription", Zhang Fangping Collection, p. 622.

[82] Wen Yanbo, "Guanwendian Scholar Shangshu Zuo Cheng Zhuang Gao Gong Shendao Tablet", by Wen Yanbo, Shenli Proofreading: Wen Yanbo Collection Proofreading, vol. 12, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2006, pp. 553-555.

[83] Sun Luan, "Ding Wen Jian Gongdu Chongru Monument", edited by Du Daqi, Gu Hongyi and Su Xian proof: The Monument of Famous Ministers (Mingchen Tablet Biography Wanyan Collection Proof), Volume 3, Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2021, p. 73.

[84] See Wang Ying, "The Conduct of Mr. Wending Zhang Gongle Quan," Quan Song Wen, vol. 1841, vol. 84, p. 387.

[85] Wang Qi, "The Inscription of the Sacred Monument of the Song and Yuan Dynasty Constitutional Shrines", Wang Qi, Huayang Collection, vol. 36, Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1936, pp. 466-467.

[86] Wen Yanbo, "Motto Chronicles", written by Wen Yanbo, edited by Shenli: Wen Yanbo Collection Notes, vol. 13, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2016, pp. 571-573.

[87] Fan Zhongyan, "Mr. Gift Zhang", The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, p. 26.

[88] Fan Zhongyan, "Shang Zhang Right Cheng Shu", The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, p. 209.

[89] Fan Zhongyan, "Shang Zhang Right Cheng Shu", The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, p. 209.

[90] Su Shunqin, "Duan Gongshu, Deputy Envoy of the Third Division", by Su Shunqin, Fu Pingyu and Hu Wentao, vol. 7, Chengdu: Bashu Publishing House, 1991, p. 458.

[91] See Cai Xiang, "Xi Ou Yang Yongshu Yu Andao Wang Zhong Yi Dismissal of the Official", by Cai Xiang, Xu 𤊹 et al., eds., Wu Yining, Cai Xiang Ji, Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1996, p. 74.

[92] Yin Zhu, "The Tomb Inscription of the Tomb of the Former Dynasty Fenglang Si Feng Zhi Zhi Shi Zhu Guo Gift Fish Bag Zhang Cemetery", Ming Edition, Henan Mr. Anthology, vol. 17, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Journals, vol. 3, p. 441.

[93] Ouyang Xuan, "The Book of Damage in the Middle Way with Wang Lang", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 147, p. 2406.

[94] Ou Yang Xuan, "Rereading the Wandering Collection", The Complete Works of Ou Yang Xuan, vol. 3, p. 46.

[95] Ou Yang Xuan, "Sacrifice to Su Zi Meiwen", The Complete Works of Ou Yang Xuan, vol. 49, p. 695.

[96] See Chen Xianglin, "Ouyang Xu's Literary and Emotional World", Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2012, pp. 254-284, and Xie Yan, "The Anxiety of "Imperity": Ouyang Xu's Jinshi Activities from the Perspective of Intellectual History", Journal of East China Normal University, No. 2, 2017, pp. 99-106.

[97] 參見歐陽脩: 《朋黨論》, 《歐陽脩全集》卷 17, p. 297.

[98] Han Qi: "Introduction to the Proceedings of the Literature of the Song of the Song," "The Anyang Collection," p. 724.

[99] Ou Yangxuan, "Inscription on the Cemetery of the Crown Prince and the Prince's Father", The Complete Works of Ouyangxu, vol. 31, pp. 468-469.

[100] "The Imperial Palace," Song Da Zhi Decree Collection, vol. 192, Political Affairs Forty-Five, p. 706.

[101] See "The Fan, Lu Dang Controversy and the Transformation of Political Culture in the Northern Song Dynasty: An Investigation Based on Political Revision," Sino-Foreign Forum, No. 1, 2020, pp. 3-74. According to the "Biyun Wind" that was later entrusted to Mei Yanchen, Fan Zhongyan bluntly criticized Fan Zhongyan as "a small group of concubines, a loud fan of drums, and a famous person as a wing, so he has a false reputation and is a day of prosperity, and he participates in political affairs", and he is not worthy of the name, and he loses his position and "does not regain the small group of concubines, and he is a famous person, so the bottom is exposed". See Zhu Yi'an, Fu Xuancong et al., eds., The Written Records of the Song Dynasty, Zhengzhou: Elephant Publishing House, 2003, 1st ed., Vol. 5, p. 79.

[102] Su Xiangxian, "Wei Gongwen Xun", vol. 7, Su Song, Wang Tongce, Guan Chengxue, Yan Zhongqi et al.: Su Wei Gongwen Collection, Appendix 1, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2004, p. 1160.

[103] Shi Kai: "Shangwang Yi Gongshu", Shi Kai, Chen Uezhong: 《徂徠石先生文集》卷14, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Bureau, 1984, p. 167.

[104] See Su Xuan, "Fu Zheng Gong Shendao Monument", written by Su Xuan, edited by Mao Wei, edited by Kong Fanli, Su Xuan, vol. 18, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1986, p. 530.

[105] These derogatory terms can be seen as a great gathering of scholars since the Han and Wei dynasties to criticize the shortcomings of Shangming. For example, "Gu Ji", a determinatory term invented by the Tang people and carried forward by the Song people, appeared very frequently in the Renzong Dynasty, and can almost be regarded as a synonym for "near name", see "Blame Kong Daofu and Other Orders of the Imperial History Tai Xuan Dynasty Tang Xuan", Song Da Imperial Decree Collection, vol. 192, "Zheng Shi 45", p. 706; "勅牓 Chaotang", Song Da Imperial Decree Collection, vol. 192, "Political Affairs 45", p. 706; Shi Jie: "Shangwang Yi Gongshu", "The Collected Works of Mr. Culai Shi", vol. 14, p. 167; Ouyang Xuan: On Bao Zheng's Removal of the Three Envoys, Ouyang Xuan's Complete Works, vol. 112, p. 1694, and Zhang Fangping, "Another Pair of Imperial Records", Zhang Fangping's Collection, p. 234. "Vigorous" and "impatient" are published in "The Imperial Hall", in Song Da Imperial Decree Collection, vol. 192, "Political Affairs Forty-five", p. 706. "Good Names and Happy Events" is published in the volume of "Longchuan Farewell Chronicles", p. 82. "Fishing for fame and filth" is published in "The Edict of the Doctor of the Commandments", in the Collection of the Edicts of the Great Song Dynasty, vol. 192, "Political Affairs Forty-five", p. 706. "Tricky", "Attached to the Fan of Separation", and "Betraying the Dead Party" came out of the "Edict on the Reign of the Commandment", "Song Da Zhao Decree Collection", vol. 193, "Political Affairs Forty-six", p. 708.

[106] [Length], No. 34, "Junhua 4th Year May Month Tiger Castle," p. 748.

[107] See History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 330, Liebiography No. 89, p. 10620.

[108] [Long Story], 卷55 "咸平六年7月癸丑條", p. 1208.

[109] See Liu Qingzhi, "Ring Zi Tonglu", vol. 6, Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1935, pp. 7b-8a.

[110] Wang Yansuo, "Han Wei Gongbei Lu", Appendix 4 of Anyang Ji Chronicle Note, p. 1869. According to the "History of the Song Dynasty", Wang Zeng's words are slightly different: "Those who speak today are not excited, but they are more afraid, how can they make up for virtue?" ("History of the Song Dynasty", vol. 312, "Liebiography 71", p. 10222), but it can also correspond to Gao and Fan.

[111] Ryūkawa Besshi, p. 82.

[112] Wang Qinruo et al., eds., Zhou Xun Elementary School Editing: Shufu Yuan Turtle, vol. 954, Nanjing: Phoenix Publishing House, 2006, p. 11045.

[113] See Fan Zhongyan, "Shangzhi Yan Shilangshu", The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, p. 230.

[114] "Long Edition", vol. 118, "Jing Yu 3rd Year May Bingxu Article", p. 2784.

[115] Fan Zhongyan, "Shangzi Zhengyan Shilang Shu", The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, pp. 232-233.

[116] Fan Zhongyan, "On the Nearness of Names", The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, pp. 154-155.

[117] Chen argues that the Middle Ages generally held a dualistic worldview of "outer Confucianism and inner Buddha (Tao)", that is, Confucianism "provides norms for external behavior and group order in human life", and Buddhism and Taoism are "resources for settling individual spiritual life and exploring the ultimate problems of the universe". See Chen Qianshui, "Liu Zongyuan and the Revival of Confucianism in the Middle and Tang Dynasty", in Chen Qianshui, Tang Dynasty Scribes and the Transformation of Chinese Thought, Guilin: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2009, pp. 269-280. According to him, Fan Zhongyan's thinking was deeply influenced by Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, but he has always strictly adhered to the Confucian standard in his political philosophy. See the article "Fan and Lü Dang Struggle and the Transformation of Political Culture in the Northern Song Dynasty: An Investigation Based on Political Rhetoric", Sino-Foreign Forum, No. 1, 2020, pp. 3-74.

[118] For the meaning of "Mingjiao", see Chen Yinke, "Tao Yuanming's Thought and the Relationship between Qing Talk"±, Chen Yinke, "The First Compilation of the Jinmingguan Manuscript Series", Beijing: Life, Reading, Xinzhi Sanlian Bookstore, 2001, pp. 201-229; Tang Yongtong, "Reading<人物志>", Tang Yongtong, "Wei and Jin Metaphysical Papers", Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2001, pp. 3-22; Tang Changru, "Three Treatises on the History of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Dynasties: The Formation and Early Changes of Chinese Feudal Society" Wuhan: Wuhan University Press, 1992, p. 65.

[119] See Tang Changru, "Three Treatises on the History of the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang Dynasties: The Formation and Early Changes of Chinese Feudal Society", p. 65.

[120] See Yan Zhi Tui, Wang Liqi's Note: The Collected Explanations of the Family's Training, vol. 4, "The Tenth Truth", Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1993, pp. 312-313.

[121] See Wang Yuyan, "The Book of Answers", vol. 18 of the Song Shaoxing engraving Wang Huangzhou Small Animal Collection, photocopy of Song Collection Rare Books and Jungle Journals, vol. 1, p. 654.

[122] 參見范中淹: "Theory of Near Names", "The Complete Works of Mo Zhong Zhong", p. 155.

[123] See The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 60, pp. 860-861.

[124] The Complete Works of Ouyang, vol. 60, p. 862.

[125] Sun Xun, "On the Prime Minister's Failure to Contribute to the Future," Quan Song Wen, vol. 435, vol. 21, p. 79.

[126] See Cai Xiang, "The Book of Advice on the Addition of Words", Cai Xiang Ji, pp. 396-397.

[127] See Cai Xiang, "Begging Lü Yijian to Discuss Military and State Affairs", Cai Xiang Ji, pp. 318-319.

[128] See Ouyangxuan: On the Essentials, The Complete Works of Ouyangxuan, vol. 60, pp. 860-861.

[129] The Complete Works of Ou Yang Xuan, vol. 60, p. 863.

[130] Han Qi, "The Inscription of the Cemetery of the Prince's Young Master Zhi Shi Zhi Shi Gift Prince Taishi Ouyang Cemetery," An Yang Ji, p. 1540.

[131] Ou Yang Xuan, "On Li Shu's Rape and Evil Zarson", The Complete Works of Ou Yang Xuan, vol. 101, p. 1548.

[132] "Long Story," No. 142, p. 3416.

[133] Tian Jing, Zhang Yi Zhen School: "Confucian Government" Annex 3, Beijing: China Book Bureau, 2017, pp. 204-205.

[134] "The Reign of the Emperor", Song Da Zhi Lingji, vol. 193, Political Affairs No. 46, p. 708.

[135] Bao Zheng, "Seven Things", written by Bao Zheng, Yang Guoyi, Bao Zhengji, vol. 3, Hefei: Huangshan Books, 1999, p. 205.

[136] According to Zeng's "Longping Collection", the text of Yun Bao Zheng's "Seven Things" is "very beautiful", which shows the trend of the current theory. See Zeng Xuan, Wang Ruilai, Longping Ji School Certificate, vol. 11, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2012, p. 333.

[137] See "Long Edition", vol. 166, "The First Year of the Emperor's First Year in March", p. 3995.

[138] Fan Zhongyan, "The Book of Ye Neihan, the Provincial Lord", Part II, The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, p. 263.

[139] History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 295, Liebiography 54, p. 9855.

[140] Fan Zhongyan, "The Book of Ye Neihan, the Provincial Lord", Part II, The Complete Works of Fan Zhongyan, p. 263.

[141] 參見, "Ryukawa Betsushi," supra, p. 83.

[142] 歐陽脩: 《潁州謝上表》,《歐陽脩全集》卷90, p. 1327.

[143] After the failure of the Qingli New Deal, the political reflection of the reformers and the change of political concepts, see "The Drunken Song of the Punished: The Song of the Northern Song Dynasty in the Intertwining of Poetics and Politics", Journal of South China Normal University, No. 1, 2020, pp. 42-60.

[144] Qiang Zhi, "The Legacy of the Duke of Han Wei", Notes on the Anyang Collection, Appendix 5, p. 1881. In addition, Wang Weisuo's "Records of the Duke of Han and Wei" also has similar articles.

[145] Qiang Zhi, "The Remains of the Duke of Han Wei", Appendix 5 of Anyang Ji Chronicle Note, p. 1881.

[146] See "The Fan, Lu Dang Controversy and the Transformation of Political Culture in the Northern Song Dynasty: An Investigation Based on Political Revision," Sino-Foreign Forum, No. 1, 2020, pp. 3-74.

[147] See Ouyang Xuan, "On Bao Zheng and the Three Envoys of the Three Divisions", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 112, pp. 1692-1695.

[148] For the political concept of Ouyang Xuan during the Jiayou and Zhiping periods, see Liu Zijian, "The Governance and Politics of Ouyang Xuan", Taipei: Xinwen Feng Publishing Company, 1963, pp. 224-247.

[149] Ouyang Xuan, "On Bao Zheng Removing the Three Envoys", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 112, pp. 1692-1693.

[150] [Long] 189, "Kayu 4 years 3 months mimi," p. 4557.

[151] See Ouyang, Yi Tongzi Q, vol. 2, The Complete Works of Ouyang, vol. 77, p. 1117.

[152] See Ouyang Xuan, "Discussion of Learning", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 110, p. 1673.

[153] See Ou Yang Xuan, "Wu Shang Shu Wen", The Complete Works of Ou Yang Xuan, vol. 50, p. 700.

[154] See Shi Jie, "Shangkong Zhongcheng Shu", Collected Works of Mr. Culai Shi, vol. 13, p. 149.

[155] Tsai Xiangshu, p. 592.

[156] See Cai Xiang, "Yan Zengzhi Zhi Guanshu", Cai Xiang Ji, p. 397.

[157] Ou Yangxuan, "Resignation and Summoning to Test the Knowing System of Confessions," The Complete Works of Ouyangxu, vol. 90, p. 1317.

[158] Ou Yangxuan, "The State of Resignation and Examination", The Complete Works of Ouyangxu, vol. 90, p. 1316.

[159] Ouyang Xuan, "The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan", vol. 90, p. 1317.

[160] See Ouyang Xuan, "Resignation and Summoning the Examination of the Zhi Zhi

[161] Ouyang Xuan, "The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan", vol. 90, p. 1317.

[162] "Long Story," No. 148, "慶曆四年四月戊戌條", p. 3580.

[163] See Shi Jie, "Shangkong Zhongcheng Shu", Collected Works of Mr. Lai Shi, vol. 13, pp. 149-150.

[164] Shisuke: "The Book of Upper Confucians," "Collected Writings of the Teacher of Sorai Stone," pp. 13, 149-150.

[165] Wang Yansuo, "Han Wei Gongbei Lu", Notes on the Anyang Collection, Appendix 4, p. 1870.

[166] 參見歐陽脩: 《朋黨論》,《歐陽脩全集》卷17, p. 297.

[167] "The Honest Shame," The Complete Works of Ou Yang, vol. 130, p. 1984.

[168] See Cai Xiang, "Begging Lü Yijian to Discuss Military and State Affairs", Cai Xiangji, pp. 318-319.

[169] See Han Qi, "The Essay of Ouyang Yongshu, the Young Master of the Sacrifice," Anyang Ji Chronicle Note, p. 1363.

[170] Chen Fuliang, "Wenzhou Flooding and Supplementing the Fields of Study", by Chen Fuliang, Zhou Mengjiang Dianxiao: Chen Fuliang's Collected Works, vol. 39, Hangzhou: Zhejiang University Press, 1999, p. 501.

[171] Zhu Zi Linguistics, vol. 129, written by Zhu Xi, edited by Zhu Jieren, Yan Zuozhi and Liu Yongxiang, Zhu Ziquanshu, Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, Hefei: Anhui Education Press, 2002, vol. 18, p. 4021. There is also a similar saying in the same volume of "Zhu Zi's Language": "Since the ancestors, the name is like Li Wenjing, Wang Wenzheng, and the duke, and it is not allowed to be good." When Fan Wenzheng was in power, he made a big name to boost morale, so he did a lot of work to cheer up the scholars. (Zhu Ziquanshu, vol. 18, p. 4022)

[172] Shilin's evaluation of Wang Zeng and Lü Yijian was similar to that of Kou and Ding, and both had an arrow buttress effect. Han Qi said: "The real temple is discussed and shared, and the Qing discussion is with Duke Yi, not with Duke Shen, and sincerity cannot be bullied." (Qiang Zhi: "The Remains of the Duke of Han Wei", Appendix 5 of the Anyang Collection Chronicle Note, p. 1880)

[173] Wang Yansuo, "Han Wei Gongbei Record", Anyang Ji Chronicle Notes, Appendix 4, p. 1868.

[174] History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 314, Liebiography 73, p. 10268.

[175] See The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 120, pp. 1847-1852.

[176] Later generations of scholars often used the contrast between Ouyang and his before and after to refute his performance in the "Pu Yi". For example, Sima Guang wrote a preface to Lü Xuzhang's collection of recitals, and first quoted Ouyang Xuan's exposition on the admonition in the Shangfan Si Book to defend Lü, which can be said to be the way of the other to return the favor to the other. Wang Anshi once ridiculed Ouyang Yu for "what he did the day after tomorrow (to participate in politics), and to test his intentions the day before yesterday (to advise officials)", which is obviously inconsistent in words and deeds. See "Long Edition", vol. 224, "Jiazitiao in the sixth month of the fourth year of Xining", p. 5449. Another example is that Luo Dajing also ridiculed "Pu Yi": "Ou Gong has this theory, but he lacks reflection." If this is the case, then when he was an official and an attendant before, every matter of arguing, is it also greedy for good fame, seeking strange goods, and looking for good topics! It must be remembered that the day of the uphill holding is also looking for a good question. (Written by Luo Dajing, edited by Wang Ruilai, Helin Yulu, vol. 2, ed. C, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 260)

[177] Han Qi: "Wen Zheng Mo Public Concert Collection," "Anyang Collection," p. 724.

[178] Shisuke: "Shangmo Siyuan Books," "Writings of Sorai Stone Teachers," Vol. 13, pp. 150-151.

[179] Shi Jie, "Song Song Ming Dao", The Collected Works of Mr. Shi Shi, vol. 1, p. 6.

[180] See Ouyang Xuan, "Shang Fan Si Zhishu", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 67, p. 974.

[181] Shisuke: "The Book of the Upper Age," "The Writings of the Teacher of the Sacred Spirits," Vol. 12, p. 132.

[182] Yu Jing, "On Fan Zhongyan Doesn't Properly Win the Crime of Words," Wuxi Ji Xiao Zhen, vol. 21, p. 642.

[183] Kong Pingzhong, "Kong's Discussion Yuan", vol. 4, by Pan Rushi et al., Yang Qianshu and Xu Lidianxiao, Ding Yan Gongtan Lu (Outer Three Kinds), Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2012, p. 252.

[184] In addition to being the governor of the capital, the "Zhikaifeng Mansion" was also very likely to be promoted to the ruling position. Hong Mai said: "In addition to the government, the dynasty mostly worships from the three envoys, Hanlin scholars, Zhikaifeng Mansion, and Yushi, and is commonly known as 'four heads'." (Rong Zhai's Essays, vol. 3, p. 253)

[185] History of the Song Dynasty, vol. 314, Liebiography Vol. 73, p. 10275.

[186] "Lecture Notes on the Memorabilia of the Imperial Dynasty," vol. 10, "Lectures on the Memorabilia of the Imperial Dynasty;

[187] Wang Li, Sun Xingcheng, Cui Guoguang-hsiang: "Dongdu Affairs," 卷 118 [隱逸傳101], 濟南: 齊魯書社, 2000, p. 1030.

[188] Su Shunqin, "Shangfan Gong Shen Zheng Shu and Seven Matters of Consultation", Su Shun Qin's Collected Editorial Notes, vol. 8, pp. 527-528.

[189] 此處參考劉子健皇權（ultimate power）、行政權力（executive power）和輿論權力（opinion power）三分的北宋歷史分析框架，參見James T. C. Liu, “An Administrative Cycle in Chinese History: The Case of Northern Sung Emperors”, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.21, No.2, 1962.

[190] Su Shunqin, "The Book of Duan Gongshu, Deputy Envoy of the Third Division", Su Shunqin Ji Chronicle Notes, vol. 7, p. 458.

[191] "Xiangshan Field" and "Xiangshan Field" and "Xiangshan Field" (Xiangshan Field) and "Xiangshan Mountain" (Xiangshan Mountain)

[192] Kobayashi Yoshihiro pointed out that the connection between public opinion and the decision of the national will was after entering the Renzong era, see Kobayashi Yoshihiro, "Ouyang Xuan's View of Admonition and Public Opinion", edited by Zhu Gang and Liu Ning, Ouyang Xuan and Song Dynasty Scholars, Shanghai: Shanghai People's Publishing House, 2007, pp. 3-28.

[193] Su Shun Qin's Collected Chronicles, vol. 7, p. 439.

[194] Wang Yansuo, "Han Wei Gongbei Record", Anyang Ji Chronicle Notes, Appendix 4, p. 1869. According to the fact that there is an error in the account of this matter, Song Zhen and Chao Zong entered the Zhongshu later than Zhang Shisun and Zhang Dexiang, and for the argument, see the "Long Edition", vol. 121, "The Wuxu Article of the First Year of the Baoyuan Dynasty", p. 2865. According to Han Qi's "Beggar Fu Bi Song", Han Ju Du Yan, Fan Zhongyan, Kong Daofu, Song Qi, and Xu Yan "regarded as loyal and righteous ministers", and Wang Zeng, Lu Yijian, Cai Qi, and Song Wei's "Ministers of Choice", and the Qing Calendar Doctor also accounted for the main body (Appendix 1, p. 1605).

[195] See Shi Jie, "Shangfan Jingluoshu", Collected Works of Mr. Culai Shi, vol. 17, p. 198.

[196] [Long] 150, "Keiso 4th Year 6 Month Mizijo," p. 3637.

[197] See Records of the Swallows, vol. 2, p. 14.

[198] Sun Chun, "On the Prime Minister's Failure to Contribute to the Future," Quan Song Wen, vol. 435, vol. 21, pp. 79-81.

[199] See Wu Zeng, Nenggai Zhai Manlu, vol. 12, Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1979, p. 357. According to Wu Zeng, he even played a story in his notes: At that time, Wei Yu Zhou's reputation was not as good as the other three, so Cai Xiang wrote a poem saying "three officials", and Yu resigned on the grounds of "not predicting the theory" after hearing about it. Of course, this belongs to the novelist's words, but it shows the core factor of the Song people's imagination of the Qingli occasion: prestige.

[200] Su Yi, "Ouyang Wenzhong Gong Shendao Monument", written by Su Yi, edited by Chen Hongtian and Gao Xiufang, Su Yi Ji, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1990, p. 1130.

[201] Ou Yang Xuan, "On Lu Yi Jian Zazi", The Complete Works of Ou Yang Xuan, vol. 100, p. 1543.

[202] Wang Anshi, "°Prince Taifu Zhi Shitian Cemetery Inscription"±, in The Collected Works of Mr. Linchuan, vol. 91, edited by Wang Shuizhao, The Complete Works of Wang Anshi, Shanghai: Fudan University Press, 2016, vol. 7, p. 1579.

[203] "The Chronicle of the Third Year of the Calendar," vol. 143, "The Ninth Month of the Third Year of the Qing Calendar," p. 3431. In addition, Fan Zhongyan and Han Qi's family Zangrenzong Yu criticized the clouds: "I use Han Qi, Fu Bi, and Fan Zhongyan, all of which are expected by the public." See Qiang, "The Legacy of the Duke of Han Wei," Anyang Ji Chronicle Notes, Appendix 5, p. 1885.

[204] Cai Xiang, "°Begging Han Qi Fan Zhongyan Song"±, Cai Xiang Ji, p. 334.

[205] "°Reading Zhen Nandi Bao 癸未 April Works"±, The Collected Works of Mr. Linchuan, vol. 16, The Complete Works of Wang Anshi, vol. 5, p. 381.

[206] Cai Xiang, "°Revisiting Wang Ju Zheng", Cai Xiang Ji, p. 321.

[207] [207] "Long Story," 150, p. 3637.

[208] Ouyang Xuan, "The Inscription of the Shendao of the Scholar of the Guanwendian University, The Soldier's Expeditionary Department of the Xijing Stay-behind Gift to Sikong and the Servant of the Zhongyan Gong Shendao", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 22, p. 353.

[209] Yin Zhu, "°He Kuo Mi Deputy Envoy Fu Yu Wei Kai"±, Ming Edition, Mr. Henan's Collected Works, vol. 17, photocopy of Song Ji Rare Books and Jungle Periodicals, vol. 3, p. 378.

[210] Han Qi, "The Inscription of the Cemetery of the Princes of the Ancient Palace of Literature and Scholars, vol. 50, Anyang Ji Chronicle of the Chronicle of the Chronicle of the Prince, p. 1537.

[211] "Long Story," No. 154, p. 3740.

[212] In his later years, Fan Zhongyan repeatedly mentioned in his letters to Han Qi that "Gong and Yan Guo (Fu Bi Zi), Jing Chun Zhuang Tu, should be refined and strategic, reinvigorate and useful, and beg for self-respect and self-respect", "My way to advance and retreat, there is no solid inevitability, but to ensure that Ming Gong, Yan Guo and this old man (Yin Zhu) have no stage to climb the choosing, but they are worthy of the world" ("Gong Shu with Han Wei", 17, 21, Fan Zhongyan's Complete Works, pp. 675, 676), which means to teach and receive with Taoism. In addition, Fan Zhongyan also said in a letter to Du Yan: "The world has never changed, and Zhongyan only dares to protect Han and the rich second duke." (Anonymous: Han Wei Gongjia Biography, vol. 10, Appendix 3 to Anyang Ji Chronicle Notes, p. 1864)

[213] Chen Shunyu, "Shanghan Xiangshu", Quan Song Wen, vol. 1535, vol. 70, p. 324.

[214] Ye Mengde, Xu Shiyi, "Summer Retreat", Zhu Yi'an, Fu Xuancong et al., eds., Notes on the Song Dynasty, Zhengzhou: Elephant Publishing House, 2006, vol. 2, vol. 10, p. 237. Hong Benjian, "Ouyang Xuan's Entry into the Literary Circle in Qingli Rather than Jiayou" (Journal of East China Normal University, No. 5, 1999, pp. 117-120) is of detailed help to Ouyang Xuan's post-Qingli articles.

[215] The next generation of elite scholars such as Wang Anshi, Lü Gongzhu, Han Wei, Zeng Gong, Chen Xiang, Su Song, Su Hui, Su Zhe, Sun Jue, Fan Chunren, etc., were all protégés or children of Qingli scholars, and most of the exchanges between the two generations began during or after the failure of the Qingli New Deal.

[216] Shao Bowen, Li Jianxiong and Liu Dequan, Shaw News Records, vol. 8, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, p. 83.

[217] [Feature], 170, "Emperor Yu 3 Year 2 Month 戊 Shenjo", p. 4082.

[218] See "Long Edition", vol. 165, "Jiawu Tiao, August of the Eighth Year of Qingli", p. 3967, and "Changbian", vol. 179, "Bingchen Tiao of April of the Second Year of He", p. 4333.

[219] [Feature], 164, "Gyeongsang's Eighth Year of April Xinwei," p. 3943.

[220] See "The Fan, Lu Dang Controversy and the Transformation of Political Culture in the Northern Song Dynasty: An Investigation Based on Political Revision," Sino-Foreign Forum, No. 1, 2020, pp. 3-74.

[221] Chen Shunyu, "Shangshi Xiangshu" (Part I), Quan Song Wen, vol. 1535, vol. 70, p. 326.

[222] Ou Yang Xuan, "On the Secret Envoy of the Jiachang Dynasty", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 110, p. 1668.

[223] "Long Edition," vol. 176, "Zhihe First Year June Zhu Chou Tiao", p. 4264.

[224] See Wang He, "Zeng Gongyi's <南豐雜識>Compilation of Examinations", Jiangxi Social Sciences, No. 3, 1999, pp. 71-75.

[225] See Ouyangxuan: Guitianlu, vol. 1, The Complete Works of Ouyangxu, vol. 126, p. 1917.

[226] "Long Edition," vol. 180, "Zhihe 2nd Year June Jiachen Tiao," p. 4354.

[227] Chen Shunyu, "Shangshi Xiangshu (Part I)," Quansong Wen, vol. 1535, vol. 70, p. 326.

[228] Rong Qi Sui Pen, vol. 5, vol. 3, p. 866.

[229] "Long Edition," vol. 180, "June of the Second Year of the Reign of the Emperor," p. 4354.

[230] Ouyang Xuan, "With Han Zhong Xian Wang Zhigui", 18, The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 144, p. 2339.

[231] Su Zhe's "Ouyang Wenzhong Gong Shendao Monument" is the cloud: "The government of Jiayou is thought to be obtained by many in the world. Cao Jiaqi, "An Exploration of the Problem of the Governance of Jiayou" (Academic Monthly, No. 9, 2004, pp. 60-66) believes that the Jiayou period of Renzong showed social stability, the prosperity of talents, and political clarity, and was the best period of politics in the two Song Dynasty. Among them, the relative stability of the prime minister's personnel arrangements and the unity within the imperial court were the characteristics of the politics of this period.

[232] Su Xuan, "Fu Zheng Gong Shendao Monument," Su Xuan Collected Works, vol. 18, p. 533.

[233] Li Qingchen, "Han Zhong's Dedication to Gongqi's Actions", Notes on the Anyang Collection, Appendix 2, p. 1738.

[234] Ouyang Xuan, "Du Couples", The Complete Works of Ouyang Xuan, vol. 119, p. 1835.

[235] For details of Li Qingchen's virtuous and virtuous entry into the volume, see Zhu Gang, Tang and Song Dynasty's "Ancient Literature Movement" and Scholar Literature, pp. 292-296.

[236] Quan Song Wen, vol. 1715, vol. 79, pp. 13-14.

[237] See "Long Edition", vol. 275, "Xining Ninth Year May 癸酉Tiao", p. 6732.

[238] See Chen Yuanfeng, "Wang Anshi's Examination of the Resignation of the Pavilion—A Discussion on the Honor and Removal of the Song Dynasty Pavilion, Literature and History, No. 4, 2002, pp. 136-140.

[239] Sima Guang, Li Wenze and Xia Shaohui, vol. 60, Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 2010, pp. 1255-1256.

[240] Sima Guang, "The Book with Wang Jiefu", Sima Guang Ji, vol. 60, pp. 1255-1256.

[241] Ge Zhaoguang, "°Luoyang and Bianliang: The Separation of Cultural and Political Gravity: An Investigation of the History and Thought of Science in the 80s of the 11th Century"±, Historical Research, No. 5, 2000, pp. 24-37.

[242] 參見Quentin Skinner, Vision of Politics Volume I: Regarding Method, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. 180.

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1. Song Dynasty History Research Information 1

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