During the Sino-Japanese First Sino-Japanese War, did the Empress Dowager Xi, Emperor Guangxu, and Li Hongzhang, who held a key position on the Qing government's side, basically have the same attitude, principles, and countermeasures toward the war? If there were contradictions and struggles between them, what was the nature of such contradictions and struggles? On this issue, especially in recent years, there have been obvious differences in the historical circles, and this has become one of the main manifestations of the deepening of the study of the history of the Sino-Japanese First Sino-Japanese War.
How to evaluate the words and deeds of historical figures can certainly be "diversified" in terms of methods. It should be noted, however, that this, as with any analysis of any historical question, seems to be to be grasped in accordance with Lenin's words "from the total sum of facts, from the connection of facts" (Lenin, Statistics and Sociology, Lenin's Collected Works, vol. 23, p. 279). )。 Therefore, I personally appreciate Comrade Qi Qizhang's views (see Qi Qizhang, "A Review of the History of the Sino-Japanese First Sino-Japanese War", in A Review of the Study of Modern Chinese History, published by the People's Publishing House in 1986). It is necessary to make a comprehensive and accurate evaluation of the actions of the Empress Dowager Xi, Emperor Guangxu, and Li Hongzhang in the First Sino-Japanese War, and not based on their individual performance. When it comes to organizing the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, of course, we cannot say that the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang, who have always been regarded as the main "peace," have not expressed or acted at all in this regard; moreover, Emperor Guangxu, who is also regarded by some comrades as the representative of the main "war" by some comrades, has never had no intention of doing so. However, when we make a comprehensive examination of the "connection" of their respective performances, it is not difficult to find that there are indeed sharp contradictions and fierce struggles between them. And this kind of contradiction and struggle is not isolated, but has been given a new meaning. In addition, people of the same class, generally speaking, their attitude towards objective events is, of course, constrained by their class status, that is, they have their "commonality". However, especially when foreign enemies invade and national contradictions intensify, there will also be divisions within the camp of a class, and "individuality" will arise, and there are many examples in Chinese and foreign history. Therefore, when analyzing such problems, we should not only see their "commonalities", but also should not ignore their "individuality".
In this article, I would like to share some of my personal views on issues related to this, and I hope to discuss them with comrades.
Queen Mother of the West
How to deal with Japan's threat of war
By the time of the Sino-Japanese War, the feudal diehards (most of whom were post-party bureaucrats) formed around the Empress Dowager Xi still held a position of control over real power in the Qing court. This political bloc, which is extremely ideologically empty and politically extremely decadent, has been verified by repeated practice and has always followed the trajectory from blind arrogance to humiliating surrender in its foreign struggles, and this has almost become the law of their foreign activities.
At the same time, the local powerful faction represented by Li Hongzhang, the leader of the Westernization faction, has also been further developed. At this time, Li Hongzhang not only continued to control the Qing government's diplomatic undertaking power and military power, but also the Lao Huai Army and the Beiyang Navy, which he operated and commanded, had become the military pillars on which the Qing Dynasty depended. In particular, in the course of his many years of humiliating diplomacy, he had established a special relationship with the great powers, and it became his creed to bow to foreign invaders. Because of this, Li Hongzhang also occupies an increasingly important position in the heart of the Empress Dowager of the West.
From June 1894 onwards, Japanese militarists, taking advantage of the Qing government's efforts to send troops into Korea on the basis of the traditional relationship between China and North Korea that had been formed in history, wantonly transferred troops to Korea and wantonly created incidents with the intention of "fighting China" (Dong-A Tongbunkan, Memoirs on China, p. 133). )。
In this increasingly tense situation, the Empress Dowager Xi, as the de facto supreme authority of the Qing Dynasty, also issued an edict not to "show weakness" in the face of provocations against Japan (Weng Tonghe, "Diary of Weng Wengong Gonggong", Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 480). But this is just a manifestation of luck□ in fact, she still "treats Dongkou as if nothing happened" (Liu Kan, "□ Nose Mountain House Manuscripts", Series (5), p. 206. He was still "only listening to the drama and indulging in his desires", and was "indifferent" to the grim situation and the safety of the country (Liang Qichao, "The Wuxu Coup", Zhonghua Book Company edition, 1954, p. 58). )。 At that time, the main attention of the Empress Dowager was on preparing for the "birthday" celebration of that year.
At first, when Li Hongzhang was invited to send troops to the DPRK, although he also had the intention of "defending against Japan," his basic attitude was that he had no fighting spirit. Subsequently, the Japanese invaders who were pressing forward step by step "blindly followed the wrong path, and used excuses to provoke themselves without opening their own way" (Qing Ji Diplomatic Historical Materials, vol. 92, p. 16). ), and took a negative countermeasure.
Therefore, in the face of the threat of war from the Japanese militarists, the ideas of the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang were completely identical. After that, in the ruling group of the Qing court, those who only wanted to be safe for a while moved closer to the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang, thus forming a compromise force. In fact, this was a new combination of the corrupt forces of the Qing court headed by the Empress Dowager Xi and the local powerful faction represented by Li Hongzhang.
Before the tension between China and Japan, Emperor Guangxu tried to compete with the Empress Dowager of the West in order to change his status under the control of others, indicating that he also launched a power struggle within the ruling group of the Qing court. By June and July 1894, however, Emperor Guangxu and some imperial officials had become increasingly concerned about the threat of war posed by the Japanese militarists, fearing that a large-scale Japanese invasion would leave "China without a day of peace" (Qing Ji Diplomatic Historical Materials, vol. 92, p. 16). )
Concerns arose about his dominance and the future of the country. As a result, the mood of "urgency" quickly occupied a prominent position in their minds. It was precisely in this situation that Emperor Guangxu began to jump out of the circle of internal struggle for power. Of course, in the initial stage, in order to ease the contradictions between China and Japan, Emperor Guangxu also agreed to an agreement between China and Japan to withdraw troops from Korea at the same time, which was in line with Li Hongzhang's proposition. But after being rejected by the Japanese side, Emperor Guangxu's attitude changed. By mid-July, he openly stood up for self-defense (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gong Gong Diary", Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 480. ), constantly telegraphed Li Hongzhang to step up "pre-preparation for war" (Palace Museum: "Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between Guangxu Dynasty of the Qing Dynasty", series (2), p. 577), and made every effort to plan a strategy to resist the enemy
Within the Qing Dynasty, because Emperor Guangxu openly fought to defend the country, the central government of the Qing Dynasty first encouraged some imperial party officials who had the demand to resist foreign aggression. For example, Shilang Zhirui and others played at this time, vigorously fought the main battle, and criticized the Hou Party bureaucrats and Li Hongzhang and others for "following" the ugly behavior of misleading the country, and directly supported Emperor Guangxu's proposal to prepare for war. At this time, even Weng Tonghe, who was usually "fearful" of the Empress Dowager of the West, also dared to state his views at some cardinal meetings, echoing Emperor Guangxu. At the same time, some ordinary officials who had not been directly related to the dispute between the emperor and the empress also came out to openly speak out of the mood of "worrying about the country" and cooperated with Emperor Guangxu, causing cracks to appear in the ruling group of the Qing court.
Emperor Guangxu's open main battle also had great repercussions among the entire Qing Dynasty's ruling class. When Emperor Guangxu instructed all localities to actively prepare for war and defense, many magistrates also successively expressed their compliance, and some even took the initiative to offer suggestions for preparing to fight against the Japanese invaders. Henan Provincial Inspector Yu Shi Yijun shouted loudly, "North Korea is close to elbows and armpits,...... Dead lips and cold teeth,... It is impossible not to fight for it" (Palace Museum: Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty and China in the Qing Dynasty, p. 41), actively supporting Emperor Guangxu's idea of preparing for war; Wu Da, the governor of Hunan, □, also "telegraphed to invite the commander of the Hunan army to go to Korea to supervise the war" (Zhu Shoupeng, "Continuation of the Donghua Records of the Guangxu Dynasty", vol. 37, p. 5). It is necessary to take concrete actions to resist the Japanese aggressors.
At that time, the later Westernist dignitaries Zhang Zhidong and Liu Kunyi had more complex thoughts, especially the entanglements between the emperor and the queen. But in Zhang Zhidong learned that the "main battle" (Zhang Zhidong: "Zhang Wen Xianggong Complete Works", vol. 138, p. 14. After the news, his attitude gradually moved closer to the whole war side. For example, when he learned that Emperor Guangxu had instructed the governor of the coastal areas to "remain quiet, prepare for it, and not be careless" (Palace Museum: Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty and Japan in the Qing Dynasty, Series (II), p. 575), he conveyed to his subordinates that "the imperial court pays great attention to the defense of the river" (Zhang Zhidong: The Complete Works of Zhang Wenxianggong, vol. 138, p. 17). )。 Under his auspices, he did some river defense work in the Yangtze River area more conscientiously. At this time, Liu Kunyi's attitude toward Japan also became more and more tough. Since then, with the evolution of the war situation and the intensification of national contradictions, the attitudes of Zhang Zhidong and Liu Kunyi have become clearer. In short, at the critical moment when the foreign enemy was at the head, Emperor Guangxu stepped forward to openly fight the main battle and actively planned to prepare for the enemy, which did produce considerable attraction among the ruling class of the Qing Dynasty. As Guozijian Siye Ruixun said, because "the emperor is dictatorial" and advocates the war of resistance against the enemy, "all those who have flesh and blood (people) will be discouraged and excited, and the enemy will have the same hatred." ...... Competing for the Imperial Insult and the Balance of Balances" (Palace Museum: "Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty and Japan in the Qing Dynasty", p. 154 of the series (3)); Gao Xie, the superintendent of Guangxi Province, once said, "The emperor's hard work at night is enough to move the will of the subjects of the world to resent the enemy and the enemy." (Palace Museum: Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty of the Qing Dynasty, Series (3), p. 55) It can be considered that under the condition of increasingly intensified national contradictions, the Guangxu Emperor openly fought against the enemy, which played a role that cannot be ignored in promoting the division of the ruling class of the Qing Dynasty. It was in this situation that in the ruling group of the Qing Dynasty, all those who had the heart to resist aggression gathered around Emperor Guangxu, thus forming a political force opposed to the forces of compromise. In fact, since then, there has been a new division and combination of the ruling circles of the Qing Dynasty around how to deal with the threat of war in Japan. Although this differentiation and combination is not unrelated to the original party struggle between the emperor and the queen, it has changed in nature.
Guangxu
Is it superstitious about external forces or based on one's own country
The Sino-Japanese War was not an isolated incident in the international environment at that time. Before the war, Britain, Russia and other powers were already engaged in fierce competition for China. At a time when Sino-Japanese relations were becoming increasingly tense, Britain and Russia had mixed psychology in addition to the United States continuing to openly support Japan. They are wary of Japan for fear that Japan will intervene in China, may violate its aggressive rights and interests in China, and disrupt their plans to compete for China; at the same time, they have adopted a hypocritical attitude toward China.
However, the facts show that Britain, Russia, and other powers have their own evil intentions for semi-colonial China. Whether it is "concentricity" or "mediation" that they spread, they are all tricks played in order to achieve their respective intentions. In the face of the Japanese aggressors and other foreign powers with ill intentions in the face of open fire, will China completely stake the fate of the country on these so-called "mediators," or will it actively prepare for war to meet Japan's war provocations on the basis of its own strength? Obviously, this is another major issue that has a bearing on defending the motherland or delaying the country.
The mediocrity and ignorance of the Empress Dowager Xi and the die-hard bureaucrats and Li Hongzhang's cowardice converge into a common external psychology, that is, from fear of the outside to flattery. On the eve of the Sino-Japanese war, although the Empress Dowager Xi expressed her intention to favor the "main war," it can be seen from what she did that in her heart she still wanted to adopt the usual means of foreign affairs, and she simply thought that it would be enough to use Li Hongzhang to maneuver around the outside world. In fact, she harbored great illusions about these foreign "mediators". It's just that when Li Hongzhang was out in public, she didn't appear directly.
Emperor Guangxu and the resistance officials headed by him, in order to implement the active policy of preparing for war and resisting the enemy, resisted and struggled against the superstitious behavior of the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang who believed in foreign forces.
While stating the main battle, Emperor Guangxu paid special attention to relying on his own strength to strengthen combat readiness. Therefore, in order to gather China's strength to prepare for the war defense, he dared to offend the will of the Empress Dowager of the West and "please stop the construction of the Summer Palace to replenish military expenses" (Liang Qichao, "Wuxu Coup", 1954 Zhonghua Book Company edition, p. 68). )。 Emperor Guangxu has been dissatisfied with the Empress Dowager of the West for many years, but this is the first time that he has openly disobeyed the will of the Empress Dowager of the West.
The construction of the Summer Palace is one of the main projects that the Empress Dowager Xi is preparing to show off her majesty and boast of her "holy virtue" during the "Wanshou" celebration. Now Emperor Guangxu asked her to stop working, of course, it is difficult for her to accept. However, after that, in view of the pressure of the internal and external situation, the Empress Dowager Xi had to issue an edict, helplessly stating that at the time of "rejuvenating the teacher", in order to "not be too hypocritical, and specially grant the emperor's invitation", the preparations for the celebration of "longevity" could be simplified (Zhu Shoupeng, "Guangxu Dynasty Donghualu", Zhonghua Book Company hardcover, pp. 3465, 3441). )。 Despite this, this incident made the Empress Dowager Xi hold a grudge. During this period, the resistance faction led by Emperor Guangxu resisted the struggle of the compromising forces of the Qing court, and more directly and in large quantities concentrated on Li Hongzhang, who was standing in the forefront.
When Japan stepped up its efforts to increase its troops in Korea and refused to withdraw its troops without reason, Li Hongzhang adapted to the hypocritical expressions of Russia and Britain□ and lifted the fog of relying heavily on external forces □. In response to this situation, on June 25, Emperor Guangxu pointed out in an edict to Li Hongzhang, "Judging from the current situation, it is useless to argue with words. Then, after criticizing Li Hongzhang's cowardly attitude of "Li Hongzhang does not want to send more troops, he was worried about provoking himself, and it is difficult to restrain him," and he reminded Li Hongzhang: "The Russian envoy Kashini Liujin is in business, whether the other country has a strategy to help us end the situation, or is there another plan for coveting it? In this edict, Emperor Guangxu clearly put forward two acute and important issues facing China at that time: (1) we should see that Japan wants to provoke a serious threat of aggression, and we must not stop at the dispute of words and tongues, and we should make real preparations to resist the enemy; (2) we should be vigilant against the conspiracy of Tsarist Russia to carry out "mediation" activities, and we must not be fooled.
In these crucial exhortations issued by Emperor Guangxu to Li Hongzhang, Li Hongzhang actually adopted an attitude of disobedience to yang and yin and blindly prevaricated. On July 1, when the situation was extremely tense, Emperor Guangxu issued a sternly worded edict to Li Hongzhang through the Military Aircraft Department. In this edict, he first said in a tone of rebuke, "The previous instructions to Li Hongzhang, the appropriate deployment of soldiers, and the proper planning of the law, have not been repeated. Then he again emphasized, "Now the flames are getting hotter,...... The situation is very precarious, and the empty words of other countries to dissuade them in vain (emphasis added) will have the potential to rupture. Therefore, Emperor Guangxu urged Li Hongzhang to "have a firm grasp of the preparations for the soldiers and food and ammunition of the war and defense, so as not to be temporarily hindered and delayed." He also pointed out that the mainland's "Nanyang Haikou is of great importance," and in order to fully defend against Japanese aggression, it is necessary to carry out serious fortifications in some key sea ports (Palace Museum: Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between Guangxu Dynasty and China in the Qing Dynasty, Series (II), p. 575).
Immediately afterwards, on July 4, Emperor Guangxu issued an edict to Li Hongzhang regarding Li Hongzhang's unauthorized begging of the British consul to ask the British government to send a fleet to Japan to "order the withdrawal of troops", and clearly stated that in response to Japan's provocation, "China and North Korea should make a big deal of attack, and it is not appropriate to use other countries (emphasis is the same as the same stop) to cause trouble on a different day." Then Emperor Guangxu ordered Li Hongzhang that this kind of begging for external forces to "show weakness to others" would absolutely "not be discussed" in the future (Palace Museum: "Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between Guangxu Dynasty and Japan in the Qing Dynasty", series (2), p. 581). It can be seen from the above that Emperor Guangxu's attitude against superstitious external forces is clear and firm.
Day and night when the clouds of the Sino-Japanese War were deepening, Emperor Guangxu, Weng Tonghe, and other cardinal ministers outside his study and other offices immersed themselves in reading and reviewing the newspapers, planning countermeasures, and lost no time in sending a telegram to Li Hongzhang, urging him to recognize Allah and prepare for war. In order to defend the enemy and defend the country, they can really be described as "scorching liver and hard work." ”
In contrast, the Empress Dowager Xi, who held the real power of the Qing court and was once powerful, was still intoxicated in the deep palace all day long, except for sometimes making people pass on the edict of the emperor, or issuing a few empty remarks in front of the courtiers at the meeting. Li Hongzhang, who closely echoed the Empress Dowager of the West and her cronies and recalcitrant ministers, was certainly quite busy in his official residence of the governor of Tianjin, but he devoted his main energies to meeting with Russian and British envoys at times, presiding over telegrams from above, and constantly sending orders to foreign envoys in Petersburg, the capital of Russia, and Tokyo. However, all this was still for the purpose of promoting his policy of "using razing to defeat raze" and refusing to seriously prepare for war. On 1 July and 4 July, Emperor Guangxu issued two edicts one after another, clearly pointing out that the situation and crisis "will have a tendency to rupture" and that foreign "mediation" was purely "empty talk" and instructed him to "make practical arrangements for war preparations immediately" so as not to "miss the opportunity." However, on the third day after that, on July 6, Li Hongzhang still sent a telegram to the Chinese garrison in Korea, which had been encircled, saying, "Now that Russia and Britain are negotiating peace, it is advisable to stay in Asan for the time being, and do not cause too much trouble." (Li Hongzhang, "Li Wenzhong's Gongquan Telegram", vol. 16, p. 16.) Or bet his bets on Russia and Britain. By 20 July, the Japanese invaders had assembled heavy troops in Korea and were ready to strike at any moment. Li Hongzhang, on the other hand, ignored the calls of the officers and men of the Chinese garrison in Korea to prepare for self-defense, and continued to resist Emperor Guangxu's solemn instructions and sent a telegram to Ye Zhichao, the general stationed in the DPRK: "Although Japan is trying its best to prepare for the war defense, I will not start a war with him first, and he will not take action." ...... Don't forget, don't be in a hurry. (Li Hongzhang, "Li Wenzhong's Complete Books, Telegrams", vol. 16, p. 25.) )
In his view, the enemy can sharpen his sword, but we cannot prepare for self-defense. At the same time, he also said in a matter-of-fact manner, "Russia has 10 ships that can be transferred to Incheon, and our navy can handle it" (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gonggong's Diary," Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 264. He continued to create the illusion of relying on Tsarist Russia and disobeyed Emperor Guangxu's instructions to prepare for war, so that China fell more and more into a passive position.
Queen Mother of the West
Is it humiliation to sue for peace or to persist in the war of resistance
Emperor Guangxu did make great efforts in order to organize and prepare for the enemy. Even after the sinking of the Chinese troop carrier by the Japanese army on July 23, he issued a warning to Li Hongzhang. However, all this did not produce obvious effects on Li Hongzhang and others, and the disadvantageous position of the Qing army in Korea was not reversed, and even China's defeat seemed to be declining. In view of this grim reality, in order to save the crisis and promote the War of Resistance, Emperor Guangxu once had thoughts such as "wanting to open up the way of speech" (Palace Museum: "Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty and Japan in the Qing Dynasty", p. 37 of the series (3)). He is trying to regroup by adopting some reform measures.
The resistance faction headed by Emperor Guangxu (including some patriotic generals) raised their voices from within the ruling group of the Qing court to cheer up and fight the war of resistance, and the calls for striving for strength from all strata of society, invariably merged into an increasingly rising patriotic voice. The emergence of such a situation, no matter how much they resisted and suppressed the powerful in the ruling circles of the Qing court, after all, formed a huge pressure that could not be ignored. At the same time, Li Hongzhang's "using razing to control razing" also failed one after another, so that his compromise activities had to be temporarily restrained. As a result, the ideas of the resistance faction led by Emperor Guangxu gradually prevailed.
On August 1, 1894, the Qing government issued an edict, pointing out that the Japanese invaders "did not abide by the treaty, did not abide by the public law, arbitrarily acted in a vacuum, arbitrarily engaged in trickery, provoked the other, and made public criticism", and then solemnly declared that the Qing government "could not be tolerated again, and Li Hongzhang sent all armies to quickly advance and suppress them." He also ordered "the generals along the rivers and coasts and the ministers of the army to reorganize and march in order, and if a Japanese steamer sails into each mouth, they will immediately attack head-on." Officially declared war on Japan (Zhu Shoupeng: "Guangxu Dynasty Donghualu", Zhonghua Book Company hardcover, pp. 3465, 3441. )。
The Qing government's declaration of war on Japan was a self-defense measure that the Japanese invaders were forced to take step by step. There is no doubt that the nature of the act is just. However, this resolute decision of the Qing government was the result of repeated struggles against the compromising forces by the resistance faction led by Emperor Guangxu.
Because "the emperor's edict was issued, and the whole world was excited" (Palace Museum: "Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty of the Qing Dynasty", series (3), p. 37), China's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression showed gratifying signs. In this regard, even some Japanese people think:
"At the beginning of the Japanese Qing Dynasty, the emperor (that is, the Guangxu Emperor - citation note) decided to fight the ....... If the rulers and ministers of China (i.e., China, ibid.) work together with each other and focus on the war, then it is not known whether the mainland (Japan, ibid.) will be able to win or not. (Heijiro Okuku, "Emperor Guangxu", published by Yokoyama Kaisha, Tokyo, October 35, Meiji 35, p. 7.) )
However, Li Hongzhang and others were "unhappy" about the situation of striving in China.
After the declaration of war, Sun Yuwen, Xu Yongyi, and Li Hongzhang, the confidants of the Empress Dowager of the Western People's Republic of China and the ministers of military aircraft, "responded to each other."
In the war, whether it was a land battle or a naval battle, many loyal and unyielding patriotic soldiers such as Zuo Guigui and Deng Shichang emerged, some of whom lived and died together with the battlefield, and some of whom bravely sacrificed their lives to defend the motherland. However, because the decision-making power of the Qing government to preside over the war has always been in the hands of the compromising forces. Therefore, the heroic struggle of the vast number of patriotic officers and men cannot reverse the unfavorable war situation in China. By October of that year, China's War of Resistance had plummeted.
The defeat of China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, in the eyes of the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang and others, seemed to have the only choice to make surrender. Therefore, the Empress Dowager of the West, the Later Party Bureaucrats, and Li Hongzhang did not hit it off, and they desperately wanted to cut off China's War of Resistance and the rights and interests of the country, and wanted to make peace with Japan. As a result, they began a series of summing activities. According to Weng Tong's □'s "Diary," as early as 27 September, after the defeat in the naval battles between Pyongyang and the Yellow Sea, the Empress Dowager Xi directly came forward and ordered Li Hongzhang to carry out "peace talks" through the Russian envoy.
The resistance faction headed by Emperor Guangxu and some courtiers and officials who were increasingly worried about the future of the country were extremely indignant at the humiliating behavior of the Empress Dowager Xi, the Houdang bureaucrats, Li Hongzhang, and others in trying to seek peace with Japan.
Zhirui, the former official of the imperial party, bore the brunt of the attack, and on August 16, after the declaration of war, he publicly impeached Sun Yuwen, a confidant of the Empress Dowager of the West. Xu Yongyi and Li Hongzhang. In this recital, he used sharp words to expose these people who "responded to each other", colluded with each other, "disregarded future troubles", and gambled on the future of the country to wantonly resist and sabotage the efforts of the Guangxu Emperor to organize the War of Resistance and try to rectify the military and government. As a result, he angrily proposed that Sun Yuwen must be "immediately reprimanded" (Palace Museum: "Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty of the Qing Dynasty", series (3), p. 38), and openly challenged the core of the Empress Dowager Xi. Guozijian Siye Ruixun exposed the Qing government's lords and forces to the fullest. He said that these lords and followers "seem to have the territory of the ancestors who can not defend it, and the country can not be fixed at all,...... Minsheng grease cream can be spared ,...... In the future generations of the world, all the □ can be ignored, and the quick success of the peace situation can be praised, and the disaster that is not expected to come is expected at the beginning" (The Palace Museum: Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty of the Qing Dynasty, Series (3), pp. 154-155), expressing full of righteous indignation. As a result, they unanimously appealed that in order to resist the Japanese invasion, it was necessary to quickly punish Li Hongzhang and other officials who were cowardly to the enemy. In addition, some people also declared with great righteousness and awe-inspiring that they would rather "not avoid the punishment of the axe □" (Palace Museum: "Historical Materials of Sino-Japanese Negotiations between the Guangxu Dynasty of the Qing Dynasty", series (3), p. 63), vowing to resist the wind of begging. As a result, around the issue of peace and war, another fierce confrontation unfolded in the ruling group of the Qing court.
On this important issue related to the overall situation of war and peace, although Emperor Guangxu himself did not talk much in public, his attitude was clear. In addition to the declaration of war, Emperor Guangxu also issued such issues as "expanding the navy, carefully selecting generals, and seeking training" (Zhao Erxun et al., "Qing Historical Manuscripts: Dezong Benji", Zhonghua Book Company paperback (4), p. 906). Judging from the edicts, in addition to showing that he continued to adhere to the position of the War of Resistance, that is, at the critical moment of negotiating peace and war, Emperor Guangxu did express his attitude.
On 21 November, the day that the Japanese aggressors captured the Port of Arthur in accordance with their predetermined plan of aggression, US Minister to China Tian Bei told Premier Yamen that he was willing to act as a "mediator" for Sino-Japanese peace talks, and put forward the terms for an armistice. The next day, Yi and Yi □ conveyed Tian Bei's intention to the Empress Dowager of the West and Emperor Guangxu. In fact, Tian Bei had carried out a series of secret activities with Li Hongzhang, Yi and others through various channels, and the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang had already learned the bottom number. Now Yi □ and Yi □ made this move, one was to test the attitude of Emperor Guangxu, and the other was to rely on their decision to negotiate peace. At this moment, Emperor Guangxu unequivocally pointed out, "In the winter and March, the Japanese people are afraid of the cold, just when our troops can advance, and the cloud truces the war, do you have to mistake me?" (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gonggong Diary", Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 515. It shows that he adheres to the War of Resistance and opposes peace. Because Emperor Guangxu had a clear attitude of opposition to the issue of peace, after that, the Empress Dowager Xi and her cronies and bureaucrats simply carried out secret activities behind Emperor Guangxu's back on the matter of planning peace.
It can be said that the demand put forward by some main battle officials to punish Li Hongzhang not only reflects the aspirations of the vast number of patriotic officers and men, but also expresses Guangxu's heartfelt voice. However, Sun and Li are the two pillars of the Empress Dowager Xi's team. As Emperor Guangxu, who did not exercise real power, it was not easy for him to adopt this view! Even so, Emperor Guangxu also showed a certain amount of courage on this important issue. After the loss of Lushun on November 24, Emperor Guangxu issued an edict affirming that "there is a clear precept in ancient times." Don't take it lightly and cause him to ignore his words and deeds." Therefore, "with the loss of Lushun, Li Hongzhang was instructed to dispatch the obedient party and leave his post to stay" (Zhao Erxun et al., "Qing Historical Manuscript Dezong Benji", Zhonghua Book Company paperback (4), p. 908. ), gave the punishment of "Geliu topping". It is obviously insignificant for people like Li Hongzhang to be given the punishment of "Geliu to take off the top". However, just as the Empress Dowager of the West relied on Li Hongzhang to carry out peace activities, this measure taken by Emperor Guangxu was tantamount to pouring cold water on the Empress Dowager Xi's peace activities.
Because of this, the Empress Dowager Xi also reacted quickly. On November 26, the third day after Emperor Guangxu issued an edict to punish Li Hongzhang, the Empress Dowager of the West issued an edict, accusing Concubine Jin and Concubine Zhen of "Recently, Xi is still flashy and has repeatedly begged." Therefore, on the charge of "interfering in court politics", Concubine Jin and Concubine Zhen were "demoted to nobles" (Zhu Shoupeng: "Guangxu Dynasty Donghua Continuation", vol. 122, p. 23). )。
After punishing the two concubines Jin and Zhen, the Empress Dowager Xi ordered Zhirui, who resolutely supported Emperor Guangxu's refusal to resist peace, to the remote Uriya Sutai.
Here, although the Empress Dowager Xi still adopted the reaction method of the palace struggle, her intentions were very clear, which was to deter the Guangxu Emperor and his supporters and remove resistance to their peace with Japan. Obviously, this is still a political struggle.
In this way, after the Empress Dowager Xi imposed all the above deterrent measures on the resistance faction led by Emperor Guangxu, in January 1895, she forcibly made the decision to sue for peace with Japan behind Emperor Guangxu's back. On January 14, Zhang Yinhuan, a squire of the household department, and Shao Youlian, governor of Hunan, went to Hiroshima, Japan, to seek peace. It shows that the Empress Dowager West, Li Hongzhang and others, who have been rehearsing for a long time, have officially opened here.
Deng Shichang
In the dispute between ratification and rejection
The peace-seeking activities of the compromise forces led by the Empress Dowager of the West were not all smooth sailing. It was not until the Japanese captured Weihaiwei and wiped out the Beiyang Navy, and at the same time the Japanese army made a feint from Liaodong to exert military pressure on Beijing and Tianjin, that the Japanese invaders openly stated that they could hold "peace" negotiations. And under these circumstances, the compromise faction of the Qing court became even more frightened, panicked, and willing to submit to the arrogant demands of the Japanese invaders at all costs, in exchange for the endgame of Gou'an.
Emperor Guangxu and the officials of the resistance faction, in addition to feeling "extremely indignant and ashamed" and "crying and trembling" and "sweating and trembling" for a while, also fell into a situation of "ignorance"@(Weng Tonghe: "Weng Wengong Gong Gong Diary", China Modern History Materials Series "Sino-Japanese War" (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 515. )。
At this time, whether it was the compromise forces represented by the Empress Dowager of the West or the resistance faction led by Emperor Guangxu, they could not come up with a good way to save the situation and fell into trouble. In terms of this performance, it is certainly similar. However, their psychological state is different.
Practice since the First Sino-Japanese War has proved that Emperor Guangxu and many courtiers and officials have always stood on the side of anti-aggression. They firmly advocate relying on their own strength to resist the enemy and defend the country, and they are fighting hard against foreign enemies and internal traitors. However, their efforts were all in vain under the resistance and sabotage of the compromise forces represented by the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang, and they were later forcibly decided by the Empress Dowager Xi to compromise and sue for peace with Japan, so that the whole country "became more and more slackened in the spirit of war defense" (Wen Tingshi, "Wen Chen's Puppet Records", series (5), p. 497). ), causing the enemy to step on the door of the country. Therefore, Emperor Guangxu never believed that China would inevitably be defeated. Until this time, when Sun Yuwen shouted that "the former enemy has been defeated repeatedly" and advocated that China can only surrender to Japan and ask for surrender, Emperor Guangxu immediately refuted it, pointing out that "the rewards and punishments are not strict, so it is so far." (Wen Tingshi, "Wen Chen's Puppet Record", Series (5), p. 497.) Emperor Guangxu's "reward and punishment are not strict" is quite meaningful. It can be considered that this is an angry protest against the compromising forces headed by the Empress Dowager of the West, obstructing and sabotaging the War of Resistance Against Japan, attacking and framing the main combat forces, and blindly compromising and harming the country. In this regard, Wen Tingshi also said later, "If you don't make your will work, its plan will be consolidated, and it will not happen overnight." (Wen Tingshi, "Wen Chen's Puppet Record", Series (5), p. 497.) If you don't stick to your prejudices, you should admit that you caused China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, and that although Emperor Guangxu was the king of a country, he was innocent. It is understandable that they are "outraged" at the tragic consequences that followed.
When the Japanese militarists captured Weihaiwei and finally wiped out the Beiyang Navy, and wanted to force the Qing rulers to completely submit to the Qing Dynasty through "peace talks," the focus of the contradiction was again on the question of whether the Qing government could reassign Li Hongzhang as the plenipotentiary representative of the "peace talks" in accordance with the demands of the Japanese invaders.
With the news of Zhang Yinhuan and Shao Youying's expulsion from Japan, Tian Bei conveyed to Premier Yamen Japan's intention to send Li Hongzhang to Japan, and revealed that the "peace talks" would involve the issue of "cutting off the burden and paying huge sums of money" (Yao Xiguang, "Chronicles of the Oriental Military Affairs", Series (1), pp. 82, 83, 83. )。 Later, Tian Bei said more explicitly: "Those who do not have the right to cede land do not need to be sent. (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gonggong Diary", Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 537.) When this happened, the Empress Dowager Xi had secret discussions with her cronies Sun Yuru, Xu Yongyi, and others, and her attitude was immediately confirmed. On February 12, 1895, when the Empress Dowager Xi summoned the cardinal alone, she clearly pointed out that "Tian Beixin refers to Li (i.e., Li Hongzhang)", and she decided in public that "that is, Twilight (Li Hongzhang) goes, everything is open, and he is ordered to come to Beijing for training," at this time, Prince Gong □ rumored that "the intention is not to order him to come to Beijing, so I am afraid that it is inconsistent with the order given in the morning." This means that Emperor Guangxu had objections to the appointment of Li Hongzhang as the plenipotentiary of the council. Hearing this, the Empress Dowager Xi was furious, claiming, "I will discuss with my own face, and I can make half of the proposal." (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gonggong Diary", Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 536.) In this way, the Empress Dowager Xi once again decided on her own to send Li Hongzhang as the plenipotentiary representative of the "peace negotiation".
The fact that Empress Dowager Xi forcibly made the above decision made it clearer that by this time she had already determined the policy of surrendering to Japan, and that she had pinned her hopes entirely on Li Hongzhang. At this point, the common humiliation psychology has bound them together again. However, the Empress Dowager Xi knew that this incident did have the risk of suffering "sinners through the ages".
Therefore, when she determined the plenipotentiary representative of the Qing government in accordance with the unreasonable demands of the Japanese invaders, she claimed that "the liver qi hurts, and the left body is uncomfortable" (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gong Gong Diary", Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 536). ), pretending to be sick and hiding in the deep palace. The Empress Dowager Xi tried to use this method to force Emperor Guangxu to throw herself into the trap she had set, preparing to impose the charge of traitor on Emperor Guangxu in the future, which can really be called a great "wonderful" plan of the conspirators.
Sure enough, after Li Hongzhang was summoned to Beijing on February 22, the Empress Dowager Xi, who was originally determined to have a "face-to-face consultation" with Li Hongzhang, continued to excuse her illness at this time, and let her henchman eunuch Li Lianying pass the word, "I can't see you, everything is in accordance with the order." (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gonggong Diary", Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 540.) Pushed the matter to Emperor Guangxu again.
Because Emperor Guangxu did not dare to openly split with the Empress Dowager of the West, and was unwilling to bear the historical charge of betraying the country. Therefore, he used the so-called "deep dimension" in public scenes (Yao Xiguang, "Oriental Military Affairs", series (1), pp. 82, 83, 83. Let the ministers discuss, he himself did not make a clear statement. However, Weng Tong□, who had a close relationship with him and had many similarities, had a very clear attitude and insisted on opposing land cession. As late as 2 March, on the eve of his departure to Japan, when Li Hongzhang talked about the possible issue of ceding Taiwan, Weng Tong□ categorically stated that "Taiwan has no reason to deal with anything" (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gonggong's Diary," Sino-Japanese War (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 540. )。 During this period, Emperor Guangxu and Weng Tong□ were still in contact with deliberations day and night. It can be said that Weng Tonghe's remarks at this time also expressed Emperor Guangxu's intentions.
It is precisely for this reason that Li Hongzhang, who has a long career in officialdom and is familiar with the characteristics of the aggressors, clearly understands that the issue of land cession, which is "the weight of the relationship," is the biggest difficulty for him to participate in the Sino-Japanese "peace talks." Therefore, in order to find an excuse for the opposition of the domestic people in the future, he insisted on "asking for training" and insisted on Emperor Guangxu's "face message", and he had to get a clear authorization to "let land" from Emperor Guangxu's mouth. For this reason, he did not leave Beijing, on the one hand, conspiring with Sun Yuwen, Xu Yongyi, and others all day long and colluding with foreign envoys, and on the other hand, he wantonly created public opinion to exert pressure on Emperor Guangxu. At the same time, some post-party bureaucrats were also in a hurry, even proclaiming in their names: "If only one section of land is conceded and refutated, the capital will be in danger, that is, it will be blamed." They clamored for "Promoting Hong Zhangxing" (Yao Xiguang, "Oriental Military Affairs", series (1), pp. 82, 83, 83. )。 It can be seen that on this issue, the Empress Dowager Xi and her cronies and bureaucrats have a tacit understanding with Li Hongzhang. Moreover, in order to safeguard their respective interests in invading China, the British and Russian powers at that time also "exerted pressure on China to accept" certain aggressive demands of Japan (Philip Joseph, Diplomacy of the Great Powers Toward China, p. 61). ), to bring this war to an end as soon as possible.
This kind of pressure from inside and outside fell on Emperor Guangxu. Under these circumstances, in the end Emperor Guangxu was forced to make a reservation compromise. Let Prince Gong pass on his "face message" on behalf of □, indicating that Li Hongzhang could be granted "the right to transfer land by commerce" (Zhu Shoupeng, "Guangxu Dynasty Donghualu", Zhonghua Book Company hardcover, pp. 3465, 3441). "Let him weigh the weight and make a decision with the Japanese." (Yao Xiguang, "Oriental Military Affairs", Series (1), pp. 82, 83, 83.) Emperor Guangxu tried to relieve him of the pressure he was facing in an indirect way, with vague authorization, and also to leave room for himself. So, on March 5, Li Hongzhang left Beijing to prepare for Japan. It can be said that the overt and covert turmoil over whether or not to appoint Li Hongzhang as plenipotentiary to negotiate peace is also another sharp struggle within the ruling circles of the Qing court that has a bearing on whether or not to safeguard national dignity and state rights and interests.
Li Hongzhang, who stubbornly adhered to his humiliating stance, could not wait to send a special person to send the text of the treaty to the Qing Palace in Beijing on 21 April after initialing the humiliating "Treaty of Shimonoseki." Then, Sun Yuwen, the backbone of the Later Party and the chief bureaucrat, closely cooperated, and the next day he "forced the approval of the treaty, Haiyan (Xu Yongyi) and him", and launched a campaign to force the Guangxu Emperor to approve the contract (Yi Shunding; "Dun Mo Picks Up the Remainder", Series (1), p. 126). )。 With the support of the Empress Dowager Xi, these bureaucrats were eager to immediately ratify the Treaty of Shimonoseki and "put an end to it."
Emperor Guangxu, although forced by various pressures during this period, sometimes had commissions to surrender forces. However, he was always unwilling to give in to the Japanese invaders, and he always had great resistance to land cession and other things. Therefore, Emperor Guangxu's persecution and approval of the treaty by Sun Yuwen, Xu Yongyi, and others, with the cooperation of Weng Tong□ and Li Hongzao, went from "hesitating" to resolutely "not allowing" (Yi Shunding; "Dun Mo Shiyu", series (1), p. 126). He refused to sign the treasure and withstood the first attack of the main bureaucracy.
On the same day that Emperor Guangxu rejected Sun Yuwen and Xu Yongyi's forced approval of the treaty (April 22), some intellectuals in Guangdong, Hufu and other provinces who were taking the imperial examination in Beijing began to submit a letter demanding the abolition of the treaty. Then, on the next day (April 23), more than 120 officials at all levels in the Qing government also played, "there are those who discuss the Qing court, there are those who refute the clauses, and there are those who impeach the cardinals", in short, "the peace treaty should be destroyed" (Weng Tonghe, "Weng Wengong Gong Gong Diary", China Modern History Materials Series "Sino-Japanese War" (IV), hereinafter referred to as the series, p. 551. )。 As for the vast number of Qing army generals, they also "heard of the peace treaty, filled with righteous indignation, and they wanted to fight to the death." ("A Call from Liu Kunyi, Minister of the Imperial Mission," Series (4), p. 43.) Thus, "the generals or crying admonishment, willing to fight to the death, unwilling to give an inch of land to people." (Liu Kan, "□ Nose Mountain House Manuscript", Series (5), p. 192.) In this regard, under the impetus of the unanimous demand from both inside and outside the government and the opposition to abolish the treaty and fight again, Emperor Guangxu's attitude became more and more firm, and he "intended to abolish the treaty quite decisively" (Yi Shunding; "Dun Mo Shi Yu", series (1), p. 126). )。
When the Empress Dowager and her cronies and bureaucrats went through a few more days of conspiracy. On May 2, Prince Gong Yi□, Prince Qing Yi□ and Minister of Military Aircraft Sun Yuwen and Xu Yongzhi and other powerful people went out again in an attempt to use the siege method to coerce Emperor Guangxu to ratify the Treaty of Shimonoseki. Regarding this situation, Yi Shunding has this account in his book "Collecting Ink from Dun Mo": "Shang hesitated and asked if the countries could wait for a call back? (This is the time for Emperor Guangxu to deal with the attack, and he wants to use the time to wait to understand the movements of Russia, Germany, and France to gain some maneuver - ibid.) Jining (Sun Yuwen) Jian said that he could not be trusted, and Gong Di (Yi □) was speechless, but agreed. The hubs were standing upright, and they hurried around the hall about the hour, and they were sobbing and writing hard. The next day's treasure (Yi Shunding; "Dun Mo Picks Up", Series (1), pp. 127-128. )。 At this point, the Treaty of Shimonoseki, which set a new record for the loss of rights and humiliation of the country, was ratified.
The Treaty of Shimonoseki was finally ratified by the Guangxu Emperor on the part of the Qing government. As far as this fact itself is concerned, the stain on Emperor Guangxu's shameful approval of the treaty cannot be erased. However, the origin and facilitation of this humiliating incident is the inevitable result of the compromise and surrender forces represented by the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang who persistently pursued the policy of misleading the country since the First Sino-Japanese War. Judging from the inside story of Emperor Guangxu's ratification, it was still after the Empress Dowager Xi set a trap, and her cronies and bureaucrats came forward to press and besiege step by step, so that Emperor Guangxu fell into a situation where he could not be independent and was forced to sign and ratify. Therefore, it can be said that the responsibility for the ratification of the Treaty of Shimonoseki should be borne by the Empress Dowager Xi and the capitulation faction of the Qing government headed by her. The circumstances of the incident clearly show that Emperor Guangxu only played the pathetic role of a "scapegoat".
The forced ratification of the Treaty of Shimonoseki was the last round of the struggle between the forces of compromise and capitulation and the resistance faction in the ruling circles of the Qing Dynasty during the Sino-Japanese War. As a result, the forces of compromise and surrender represented by the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang, who held the real power of the military and government, finally overwhelmed the anti-compromise and anti-surrender forces led by Emperor Guangxu. It is fair to say that the cause of this tragic ending should not be borne by Emperor Guangxu. This is a great exposure of the increasingly corrupt Qing regime under the control of the Empress Dowager of the West.
To sum up, the Empress Dowager of the West, Emperor Guangxu and Li Hongzhang, it goes without saying that they have no two in maintaining the rule of the Qing Dynasty, which is their "commonality". However, in the Sino-Japanese First Sino-Japanese War, under the historical conditions of intensifying national contradictions, on a series of major issues related to this war, the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang always echoed up and down, stood on the same side in unison, and formed a compromise and surrender force around them in the ruling group of the Qing Dynasty, and these people were all real power factions in the Qing government, controlling the war situation on the Chinese side. Therefore, they bear unshirkable historical responsibility for China's defeat and humiliation.
The young Guangxu Emperor, who grew up in a special environment, certainly had a submissive performance during the war, and had his class weaknesses. However, judging from his basic attitude towards the war and his coherent political tendencies, he did have a strong resistance to aggression. Moreover, with him as the center, an anti-compromise and anti-surrender political force was formed among the ruling class of the Qing Dynasty, and a fierce and tortuous struggle was waged against the compromise and surrender forces represented by the Empress Dowager Xi and Li Hongzhang. This might be called "personality". However, it should be pointed out that the contradictions and struggles that arose among the ruling class of the Qing Dynasty at that time were basically expressed in the early stage of the war as whether to actively prepare for war or to retreat and compromise, and in the later stage of the war, they focused on the question of war and surrender. However, the essence of this is the question of how to deal with the aggressor and whether or not to safeguard the dignity of the nation and the rights and interests of the state. Therefore, the contradictions and struggles that arose in the ruling circles of the Qing Dynasty during the First Sino-Japanese War greatly exceeded the so-called struggle between the emperor and the queen in terms of scope and connotation. In fact, it has become a political disagreement between the rulers of the Qing Dynasty, and the fate of the country is at stake. Therefore, such contradictions and struggles can no longer be seen as power struggles between individuals or factions.