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Not only do those in power in Taiwan advocate separatism and intend to realize Taiwan's independence and statehood, but there is also a "Taiwan independence" force in Taiwan that cannot be underestimated, including the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and various "Taiwan independence" groups.
Because Lee Teng-hui and the Taiwan independence forces seek the same spirit and condone the development and growth of the "Taiwan independence" forces, the activities of the "Taiwan independence" forces have become more and more rampant.
1. How can "Taiwan independence" become bigger?
After reading the transcript of the dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Sima Liaotaro, "legislator" Xu Tiancai of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) said: It is of course unprecedented that Lee Teng-hui, in his dual capacity as chairman of the Kuomintang and "president of The President of the Republic of China," can express such feelings.
However, those words are just common sense for those who have been committed to or advocated Taiwan independence for many years.
It is also true that Lee Teng-hui's remarks on "Taiwan independence" to Sima Liaotaro have long been advocated by the Taiwan independence forces.
"Taiwan independence" first appeared in 1945 when Japan announced its unconditional surrender.
The Japanese emperor issued an edict accepting all the terms of the "Potsdam Proclamation," including that after the news of Taiwan's return to China reached Taiwan, some young Zhuang officers of the Japanese army stationed in Taiwan joined up with several Taiwanese gentry to instigate the launch of the "Taiwan Independence and Autonomy Movement" in an attempt to establish a "second Manchu state" in Taiwan.
However, due to the concern of the Taiwanese governor and commander of the Japanese army, Antengligi, about the unreliability of the Taiwanese and the fear that they would lead the Chinese army to land and flank the Japanese army, the plan for a "second Manchukuo" was stopped.
Although the plan to instigate Taiwan's independence was stillborn, some people secretly formed a small group of "Taiwan independence" after Taiwan's liberation, until it was cracked by the Kuomintang authorities in 1947.
Tracing the origin of this "Taiwan independence" force that now exists in Taiwan should begin with the US military's plan to host Taiwan after the end of World War II.
The Americans selected Liao Wenyi, a Taiwanese who had studied in the United States and obtained a doctorate in chemical engineering, to return to Taiwan after Taiwan's liberation and spread the remarks that Taiwan's legal status was undetermined and that Taiwan should be handed over to the United Nations for trusteeship, creating public opinion for the United States that the so-called Taiwanese were asking for trusteeship of Taiwan.
Later, Liao Wenyi went to Hong Kong to set up a "Taiwan independence" group, openly advocating that Taiwan must be independent. Then, because he could not gain a foothold in Hong Kong, Liao Wenyi moved to Japan, and with the support of the US Military Command in Japan and Japanese right-wing groups, he expanded his activities and established the so-called "Provisional Government of the Republic of Taiwan." In 1965, Liao Wenyi, the originator of the Taiwan independence forces, was rebelled by Kuomintang spies and announced that he would give up the Taiwan independence field and return to Taiwan to participate in the construction of the Three People's Principles.
After Liao Wenyi returned to Taiwan, the center of activities of the "Taiwan independence" forces shifted from Japan to the United States. In the 70s, the "Global Taiwanese Alliance for Independence" was established in the United States.
Peng Ming-min, a professor at Taiwan University who was arrested by the Kuomintang authorities for drafting the "Declaration on the Self-Help of the Taiwan People" and calling for the overthrow of the Kuomintang regime and the establishment of a new country, also smuggled himself to the United States under the arrangement of CIA agents, joined the "Taiwan independence" camp, and became a "master of theory" and a "godfather of Taiwan independence."
Since then, with Peng Mingmin and the "Taiwan Independence Alliance" as the core, the "Taiwan independence" forces have developed rapidly, and "Taiwan independence" organizations have been extensively established in the United States, Japan, Europe, Canada, South America, and the island of Taiwan itself.
2. Relying on the "Qiandao Lake Incident" to Incite "Taiwan Independence"
Since Lee Teng-hui came to power, he changed the policy of the Kuomintang authorities in severely suppressing the "Taiwan independence" forces, and not only did the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the second largest political party in Taiwan, openly include the clause advocating the establishment of the "Republic of Taiwan" in its party program, but also the "Taiwan independence" groups that had been stranded overseas for a long time returned to Taiwan one after another, and the "Taiwan independence" forces gathered within Taiwan. They have taken advantage of the open and legal political arena to advocate "Taiwan independence" and promote "Taiwan independence." Although the number of them is small, they are very arrogant.
On March 31, 1994, a vicious public security incident occurred in the Qiandao Lake tourist area of Chun'an County, Zhejiang Province. Three gangsters robbed the yacht "Hai Rui" with weapons and set fire to all the tourists on board, including 24 Taiwanese tourists.
The "Taiwan independence" forces regarded the occurrence of the Qiandao Lake incident as a great opportunity to promote "Taiwan independence," so they used the topic to play into play and portrayed a simple public order incident as a political incident in which the mainland of the motherland conspired to kill Taiwan compatriots, and even spread rumors that the entire incident was committed by the People's Liberation Army Armed Police Force, wantonly fanning the flames, stirring up the emotions of the Taiwan people, and peddling "Taiwan independence."
On 6 April, the Standing Committee of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) issued a statement declaring that the "Qiandao Lake incident" has fully exposed the Chinese Communists' dwarfing of the personality of the Taiwan people, and that this incident is not only the sacrifice of the lives of 24 Taiwan tourists, but also has a bearing on the safety of all Taiwan people in China in the future, and the Taiwan people should take concrete actions to suspend travel to China in order to safeguard Taiwan's national dignity and dignity."
The statement also suggested that the Taiwan authorities declare Chinese mainland a high-risk area and stop handling tourism to the mainland.
The Democratic Progressive Party's "National Congress Caucus" also issued a statement saying that the Qiandao Lake incident shows that only by abandoning the one-China policy, declaring Taiwan a sovereign and independent state, and establishing equal relations with China, can the lives and property of Taiwanese people on the mainland be truly guaranteed. A number of "representatives of the people's will" who are members of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) insisted that Lee Teng-hui resolutely declare Taiwan independence.
On 7 April, more than a dozen "Taiwan independence" groups, including the "One Taiwan, One China Action Alliance," the "Taiwan Independence Alliance," and the "Taiwan Professors Association," gathered more than 100 people to hold a rally, shouting "Taiwan independence" slogans, insulting the Chinese government for disregarding human life, and burning the five-star red flag on the spot.
Subsequently, "Taiwan independence" groups launched a campaign to solicit "the national flag and national anthem of the Republic of Taiwan" throughout the island.
On 25 June, Taiwan independence groups convened the "Second Taiwan People's Constituent Assembly" at the Taipei Grand Gymnasium and adopted the "Amendment to the Draft Taiwan Constitution" and the so-called "National Flag and National Anthem of the Republic of Taiwan."
After the meeting, the Taiwan independence groups held a so-called flag-raising ceremony at Taipei's Chiang Kai-shek Airport with the "Taiwan independence national flag" that they had selected to resemble the 16-petal chrysanthemum flag of the Japanese imperial family.
The "national flag of Taiwan independence" openly fluttered in the sky over Taiwan.
3. The "Jurisprudence" Basis of "Taiwan Independence" -- Commemorating the 100th Anniversary of the Treaty of Shimonoseki
The year 1995 marks the 100th anniversary of the signing of the unequal Treaty of Shimonoseki between China and Japan, as well as the 50th anniversary of Taiwan's liberation.
The "Taiwan independence" forces seized the opportunity to hold all kinds of forums, lectures, and seminars to make a big fuss about the "Shimonoseki Treaty" and create a historical basis for Taiwan independence, thus once again setting off an upsurge in "Taiwan independence" activities.
Some "Taiwan independence" elements appear as scholars and preach that Taiwan is not an inalienable part of China.
They clamored with strong words:
Historically, before the signing of the "Treaty of Shimonoseki," China only controlled Taiwan in name but not over it, and Taiwan was not considered Chinese territory, and since the Qing Dynasty government was able to sign the "Treaty of Shimonoseki" with Japan and cede Taiwan to Japan, it proved that Taiwan could be divided from China; as far as legal theory is concerned, China had renounced Taiwan's sovereignty in the "Treaty of Shimonoseki," and the "Cairo Declaration" and the "Potsdam Proclamation" did not have the force of international law, so the part of Taiwan returned to China was not binding on international law.
As far as the facts are concerned, in the 100 years since 1895, there have been only four years of reunification between Taiwan and China, and the other 96 years, the two have been completely separated in terms of geography, politics, economy, law, and society.
As far as reality is concerned, since 1949, Taiwan has had an independent legislative, judicial, and administrative system, and is regarded as an independent country in the international community. Therefore, Taiwan is not a province of China.
Peng Mingmin and others even put forward the strange theory that not advocating "Taiwan independence" means forgetting one's ancestors.
They preach that the ancestors of most people in Taiwan gave up everything on the mainland and came to Taiwan because they wanted to escape China's rule, and the purpose was to create a new world in Taiwan.
The Qing Dynasty government ceded Taiwan to Japan through the Treaty of Shimonoseki, which was a betrayal of Taiwan by China. At that time, the Taiwan gentry demanded that Tang Jingsong, the governor of Taiwan, establish a "democratic state of Taiwan," which reflected that Taiwan's ancestors had long had a sense of "self-determination of the residents" on the issue of Taiwan's future, so the Taiwan people should inherit this "legacy" of their ancestors and achieve "Taiwan independence" through self-determination.
On 16 April, more than 40 Taiwan independence groups, including the "Taiwan Professors Association," the "Taiwan Independence Alliance," and the "One Taiwan-One China Action Alliance," organized a so-called "Farewell to China March for the 100th Anniversary of the Treaty of Shimonoseki," which was attended by more than 2,000 people, in order to create momentum for Taiwan's independence.
What is more, Annette Lu, a "legislator" of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), organized a "100-member delegation of the 100-member Shimonoseki Treaty" to Shimonoseki in Japan to visit the Chunfan Tower, where Li Hongzhang and Iteng Hirobumi signed the "Shimonoseki Treaty," and held a "meeting to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Nisshin Treaty."
At the meeting, Annette Lu not only did not regard Chunfanlou, which signed the "Shimonoseki Treaty," as a symbol of national shame, but was grateful to Japan for forcibly occupying Taiwan.
Annette Lu said in a speech at the commemorative meeting held in front of the Chunfan Tower:
"The history of the eternal annexation of Taiwan to the Japanese Empire after the First Sino-Japanese War because of a treaty will never be forgotten by the Taiwanese people, but because of the signing of the Treaty of Shimonoseki by the Japanese Qing Dynasty, Taiwan was able to finally break away from China, and I feel very fortunate in my misfortune, because Taiwan was much stronger under Japanese occupation than during China's rule, and if it were not for Japan's rule over Taiwan, Taiwan's economy today might be as backward as Hainan Island." Therefore, the Taiwanese should be "grateful" to Japan's colonial rule over Taiwan. Hearing Annette Lu's remarks, even Japanese Senator Kobayashi Masa, who was present, was surprised, saying that Japan's occupation of Taiwan and turning Taiwan into a colony should be said to be the misfortune of the Taiwanese people, and the first time he heard the statement that this was a great fortune among misfortunes, he was quite "moved."
From offering the "Taiwan independence national flag" with an eight-petal chrysanthemum pattern to thanking Japan for separating Taiwan from China 100 years ago, the "Taiwan independence" forces have been rampant for a while.
On 27 April, the "People's Daily" published a signed article entitled "History Cannot Be Distorted and Unpopular for Taiwan Independence," pointing out that the activities of the "Taiwan independence" forces have reached a level of tolerability and intolerability.
4. "Jiang Eight Points" and "Li Six Points"
As far as the international situation and the situation on the island of Taiwan are concerned, after entering the 90s, the Taiwan Strait can really be described as a chaotic cloud flying.
The Americans are playing the "Taiwan card" with ill intentions, and the Japanese are also preparing to make a move; the Taiwan authorities headed by Lee Teng-hui are reunifying in name only, and wantonly expanding cross-strait splits, and the "Taiwan independence" forces on the island are jumping off the rails, fearing that there will be no chaos in the world.
All kinds of signs show that the danger of Taiwan's separation from the motherland is approaching the Chinese.
Taiwan must not be allowed to split from the motherland, and Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping have repeatedly expressed the strong will of the Chinese to the outside world. In order to defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity, the Chinese are ready to meet all kinds of challenges at any time, which is also the unshakable determination of the 1.2 billion Chinese.
On 30 January 1995, the Chinese New Year's Eve of the Lunar New Year, the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) held its annual Spring Festival tea party in the People's Hall as usual, attended by more than 500 representatives of democratic parties, well-known personalities from all walks of life, and representatives of Taiwan compatriots and Taiwan dependents in Beijing.
At the meeting, Jiang Zemin took the opportunity of greeting the 21 million Taiwan compatriots to make an important speech on resolving the Taiwan issue and realizing the peaceful reunification of the motherland. New initiatives have been introduced.
On the basis of summing up the achievements in the development of cross-strait relations over the past 15 years since the NPC issued the "Letter to Taiwan Compatriots" in 1979, and in light of the changing realities of the international situation and the situation on the island of Taiwan, and from the strategic height of the comprehensive rejuvenation of the Chinese nation in the 21 st century, the speech put forward eight views and propositions on developing cross-strait relations and promoting the process of peaceful reunification of the motherland at the present stage from the strategic perspective of the comprehensive rejuvenation of the Chinese nation in the 21 st century.
This is the famous "Eight Points of the River".
When Lee Teng-hui saw Jiang Zemin's important speech, he instinctively sensed its importance, instructed the Kuomintang's Mainland Work Conference, the "Mainland Affairs Council of the Executive Yuan," and other units to study the content of the speech, and claimed that he would solicit opinions from all walks of life and work out concrete measures to deal with it.
However, after thinking about it again and again and preparing for more than two months, Lee Teng-hui's response in the end did not mean at all to solicit the opinions of all circles and open up a new environment for cross-strait relations.
On 8 April, after concluding his visit to the Middle East, Lee Teng-hui made a speech at a meeting of the "National Reunification Committee," in which he formally responded to Jiang Zemin's speech and put forward a six-point proposal, that is, the so-called "Lee Six-Point Proposal."
Examining these six-point proposals, the second and third points can be said to be a rather benign response to the relevant contents of the "Jiang's eight-point proposal," because strengthening cross-strait exchanges in various fields and carrying out cross-strait economic cooperation on the basis of traditional Chinese culture has long been the consensus of the people on both sides of the strait.
As for the sixth point, Lee Teng-hui's mention of the Hong Kong and Macao issues not only shows that the Taiwan authorities intend to regard the issue of Hong Kong-Taiwan relations as an issue for cross-strait discussion in the face of the changes in Hong Kong's imminent return to the motherland, and it is difficult to directly link it with the response to the "Jiang's eight-point point."
In addition, the first of the three points is to respond to the first proposition in Jiang Zemin's speech on upholding the "one China" principle.
Here, Lee Teng-hui advocated that since 1949 the two sides of the strait have been divided and ruled by two political entities that are not subordinate to each other, not only did he not mention the principle of upholding "one China" again, but also demanded that the mainland must first recognize the principle of division and rule before talking about the meaning of "one China."
Jiang Zemin said that upholding the one-China principle is the basis and prerequisite for realizing peaceful reunification, and it seems that Lee Teng-hui does not accept it at all, and the fourth point is to respond to the second and eighth propositions of Jiang Zemin's speech.
In his speech, Jiang Zemin said that he has no objection to the development of nongovernmental economic and cultural relations between Taiwan and foreign countries, but opposes the so-called activities of creating two Chinas or one China, one Taiwan, and that he suggests that leaders of the two sides of the strait exchange visits and not take the internal affairs of the Chinese to the international community.
The fifth point is to respond to the third and fourth propositions in Jiang Zemin's speech.
In his speech, Jiang Zemin put forward the slogan that Chinese should not fight Chinese, and solemnly suggested that cross-strait political talks should be carried out step by step, and the first step should be to talk about ending the state of hostilities, and the two sides should reach an agreement to jointly safeguard China's sovereignty and territorial integrity. However, Lee Teng-hui still regards the mainland's renunciation of the use of force as a precondition for the talks, and his advocacy of choosing an opportunity to hold preparatory consultations on ending the state of hostilities after the mainland announces its renunciation of force.
This is because no country in the world will promise not to use force against a part of its territory, let alone that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are still in a state of division for the time being?
Moreover, Jiang Zemin has already clarified in his speech the conditions for the use of force, and there is no question of the use of force unless Taiwan independence occurs. Lee Teng-hui's proposition shows that he has no sincerity in negotiating.
Jiang Zemin's eight-point proposal and Lee Teng-hui's six-point response can be regarded as an indirect dialogue between the leaders of the two sides of the strait, but Jiang Zemin and Lee Teng-hui have not really sat together.
The dialogue touched on all aspects of cross-strait relations, and the two sides could barely talk to each other on the issue of people-to-people exchanges, but when it came to such core issues as upholding the one-China principle and conducting talks to end hostilities between the two sides of the strait, the two sides did not have a common language at all.
For example, Jiang Zemin said to Lee Teng-hui: "Under the one-China principle, is it okay for us to negotiate an end to hostilities?"
Lee Teng-hui replied: "Insist on one China, no talks, no negotiations, no negotiations!"
Although the "Li Six-Point" did not give a positive response to the "Jiang Eight-Point," in the first half of 1995, because of the publication of Jiang Zemin's eight-point proposal, cross-strait relations presented a warm scene, and people were still full of confidence in the future development of cross-strait relations.
However, underneath the calm and warmth lies a crisis, and the general international climate and the small atmosphere on the island of Taiwan have repeatedly shown bad omen, and finally on 22 May, an astonishing news came out that Lee Teng-hui was going to visit the United States.
The fuse of the Taiwan Strait crisis in the 90s was sounded......
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