Guide: On the afternoon of August 7, local time, Gustavo Petro will be officially sworn in.
【Text/Observer Network Wang Meng】
"Is the rain in Macondo going to stop for a while?" "I hope so."
This is a conversation between Chinese netizens on June 22, 2022. A few days ago, on the night of June 19, in distant Bogotá, people took to the streets to hug and cheer to celebrate a momentous moment: Colombia welcomed its first left-wing president in history, Gustavo Petro, 62.
The rain of Macondo in One Hundred Years of Solitude is a veiled expression of the exploitation, suffering and oppression of the Colombian people. After the election two months ago, Chinese netizens also sent meaningful attention and blessings in their own way.
Screenshots are self-aware
Two months ago, in this unprecedented left-right duel in Colombia, in addition to the Ministry of the Interior dispatched 300,000 military police to ensure safety on the day of the first round of elections, according to the LEFT-wing party newspaper "Strive for Socialism and the Liberation Party", some of the brothers who are desperately seeking change do not hesitate to row boats to polling points that have been deliberately set up far; Petro's competitor is a "Colombian Trump" who is proficient in social media.
Gustavo Petro, who has attracted much attention, not only believes in social equality, reform, power and wealth sharing in politics, but also attracts the attention of everyone as a former left-wing guerrilla.
As one of the "best friends" of the United States for many years, Colombia's "change of heaven" is also seen as a setback in US diplomacy.
On the afternoon of August 7, local time, Gustavo Petro was about to be sworn in as president of Colombia, and the arrival of this left-wing leader would stop the "macondo rain" for a while?
Who Gustavo Petro wasAfter reading public information about Petro's life, the Observer Network found that Gustavo Petro was born in the Caribbean steppe rich in cotton and cattle. His father was a school teacher and his mother was a member of a nationalist party, and the family conditions were not rich, but enough to live.
The eldest of three sons, Petro is remembered as introverted and reticent, fond of wearing dark clothes and a penchant for reading.
In his autobiography, Petro described his personality this way: serious, introverted, and not easy to trust others. He said that although he lived in a Coastal City in Colombia, he did not have the enthusiasm and unrestrained enthusiasm of coastal people, and was more like "an Andean highlander". He attributed this contradiction in his personality to his political leanings.
At a young age, he moved with his parents to Cipaquila, a small town north of the Colombian capital Bogotá. There, Petro spent his student years at a church-run public school. The famous writer Gabriel García Márquez also attended this school and was one of the people who had the greatest influence on him.
According to José Cuesta, an old friend of Petro's who was also a guerrilla, an old BBC interview, Petro was inquisitive as a young man, often attended trade union meetings, and at the age of 17 joined a guerrilla group aimed at urbanism, nationalism and social democracy: the April 19 Movement (M19). In the M19 guerrillas, Petro named himself Aureliano in honor of the colonel in Márquez's famous novel One Hundred Years of Solitude.
Colombian society under the right-wing government is divided and the domestic environment is turbulent. Historical records show that the right-wing government of Colombia during the M19 period allowed paramilitary organizations to smuggle drugs and kill civilians, and the patriotic alliance (UP) for peace, which was born during this period, which was mainly based on political struggle, was assassinated by right-wing organizations because of popular support.
The turbulent road to peace has been very difficult, and although the right-wing government has been trying to negotiate with left-wing organizations such as the Far-China Armed Forces of Colombia,it has actually acted for the benefit of the right. During the presidency of Colombia (2002-2010) during the reign of right-wing President Alvaro Uribe, Uribe was accused of killing more than 6,400 innocent civilians in pursuit of annihilating the number of Colombian guerrillas.
M19 captures the Colombian Edifice of Justice. Pictured from the BBC
In his autobiography Una vida, muchas vidas, Petro recalls: "The first impression of M19 men and women was tenacity. I was amazed by the enthusiasm of the people for the struggle, and here I could no longer use the name given to me by law, and I was Aureliano, with whom I participated in the battle.
As an adult, Petro entered Columbia External University to major in economics and received a scholarship. Since then, Petro's "life of struggle" has been stationed in the capital Bogotá. In 2011, Petro became mayor of Bogotá, the second most important position in Colombia and a must for many politicians hoping to run for president, according to Colombian media.
According to historical sources, in 1985, M19 captured the Colombian Judicial Building, during which 101 people died. The campaign was aimed at protesting allegations of fraud in the 1970 elections. The post-M19 organization evolved into a political party and assisted in amending the Constitution.
The M19 guerrilla organization, with the slogan of anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism and the establishment of democratic power, is different from the "Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia" and other rebels based in the countryside, most of its members have open identities, secretly carry out "armed struggle" in the city, and have also created incidents such as the seizure of the Dominican embassy.
Peftro, who was linked to M19, was arrested by police and held in a military barracks, where he said he was tortured to cover for his comrades-in-arms, and was later dubbed a "hero in the guerrillas." In his autobiography, Petro became a leader in the guerrillas, responsible for the guerrillas' community propaganda, recruiting, and organizing mobilizations, during which time he read a lot of Marxist writings and fought against the right-wing government forces supported by the United States.
In prison, Petro firmly denied that he was related to the attack on the judicial edifice, and also denied allegations of "killing" and "drug trafficking", calling himself a "political leader rather than a killer". In the end, authorities could only sentence him to 18 months in prison for "illegal possession of firearms."
In his autobiography, Petro reflected on the deep disasters that the M19 movement had brought to the country and its people
In 1987, Petro was released. Petro's autobiography writes that during his time in prison, his conscious perspective on "struggle" changed, he realized that "armed revolution is not the best strategy to win popular support", and he was determined to find "another way of struggle".
After consulting information on the democratic process in Colombia, the Observer Network found that in 1990, there was a strong peace-seeking climate in Colombia, with all guerrillas except the National Liberation Army expressing their willingness to seek a political solution to the conflict. The M19 guerrillas agreed to cease hostilities and later began to disband. The dismissal of the M19 is considered a historic success in Colombia's long history of conflict. At that time, Petro had been elected to the Colombian House of Representatives.
However, the actions of the Far-Limbe-Colombian Armed Forces (FARC) and el-Nauhuma (ELN) against civilians have undermined the peace process, the steps towards peace within Colombia have been broken, and far-reaching FARC has continued its escalating activities.
In Petro 34, he received death threats, and that year he left his homeland for the first time.
The Colombian government, in order to protect the former guerrilla member of the "Golden Basin Wash", assigned him a low-level position at the Embassy in Belgium.
In his autobiography, Petro recalls four years in Europe that were extremely important in shaping his political ideals: he had a deep understanding of the developed world, social democratic parties, and intellectual societies, and wanted to make Colombia one such society.
In Europe, he also studied environmental issues. This is another issue that he is most concerned with after social justice. He revealed in his autobiography that he had not driven in 30 years due to concerns about the effects of the climate.
Petro did not hide his high opinion of himself. He describes himself in the book: "People take me from one place to another like the wind, and they make me a giant." ”
This is why he is called vain, upward, pretentious, because "he believes that he is the savior of the people." The BBC wrote in a character review published on 25 June.
Leftists criticized him for intellectual arrogance, managerial authoritarianism, conceptual stubbornness, and discursive extremes. The right condemns his vision of the country's economy, his close relationships with figures such as Chávez (former Venezuelan president who promoted anti-Americanism during his presidency), and his history of partisan participation.
The political life of a former guerrillaFormer President Duke, who did not keep his promise, and his unreliable rival Hernandez, gave Petro's election a better chance. Petro's political life seems to be full of "struggles," as he describes in his autobiography: rebelling against reality and being outspoken is something he has to do.
Petro's rival Hernandez was very good at using TikTok to post campaign feeds, dubbed "Colombia Trump."
In 1998, while serving as a member of parliament in the province of Kundinamaca, Petro sharply criticized some of the worst scandals of the Uribe government, including the involvement of Uribe and members of his cabinet in a number of criminal investigations, such as corruption, support for paramilitary groups, the "Forgery" scandal and crimes against humanity. In his autobiography, Petro said that "debate has become my life's work," and in his book, he points out that it is the "mafia regime" that governs Colombia.
Petro's straightforward and arrogant personality made his political career not smooth. For example, in his autobiography, Petro recounts that when he was mayor of Bogotá, the biggest conflict occurred between him and the big company that ran the municipal garbage disposal, and Petro wanted to take away their business and make the garbage disposal process public. But the result of the reforms he pushed for was that the garbage in Bogotá, the capital city, was not collected for days, and he himself was dismissed.
Petro said it was a coup and took to the streets in protest with a megaphone. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights subsequently ruled that his dismissal was unlawful and he was reinstated after 35 days.
The Colombian media once analyzed his strategy as if he were an insider persecuted by the system because he promised to overthrow the system and make the system afraid.
However, Petro achieved something during his tenure as mayor: homicides and a decline in poverty rates, a solution to water supply problems for millions of people, and a strengthened housing and medical assistance program. He also developed rehabilitation programs for drug addicts, established models of urban expansion with a focus on environmental protection, and established schools and housing for the poor.
Petro was protected by layers of guards on the day of his election. Pictured from the US media
In its review of Petro's characters, the BBC noted that there were also those who believed that there was political chaos during Petro's tenure as mayor, and that he had used this confusion to raise his profile across the country. These people argue that urban mobility and urban development are worse, and many of his promises, such as building schools and kindergartens, have not been kept.
When Petro stepped down as mayor in 2015, there were dozens of lawsuits and fines. According to him, the lawsuits and fines left him nearly bankrupt.
Since then, Petro has worked to become president of Colombia. He first ran for president in 2010, but in 2018 and 2022 he placed himself against the rulers he had been in power for decades, and it was precisely this position that cemented his political position.
Petro, who has participated in the presidential campaign three times, has learned from the experience of defeat and the current situation of the country, and learned to "play to the strengths and avoid the weaknesses". CNN pointed out that after losing the 2018 election, Petro gathered some more traditional establishment politicians around him and tried to dilute public concerns about his radical economic plans, gradually portraying himself as a representative of a new type of progressiveism.
Despite coming from a "left-wing group," Petro's personal experience has made his policies seem "more moderate." His policy advocates dialogue, emphasizing "embracing" with adversaries, seeking reconciliation and ending violence, and advocating "reaching consensus between different parties to achieve the peace that everyone dreams of." In his campaign platform, he proposed a radical overhaul of colombia's economy to change its position as the most unequal country in the world.
In this campaign, Petro promised to crack down on corruption, raise taxes on the rich and big businesses, establish a social security system that benefits the low-income class, negotiate peace with the rebel National Liberation Army (an organization recognized by the United States as a terrorist organization), change the government's strategy to combat drug crime and related violence, and take care of the interests of coca farmers.
Will Gustavo Petro take office "subvert" relations with the United States?The country, which has never had a left-wing president, has been a "close ally" of the United States for decades, and judging by Petro's personal experience and campaign promises, Gustavo Petro's rise to power could affect Colombia's relations with the United States.
After Gustavo Petro was elected, U.S. Secretary of State Blinken sent congratulations on his personal social media, saying "not salty": Congratulations to the Colombian people for exercising their right to vote to reaffirm the power of democracy, and the United States looks forward to continuing to maintain a strong partnership with the president-elect.
Blinken sent congratulations. Screenshot from Blinken social media
The first of Blinken's tweets was "Give him a few years and Venezuela 2.0 will appear." Netizens intend to map the most "right" countries in Latin America are now turning "left", and THE allies of the United States may "defect". How to deal with the relationship between Colombia and Venezuela is what the United States will pay attention to.
"Give him a few years and Venezuela 2.0 will appear" screenshot from Blinken social media
According to historical data, Colombia has always maintained an alliance with the United States, from friendly relations in the 19th and early 20th centuries to today's partnership, Colombia and the United States have maintained many policies: including fighting terrorism, drug wars, etc.
Colombia is also a signatory member of the U.S.-led Pan American Alliance and the U.S. Air Force, a regular participant in RIMPAC military exercises, and is the only South American country to support the U.S.-launched war in Iraq.
However, Colombia, which was influenced by the United States, has not always been "obedient", and when there was no peace agreement signed in Colombia, there were voices in Colombia that the influence of the United States has intensified the armed conflict in Colombia and greatly expanded the scope and nature of human rights violations in Colombia. Today, the core nature of the country of the "hardcore" neighbors of the United States has been reversed, and this once "far right" Latin American country has also jumped into the big wave of left-wing movements in Latin America, and the "strings" of the United States are about to be tightened.
Petro's attitude toward Venezuela has raised concerns and concerns in the United States. CNN analysis believes that Petro's future communication with Biden may be difficult, and the two leaders will face each other on issues such as relations with Venezuela.
Colombia has had two diplomatic severances with Venezuela, both of which are related to the United States.
Historical data show that the first severance of diplomatic relations occurred during Chávez's presidency of Venezuela (1999-2013), when Chávez held the "left banner" to oppose capitalism and imperialism, and was afraid of the United States meddling in Latin American affairs, while the Uribe government at that time was a pro-American government, and ideological confrontation affected the choice of the Colombian Committee for diplomatic allies. In December 2004, Colombian police arrested the leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces in Venezuela, causing a fierce diplomatic conflict between the two countries; In 2010, Chávez angrily severed diplomatic relations with Colombia after Uribe publicly accused Venezuela of supporting anti-government guerrillas. The second break occurred in 2019, when the United States denied the legitimacy of Maduro's government on the grounds that Venezuela's elections were illegitimate, instead recognizing Guaido, the leader of the right-wing opposition, as the country's interim president. Maduro's government then announced the severance of diplomatic relations with the United States. In February of the same year, Venezuela accused the Colombian government of assisting the United States in its internal affairs, announcing that it had severed diplomatic relations with Colombia.
Now, Petro said he would resume diplomatic relations with Venezuela, hold a dialogue to resolve violence along the two countries' long border and would allow a resumption of cross-border trade. These are all things that the White House is adamantly opposed to.
It's also worth noting in the U.S. that CNN introduced Petro as having his own "allies" in Washington — he told CNN that he "regularly" spoke with U.S. Senate Member Bernie Sanders and personally met with progressive Caucus earlier this year. He also expressed a desire to build a new alliance for progress in South America. According to the Washington Post, Petro is interested in forging an alliance of environmentally-based progress with Chile and Brazil, where calls are rising from the left.
On the day Petro was selected. Pictured from the BBC
The United States is not only worried about Petro's attitude toward Venezuela after taking office, But also Petterrow's policies affect U.S. interests in Colombia.
Petro previously said in an interview with CNN that he intends to renegotiate Colombia's trade agreement with the United States. He plans to have a dialogue on three main issues: protecting the Amazon rainforest; Ending the war on drugs; Free the Colombian economy from reliance on extractive projects such as fossil fuels.
Colombia's social unrest reflects a deep need for change, while the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated inequality and poverty.
CNN specifically described in a report that Petro is committed to forging ties with various political forces, allying with traditional politicians, promising not to confiscate private property, promising not to increase deficits or inflation, promising that the new government he has formed will not persecute the opposition, and trying to distance himself from the left and absolve people of fears that Colombia could become the next Venezuela.
Petro's idea of a "historical pact" and the purpose of the "historical pact alliance" on behalf of him are basically the same as what he said when he went to meet the right-wing paramilitary leader Castano: to reach a consensus between the different parties in order to achieve the peace that everyone dreams of. The hot-blooded guerrilla, known for his courage to confront, has become more peaceful, compromised and statesmanlike.
The former guerrilla, nicknamed Colonel Aureliano Buendia, hopes to spark a scientific revolution in Colombia, "magic realism comes from the heart, while my scientific advice comes from the brain." To rule the country, both are needed," he said.