Luo Jizu's Death of Wang Guowei
Group photo of Luo Zhenyu (first from left), Wang Guowei (second from left) and other bureaucrats of the Qing Dynasty court. Profile picture
【Past】
Biography of scholars
Luo Jizu (1913-2002), a native of Shangyu, Zhejiang. Since childhood, he studied under the guidance of his grandfather Luo Zhenyu. He has worked in Northeast Museum and Dalian Library, and is a professor at Jilin University. He is the author of "Liao History School Survey Record", "Yongfeng Township People's Travel Chronicle", "Maple Window Dialect", "Tingwen Remembrance", "The Death of Wang Guowei", etc., and compiled "Luo Zhenyu's Academic Treatises".
From birth, he "knew" Wang Guowei
Luo Jizu is the eldest grandson of Luo Zhenyu, when he was born in Kyoto, Japan in 1913, Wang Guowei also lived in Kyoto with his family, so Luo Jizu "knew" Wang Guowei as soon as he was born. During his life in Kyoto, Japan, and his return to Tianjin with Luo Zhenyu, Luo Jizu had received more kingdom Wei Yinrong. Luo Jizu said:
I saw him when I was five or six years old, in 1923, he came to Beijing from Shanghai at the call of Puyi, and in 1926, he would live in my house every time he went to Tianjin, I was twelve or thirteen years old at the time, and I still have an impression of his voice and smile, medium stature, clean face, short beard on the lips, hair braids, wearing myopic glasses and melon skin hats, wearing belts, a Haining dialect, generally do not understand much. In 1927, when I was fifteen years old when the school magazine "Wang's Testament" was published, although I could not read the "Testament", I participated in the Battle of the School Characters. ("Reading on the Merits of Wang Guowei", Reading, No. 1, 1982)
In fact, it is not "I saw him when I was five or six years old", but I "saw" him as soon as I was born. Luo Jizu and Wang Guowei had known and interacted for seven or eight years, and the image of Wang Guowei was left to posterity with imagination, and what was left to Luo Jizu was an impression. Coupled with his participation in the revision of the "Testament of prince Zhongwu of Haining", his familiarity with Wang Guowei is indeed not comparable to that of later generations. After Luo Zhenyu's death in 1940, Luo Jizu actively participated in the proofreading and printing of eight kinds of Luo Zhenyu's "Zhensong Old Man's Testament A Collection", of which the "Hou Ding Peng Draft" was compiled by Luo Jizu, and the B and other collections were mainly managed by him. Luo Jizu was also familiar with his third aunt, Luo Zhenyu's third daughter and The kingdom's eldest daughter-in-law, Luo Xiaochun, and seemed to have a certain connection with the kingdom's wei heirs.
Probably because of the collation and editing of Luo Zhenyu's collected writings, Luo Jizu came into contact with a number of letters from Wang Guowei to Luo Zhenyu earlier, and the earliest preliminary collation of Luo Zhenyu's and Wang Guowei's back-and-forth letters should be Luo Zhenyu himself, a total of more than ten volumes, and he later put some of them into the pool and preserved them by his fifth son Luo Fuyi. In 1963, Luo Jizu was about to obtain more than 160 correspondence of the Kingdom of Wei as the Guantang Shuzha and handed them over to the Zhonghua Bookstore for publication, but it was not published for any reason. After the end of the "Cultural Revolution", Luo Jizusuo returned to the Shuzha, of which 118 General Theory Studies Were first published in the first collection of the "Collection of Chinese Historical Documents Research" compiled and printed by the History Department of Central China Normal University. In August 1979, Wu Ze of East China Normal University sent people to Changchun Luo Jizu to search for Wang Guowei's manuscript, Luo Jizu delivered the "Guantang Shuzha", Gai Wuze planned to compile the complete collection of Wang Guowei, and the first volume of "Wang Guowei Complete Collection and Epistle Volume" was collected by Luo Jizu and published by zhonghua bookstore in 1984.
In March 1973, Luo Jizu began to compile Luo Zhenyu's annals of The Chronicle of the People of Yongfeng Township, and completed the first draft in December 1976. (See Luo Jizu's "Taiwan Edition of the Complete Works of Mr. Luo Xuetang") Originally, the manuscript and the transcript were only sent to his fifth uncle Luo Fuyi, his cousin Luo Shouxun, his cousin Zhou Zimei (Luo Zhuang's husband) and other family members for correction. On July 10, 1978, Luo Jizu wrote to Luo Shouxunyun: "The chronicle is important in the second half, if you have any comments, please put forward. But according to the matter, the nephew asked himself when there was no curved pen. (The letter cited by Luo Jizu to Luo Shouxun in this article can be found in Zhu Songling's "Selected Materials of Luo Shouxun", a self-printed edition of the editor in January 2021) It can be seen that this book is based on the principle of direct writing. In September and October 1979, Wu Ze believed that Luo Jizu had worked very hard and clarified many problems. In November 1979, Jiangsu People's Publishing House sent a letter to Luo Jizu expressing his desire to publish. In early 1980, Shanghai and Nanjing competed to publish the book, and finally the book was published by jiangsu people's publishing house in April 1980, with a title of "Luo Zhenyu's Chronology". Luo Jizu initially advocated not signing the name of the author, but at the request of the publishing house, he signed the name of "Ganru". After the book was published, Luo Jizu sent Zhang Shunhui a volume, and Zhang Shunhui replied: "Extremely admiring narrative interrogation, no overflowing beauty, no floating words, publicizing Zude, praise can be passed on..." (quoted from Luo Jizu's letter to Luo Shouxun in January 1981) This evaluation should be quite high.
Because he had a lot of first-hand materials such as books and books, the "Yongfeng Township Chronicle" contained many narratives about the relationship between Luo Zhenyu and Wang Guowei. In addition, some content that is not appropriate to write in the line record may be expressed in private correspondence. For example, regarding the feud between Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu in his later years, on November 26, 1978, Luo Jizu wrote to Luo Shouxunyun:
In fact, Mrs. Wang is not fierce, but it is good to listen to the provocations of Qian Ma and others, and the three sisters can't stand it, so that they turn against each other. Afterwards, the Wang family did not feel bad about this, so there was no need to make up for it in the "Record".
Obviously, Luo Jizu actually had a lot to say about the relationship between Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu. However, limited to the chronological style, it cannot be too branchy, so there are many extraspectral talks. Similar remarks were actually presumed by Luo Jizu's "GuanTang Shuzha" (published in Reading, No. 8, 1982) written on October 22, 1978.
Retrospective "forced debt" is not true
Luo Jizu's publication of articles on the cause of Wang Guowei's death began in the early 1980s, and the direct reason for his writing was that "to this day, some people still say in the journal that Wang Jing'an's death was not martyrdom but was forced into debt by Luo, which is not ridiculous" (Luo Jizu's letter to Luo Shouxun on May 12, 1981). In Luo Jizu's view, Wang Guowei's death was due to Luo Zhenyu's forced debt, but it was a false theory for political purposes fabricated because of the internal contradictions of the Sunqing court at that time.
Regarding the feud between Wang and Luo in their later years, Luo Fuyi wrote an article as early as 1953 to outline the end of the book, but unfortunately failed to publish it, and later Luo Jizu talked about this matter, and also generally accepted Luo Fuyi's statement.
Regarding the extortion of debts, Luo Jizu knew at least on May 2, 1982 that Zheng Xiaoxu was the initiator. On the same day, he wrote to Luo Shouxun, saying:
Zheng Haizang is famous for his poetry rather than a scholar, so he is rarely praised, and his person is not pure, and his grandfather has always been inconsistent with him. It is now known that Wang Guantang died of debt coercion, which is Zheng Zuo, and if guo Moruo and others believe it, he is even more knowable, and the so-called policy strategists are first-class. This matter does not need to be discussed with the second sister, and the nephew has explained in the "Chronicle of The Book of Conduct" that there is still much material to write in the future.
The so-called "first-class policy strategists" actually reveal the political conspiracy behind the debt-forcing theory. In the "Yongfeng Township Chronicle of the People's Conduct", Luo Jizu's statement is still relatively vague:
Filial piety is the eldest son and step-aunt who violates the word, and the servant concubine fu constructs it from it. Although Jing'an is the superintendent of the family, and the usual housekeeping is pan, he does not ask questions, which is different from the township people's affairs and everything. To the point of Bo Shen's death, Jing'an and his wife were mourned by the lord of Shanghai, Pan dealt with the aftermath or misconduct, Filial Piety appealed to the townspeople, the townspeople moved their anger to Jing'an to listen to the women's words, and Jing'an could not bear to dissect himself, and the townspeople returned with filial piety and purity. He and Jing'an fought together. Although Beijing and Tianjin are dense, until the death of Jing'an, they have not been seen again, and the letters are also rare. Bo Shen served the customs, and the pension after death was not accepted by the townspeople. (Luo Zhenyu Academic Treatises, Episode 12)
Luo Jizu added a note here: "In the gap between Luo and Wang, outsiders do not know the internal situation and give rise to various speculations, some say that the king's daughter Shi Luo was suspended, but in fact, Luo Nu Shi Wang, because of the death of her son-in-law, returned to the king." After Jing'an threw himself into the lake, he suspected Dou Yiqi, and it was said that he was forced to pay debts to the deceased. Although his true feelings are also ignorant of the disciples of the king, what about outsiders, let alone Puyi. Puyi's "The First Half of My Life" confused the relationship between the Wang and Luo families, publicizing the forced debt, and Luo Jizu responded here. It is quite suspicious that when Luo Jizu wrote the annals for the villagers, he did not know that the initiator of the theory of forcing debts was Zheng Xiaoxu, because when Luo Jizu talked about the theory of forced debts, the spearhead was not only against Puyi, but also the "disciples of the king". It was not until May 1982, four or five years after the compilation of the Chronicle of the Chronicles, that he learned that "Wang Guantang died of forced debts, but zheng made figurines." Luo Jizu's analysis of the reasons for Wang and Luo's feud in their later years is pertinent, and two people with different personalities, faced with the same tricky thing, have not adjusted their personalities, so that the friendship of the past thirty years has turned into a merchant. Dai Jiaxiang, a disciple of Wang Guowei who also understood the reasons for Wang and Luo's feud in his later years, expressed his approval of the relevant explanations in Luo Jizu's "Chronicle of The Chronicles". Luo Jizu's article "GuanTang Shuzha Zaibao" once quoted his words slightly:
After Professor Dai saw the Chronicle of the Chronicles from Wang Dengmingzhang's hand, he wrote to me, saying that when Luo and Wang lost their happiness in their later years, master's mother Pan told his aunt and nephew Zhao Wanli what he had seen and heard, and Zhao relayed to me that it was in line with the great work, unbiased, and unbiased, which was the attitude of the historian to seek truth.
As a disciple of Wang Guowei, Dai Jiaxiang undoubtedly represented the attitude of an important group.
The adherent of the Kingdom Of Martyrdom
Luo Jizu has always firmly held the theory that wang Guowei's death was martyrdom. The Chronicle of the Chronicle of the Chronicle of Ding Di (丁卯年記云):
Over the years, the southern trend has gradually increased, and the townspeople and comrades have been worried about the dynasty for generations, thinking that it is dangerous to be in danger of the kettle and the fish, and it is advisable to take precautions. Gu Xing leaked up and down, people spoke compassionately, and Ju Heng was pitiful. On May 3rd, Jing'an was sad and angry about the Kunming Lake in the Summer Palace... Although the townspeople have been sparse with Jing'an for many years, the idea of loyalty to the old lord has always been faithful. "Re-insulting" Yunyun is the righteousness of "the king insults the subject to death". Jing An has no remains, does not want to beg for the grace behind him, the townspeople are for the sake of doing it, stealing the corpses of the ancients, hoping for a good realization... (Press: On the fold, it has aroused Puyi's suspicions.) In "The First Half of My Life", it is said that the will was written by Luo, and the writing was very neat, not Wang Guowei's handwriting. Others may not know about this matter, but the disciples of the King's Gate are not to be unaware. ）
This text contains a lot of information, and the confluence of this information is in the theory of The Corpse Ofs. First of all, Luo Jizu bluntly said that it was Luo Zhenyu who did it on behalf of Wang Guowei, "Wangmen disciples are not to be ignorant" The next sentence is very heavy, and the information revealed by it, Luo Zhenyu should have communicated with Wangmen disciples in advance, at least Wangmen disciples acquiesced and supported Luo Zhenyu's behavior at that time, because the most direct motivation for each other was to seek the mourning after death for Wang Guowei. Luo Jizu mentioned that in 1927, others may not have felt the changes in current events, and even felt "elated" about the Northern Expedition of the National Revolutionary Army, but Luo Zhenyu and his colleagues were understandably worried about Puyi's safety during the continuous march of the National Revolutionary Army's Northern Expedition. Because since Puyi could be expelled from the Forbidden City in disregard of the agreement originally signed between the Sunqing court and the Republic of China government, it is entirely conceivable that in the tide of the National Revolution, Puyi, who lived in Tianjin Zhangyuan and resembled a "kettle fish curtain swallow", would have made further actions. As a former "old minister", it is natural that the focus of concern of the general public is different. Luo Jizu's recounting of his grandfather's and a group of old courtiers' worries should be true. However, whether Wang Guowei's "self-sorrow and self-sinking" is also in this "number of comrades", but it is also a question. At least Luo Zhenyu, who had already befriended Wang Guowei, would not negotiate with Wang Guowei at this time about the future. Then Luo Jizu said here that Wang Guowei's anger was sinking, and the connection between them was still not enough. Later, Luo Jizu said this in more detail. He said:
According to Mr. Wang's sixteen-character will, combined with Mr. Wang's life's words and deeds, we say that Mr. Wang's death is martyrdom, it is a corpse advice, and as for Mr. Chen's praise of his independent spirit and free thought, Mr. Liang's analysis from all aspects, Mr. Wang's underground knowledge should be sighed as a knowing word... There are distant causes and proximate causes for Mr. Wang's death, and the distant causes should be traced back to the feudal education received in the family at an early age and the Western philosophy studied in middle age; what about the proximate causes? I think that Ye Dehuizhi's shooting cannot be said to be irrelevant, at least it makes Mr. Wang increase his horror in his soul... Although Liang was a person with political overtones, he was not a revolutionary object, and when necessary, he had to avoid the limelight of the current situation, so that Mr. Wang felt that It was too dangerous for Tianjin Zhang Yuan Puyi to be around, and at the same time he felt that he himself, Jia Zi was lucky not to die, and this time he was spared, so he decided to commit suicide. ("Guan Tang Shuzha" Re-Pao)
Luo Jizu combined with Chen Yinke and Liang Qichao to integrate the martyrdom of Qing Corpse Sayings, and the logical relationship here needs to be further demonstrated, but Luo Jizu's tendency is very clear. The analytical dimensions of the theory of the distant cause and proximate cause of Wang Guowei's death should also be roughly in line with the normal state of a person who commits suicide. Slightly different from the "Chronicle of the Walking Years": the "Chronicles of the Chronicles" mainly starts from the fact that Puyi may be in danger and cannot reach his own words, so as to "worry and sink himself"; and the worries here are not only Puyi, but also himself. As for saying that Jiazi "luckily" did not die, it was still to reasonably explain the relationship between "one insult" and "nother humiliation". In fact, the objective situation is: the change of Jiazi, not to mention Puyi, Wang Guowei also has no worries about his life; the Northern Expedition is coming, Wang Guowei is also safe, and when Jiazi changes, Wang Guowei is still walking in the South Study, and at this time he has nothing to do with the Sunqing court from the "organizational relationship". In this case, whether it can be "spared" is actually a problem that does not need to be considered. Deeply felt that Luo Jizu's word "fluke" here may be improper.
Of course, Wang Guowei was concerned about Puyi's safety, but as an outsider to the Qing court, it was doubtful whether this concern had reached the point where he needed to sink himself into Mingzhi. The so-called "death of a king who humiliates his subjects" generally assumes that the king has already been humiliated, and only then can it be said that the subjects will die. With the rather loose relationship between Wang Guowei and Puyi Xingchao at that time, it is really doubtful whether to go to this step.
To explain that Wang Guowei's death is martyrdom, it is necessary to assume that Wang Guowei is a loyal old man, and if the "widow" is still impure, unwilling or incomplete, "martyrdom" will inevitably become a rootless talk. Luo Zhenyu's single-minded desire to restore the Qing Dynasty has become a consensus, and Luo Jizu also holds this view. But was Wang Guowei as willing to be a widow like Luo Zhenyu? Academic views vary. Luo Zhenyu, Jin Liang, Yang Zhongxi and other widows naturally said that Wang Guowei was a loyal widow, and the views of people outside the group of widows were not necessarily. Gu Jiegang believed in the article "Mourning Mr. Wang Jing'an" that Wang Guowei "understood that he was forced to succeed by his environment", and if it were not for Luo Zhenyu's various help, Wang Guowei "would have become an elder because of Luo Shi's reasons", so "everyone only thinks that he is a loyal servant of the Qing Dynasty, this is not a big injustice". ("The Complete Works of Gu Jiegang, Baoshuyuan Wencun") Guo Moruo believes in the article "Lu Xun and Wang Guowei": Because of getting acquainted with Luo Zhenyu, a group of widows and elders was formed around Wang Guowei. In such an environment, "the friendship-loving Kingdom Wei could not extricate himself, and gradually he was gradually forced to become a 'widow'." I don't think he himself is necessarily willing" (The Complete Works of Guo Moruo, vol. 20). In April 1980, Xie Guozhen wrote a preface to the "Yongfeng Township Chronicle": "Yu thought that the old man of Xuetang became a royalist at the end of the Qing Dynasty, and dragged Wang Jing'an's division into the water together, mistaking himself and others, and self-pitying Yiqi. Gu Jiegang, Guo Moruo, and Xie Guozhen all believe that Wang Guowei was "left behind" by Luo Zhenyu, and that "being" left behind and being bent on being a widow are obviously two completely different concepts.
Luo Jizu accepted Luo Zhenyu's statement, believing that they were all typical Qing Dynasty widows. On October 22, 1978, Luo Jizu wrote the "Guantang Shuzha", which said: "The belief of grandfather and Mr. Wang in loyalty to the Qing Dynasty is unswerving until death, and this is common, and it does not waver for the family. He also believed that Wang Guowei's becoming an old man was his conscious behavior, not being guided or persecuted by Luo Zhenyu. He said:
Some people say that Guan Tang followed his grandfather to avoid Japan, so that Guan Tang embarked on the road of the old, which is also the view of formal logic, if the Guan Tang did not want to follow from the heart, he would not go against his heart... I think that Kando's willing decision to be a widow before going to Japan can be seen from Kando's "Sending Dr. Kano to Europe" and his self-proclaimed proud work of Nongzi San. ("The Weight of Wang Guantang - The Sixth of the Family")
If we divide the relationship between Wang Guowei and the widows into several stages: the period from Xinhai to Kyoto is the first stage; the period from Japan to Shanghai is the second stage; and the third stage is from the north to the south study to death. In the first stage, in the early days of the Qing Dynasty, Wang Guowei expressed the "Thoughts of the Homeland" in Kyoto with a number of literary works; in the second stage, Wang Guowei returned to Shanghai from Kyoto, and had more experiences with Shen Zengzhi, Zhu Zumou, Zheng Xiaoxu and other widows; in the third stage, when he entered the Zhinan Study, he had a direct relationship with the Sunqing court and Puyi, and personally experienced the change of Jiazi. Luo Jizu believes that Wang Guowei already had the intention of leaving the old man before going to Japan, which actually directly negates the possibility of becoming an old man under the influence of Luo Zhenyu. Luo Jizu's basis was his poem "Sending Dr. Kano of Japan on a Tour of Europe" and the "Three Poems of Nongzi", which was later compiled. However, this "Three Poems of Nongzi" was created after going to Japan, which does not prove that Wang Guowei had the heart to leave his old age before going to Japan. In the "Three Poems of Nongzi", the "Words of the Summer Palace" writes the end of the Ai xinJue Luo clan centered on Cixi's life, and the "Shu Dao Difficulty" mourns Duan Fang, which indeed sends deep sorrow to the end of the Qing Dynasty. Although Dr. Kano taught at Kyoto University, because he had just arrived in Kyoto, when he sent Kano on his trip to Europe, he also permeated a strong thought of his homeland, in which if he "talks about the rise and fall of the deep and the words, it is sad to look back at the Shenzhou drama." Han Tu originated from the GuiZhong Festival, and so far Wen Xie'an is in the clouds, and indeed contains a certain thought of the remnants, and when Suzuki Torao read this poem, Wang Guowei presented a poem and wrote a letter, especially mentioning that the poem also had concerns about the Japanese social and political system, he said: "The gentleman who steals the gentleman's residence is a state, not his doctor, and the country wei is said to be the people of the country. (Letter from Wang Guowei to Suzuki Toraho on October 7, 1912, see The Diary of The Letters of Wang Guowei) He directly referred to himself as "the people of the fallen country". However, whether this kind of thinking about the remnants comes from the original heart or from the influence of Luo Zhenyu, if there is no very clear evidence, it is indeed impossible to simply draw conclusions.
As for Xie Guozhen's statement that Luo Zhenyu "dragged Wang Jing'an's teacher into the water together", Luo Jizu could not agree. He said:
According to my subjective understanding, Luo and Wang still had a very consistent view of the current situation during the late Qing Dynasty, not between you and me. From Mr. Wang's personality, it can be said that he does not have the world's desire to hunt high-ranking officials, nor does he have the whim of doing revolutionary speculative business, and the nature of the scholar can only obey fate in a disciplined manner, moreover, looking back at the family lineage, there is also the glorious history of loyalty and martyrdom of the "King of Anhua County", as well as his aspiring verse "I am the descendant of Zhu Chenxiang", so following The east of the ocean is not "dragged" by external forces. ("My Grandfather Luo Zhenyu", Hundred Flowers Literary and Art Publishing House, 2007)
In fact, not to mention that during the late Qing Dynasty, during the Republic of China, Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu's judgment of the political situation was basically the same, and it can be seen in the "Letters of Luo Zhenyu Kingdom Wei". Luo Jizu's grasp of Wang Guowei's personality is accurate, And Wang Guowei has an attitude toward politics, but he basically has no desires, that is, he does not intervene in them with actions. When Zhang Xun was restored, Shen Zengzhi and Kang Youwei, who lived in Shanghai, went north one after another, and none of them proposed to take Wang Guowei, and Shen Zengzhi even told his family not to tell Wang Guowei about going north, which shows that even in the group of widows, Wang Guowei is basically ignored or even avoided.
Luo Jizu also said:
In the first half of his life, he studied abroad, studied foreign languages, studied Western philosophy, and seemed to be an enlightened person who restored the new era. In the middle, he has no intention of studying literature and opera, and is also a scholar who wants to innovate in a new academic field. In the second half of his life, due to the drastic changes in the situation, he traveled east with my family to Japan, and in terms of governance, he also gave up the old and the new, and then established a relationship with Puyi, degenerated into a stubborn old man, and embarked on a reactionary. It is difficult to understand how much has changed in just fifty years. However, it should be explained here that the influence cannot be without, and coercion does not exist, because Mr. Wang is not a person who walks with his nose without a master. ("Guan Tang Shuzha" Re-Pao)
The fact that the scope of Kingdom's Weizhi Studies has generally undergone a transition from the West to China, and the changes in its political thinking from new to conservative, are all facts that can be reviewed. However, Luo Jizu's direct hooking of Wang Guowei's relationship with Puyi and becoming a "stubborn old man" here also seems to be a bit jumpy. But Luo Jizu said that "Mr. Wang is not a person who has no master and leads the nose with his head", which is the personal statement of the Deep Qi Kingdom. However, this kind of self-contained personality may also become the reason for his "old age", thoughtful but lack of action, and it may be difficult for anyone to shake Wang Guowei's state of being on the fringes of the group of widows with the heart of the old.
Even Luo Zhenyu's family did not all interpret Wang Guowei's death from the perspective of martyrdom. In 1954, Luo Fuyi wrote "The Second Passage of mr. Yiguantang's Codex" (Jianghai Academic Journal, No. 2, 1982), in which there was a cloud: "In fact, the cause of Death of Guan Tangzhang was the pain of mourning first, and then the sorrow of chaos and departure. Although this article was published nearly thirty years after the article was written, his analysis of the cause of Wang Guowei's death is similar to that of Dongming, the queen of Wang Guowei, especially the relationship between the death of Wang Guowei and the death of his eldest son Wang Qianming, and the views of the two echo each other. I think it should be paid full attention.
"Comrades of several generations" said that they were in contention with the Sunqing court
Here we briefly talk about the connotation of "several generations of comrades" mentioned by Luo Jizu, which of course refers to a few like-minded people. In the case of Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu's feud, Wang Guowei is not in the "comrades for several generations", which is probably self-evident. But it is true that Wang Guowei was originally included in it. In 1937, Luo Zhenyu wrote the Preface to the "Shengwen Zhonggong 'Jinmen Shu Manuscript'" and said that when Puyi was in the Forbidden City, Sheng Yun secretly shu Chen Song, "either drafted by the public, or sent to the substitute, or one person with a sparse, or joint name to hear." When the Tao is on the side, it is to take the public and the giver as friends, and the public to take care of it." Although luo Zhenyu and Shengyun are only mentioned here, in fact, the following goes on: "The deceased friend Wang Zhongyu is known to the Gong, as a public gate person, and his appointment to the Nanzhai Ershu and the appendix at the end of the volume, one is zhigong dependent on the monarchy, and the other is the voice of the zhi day, such as the so-called one who is not alone in my way, and the party that passes on the road will not be destroyed." (Luo Zhenyu's Academic Treatises, Episode 10)
It is true that Wang Guowei and Sheng Yunsheng responded to the demands. Luo Jizu's "Chronicle of the People of Yongfeng Township" also records Yun:
The townspeople and Wang Jing'an were successively summoned by Emperor Sun to the South Study, and Wang Shengji recommended it, and the townspeople also recommended it. The townspeople repeatedly wrote letters with Sheng, and Emperor Sun was very jealous. And Emperor Sun went to the Japanese embassy, and everyone talked about it. Sheng Zijin supported the illness and tended to be a gurudwara, praised the township people to discuss, the group pointed to the friends party, and Zheng Xiaoxu and mourned the return to the south. That is, The Sun Emperor Yingjin, renting Zhang Yuan as a residence, the Garden of Shi was returned to the Cantonese merchants, the townspeople and the Tongzhi Qingyuan Zhu Hired Sanruzhen jointly handled, so-and-so was through the end of the medium tiller, counted to sell, The Sun Emperor gradually alienated the townspeople. The grant of the consultant, the respect of the outside, the reality of the far.
Here we talk about the factional struggle around Puyi. In fact, Luo Jizu described Zhang Yuan's party disputes at that time in more detail in the "Guantang Shuzha Re-Trek". He said:
Puyi's side was roughly divided into three factions: pro-Gui and the old people of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were one faction, from which Zheng and Jin split off; headed by Chen Baochen, because he was the most respected by Puyi as his master, some people attached themselves to him as a peripheral faction, and these two factions were relatively large; Wen Su, Yang Zhongxi, Zhu Ruzhen, and his grandfather and Mr. Wang, including Ke Shaochen (Ke Shaochen, who was nominally subordinate to the Qindian Temple), were one faction, and this faction was weak and weak. As a result of the party theory, grandfather was alienated, and the people in the faction were also hit. ("Guan Tang Shuzha" Re-Pao)
This was the basic situation of the three groups of "friends" in the imperial court at that time, and Zheng Xiaoxu and Jin Liang were the most powerful of them. Although there were some new changes in the situation later, Luo Zhenyu's disadvantages still did not change. Luo Jizu said: "Later, the power of Zhang Yuan's small imperial court has always been in the hands of the specific deacons Hu Siyi, Jing Fangchang, and Chen Zengshou, and Zheng Xiaoxu and them are in good time, because only they can get close to Puyi day and night, and they have all learned a set of techniques for fixing favors and gaining Puyi's trust, turning Zhang Yuan into a pool of stagnant water, and outsiders can't get in." Shengyun, Luo Zhenyu and Wang Guowei were relatively fixed "friends", of which Shengyun and Luo Zhenyu were closer, while Zhu Ruzhen was the one who jointly handled Zhang Yuan with Luo Zhenyu. Because they were once deeply appreciated by Puyi, they were also jealous of other politicians. Zheng Xiaoxu's sad return to the south is probably a sign, but then Zheng Xiaoxu's status is rising, and Luo Zhenyu's marginalization has slowly become a reality. The correspondence between Wang Guowei and Luo Zhenyu is also quite common. But it is also a fact that the "comrades" of that year obviously changed at the turn of 1926 and 1927.
It is worth noting that Luo Jizu's description of Wang Guowei's self-sinking should come more from Luo Zhenyu's self-description. Luo Zhenyu described this matter in the "Compilation of Collected Lotus":
After the ugly, the civil war was held for many years, and The valley was in danger. Yu and Shengwen Zhonggong and Wang Zhonggong were very worried, but they could not devote themselves to... To Ding Di, the situation is in danger, Zhongwu sui sunk himself in the Summer Palace Kunming Lake on May 3rd, and the mourning on the smell is very much, so the finale is thick... Once the festival is over, there is no regret in the public, and Yu is to endure death in the grass, still can not be liberated from the world network, so that all thoughts are gray... (Luo Zhenyu Academic Treatises, Episode 11)
Luo Zhenyu's expression still has a relatively clear sense of time, and Luo Jizu uses the word "years" to extend the relationship of "comrades for several generations" until May. Luo Zhenyu, on the other hand, made a distinction between "after the Ugly One" and "Ding 卯", which was clearly "Yu and Shengwen Zhonggong and Wang Zhonggong" before Ding Jiao, and ding 卯 was no longer said to be three people. However, directly linking the current situation with the self-sinking of Wang Guowei, Luo Zhenyu and Luo Jizu are still consistent. Luo Zhenyu used the "Completion Festival" to locate the death of Wang Guowei, then the meaning of martyrdom was clear, and Luo Jizu continued this meaning, but the words were more detailed.
Defiance: The dual responsibility of identity and scholarship
On April 25, 1918, Luo Zhenyu wrote to Wang Guowei, mentioning that Ke Shaochen's youngest son, Fang Fang, was six or seven years old and "quite like the eldest grandson", and Luo Jizu pressed the cloud under this letter: "Gongzha is said to be 'quite like the eldest grandson', but it is compared to me, I am weak and difficult to get, and the public is very happy that I behave in a disciplined manner and listen to the words of the adults. I remember when I returned to Shanghai at the age of seven, acquaintances saw me and said that I behaved like the Third Grandfather (the Third Grandfather is the customary language of the Huai'an people to the public). Gong Jizha even cited me as a model, which shows the dedication to loving me. ("Letters of Luo Zhenyu's Kingdom", Oriental Publishing House, 2000 edition) As the eldest grandson, Luo Jizu was loved by Luo Zhenyu when he was a child.
"Over the past few years, one of the things I have done has been to defend my grandfather and to defend Mr. Wang Guantang." (Luo Jizu, "Defending the Guantang Again", Journal of Yangzhou Normal University, No. 4, 1987) The defense should not be Luo Jizu's original intention, but for the facts that have been covered up by dust for a long time, he has a sense of responsibility and mission to reveal the truth. In essence, Luo Jizu's views on the death of Wang Guowei were basically shrouded in Luo Zhenyu's theory. But in addition to the martyrdom theory, Luo Jizu did clarify many fallacies, and his contribution deserves full recognition.
(Author: Peng Yuping, Professor, Department of Chinese, Sun Yat-sen University)