<h1 class = "pgc-h-arrow-right" >, Why is "Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society" the opening work? </h1>
Now more and more people like to read "Mao Xuan", including many young people. It is common to see someone publishing a reading note of Mao Xuan on some online platforms, or placing it on a list of recommended books.
Why is the "Selected Works of Mao Zedong" called "Anthologies", as the name suggests, is selected and edited from the works of Mao Zedong's life. Since the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1945 established Mao Zedong Thought as the guiding ideology of the Party, several different editions of anthologies have been compiled and printed in various liberated areas, but none of these versions have been examined by Mao Zedong himself, and the articles have been omitted, the style is not uniform, and the text is also wrong.
After the founding of New China, at Stalin's suggestion, in order to sum up the experience of the victory of the Chinese revolution, the CPC Central Committee established the "Central Committee for the Publication of Selected Works of Mao Zedong of the CPC Central Committee", which was specifically responsible for selecting and editing the works and documents written by Mao Zedong during the revolutionary war years. From 1951 to 1960, volumes one to four of Mao's Selected Works were published after being approved by Mao Zedong.
Mao Zedong loved writing all his life, not only a rich book, but also a very high standard, and the articles that could be selected and edited and put into the "Mao Xuan" were also the best of the best and the best of the best.
Throughout the ages, whether it is writing articles, writing books, or compiling books, the beginning is extremely important.
In her later years, Mao Zedong had a nurse named Meng Jinyun, who jokingly called her Meng Fuzi, and persuaded her to read the Zizhi Tongjian as well, and also gave her a pamphlet as an introductory reading. After reading the pamphlet, Meng Jinyun asked Mao Zedong for advice:
This book is called "Zizhi Tongjian", which allows the rulers to use history as a mirror and look at themselves, but why not write it from the beginning of history, but from the twenty-third year of King Zhou Weilie?
Hearing this question, Mao Zedong's eyes lit up, and he was extremely happy, thinking that she had asked a very good question. Explains:
This was because a major event occurred in this year, Zhou Tianzi ordered the three families of Han, Zhao, and Wei to be princes, making the originally illegal division of the three families legal, and Sima Guang believed that this was the key to the decline of the Zhou Dynasty. 'It is not the three jins that are bad, but the son of heaven who is bad at himself'. This event that chose this year is the first part of the "General Commentary", which is the opening and clear meaning, which is completely relevant to the title of the book.
The first article in "Mao Xuan" is "Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society", and Mao Zedong's choice to include this article as an opening work must have a similar significance, and the weight of this article in Mao Zedong's mind can also be seen.
The purpose of editing Mao Xuan was to "sum up the experience of the victory of the Chinese revolution", and the first civil revolutionary war (also known as the Great Revolution) that officially began in Modern China from 1924 to 1927 was also appropriately selected by Mao Zedong to publish "Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society" published at this stage as the first article of "Mao Xuan".
Ii. The Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society raises a crucial proposition
What is a big article? The so-called big article does not lie in how sloppy its literary style is, not in how gorgeous its rhetoric is, but in its ability to put forward big propositions and answer big questions.
At the beginning of the article, Mao Zedong asked a big question: Who is our enemy? Who are our friends? And pointedly pointed out that this question is the first question of the revolution.
Why is this issue so important? We often speak of revolutionary revolution, but if you think about it carefully, you will find a fundamental question: Whose life is the revolution? Who will revolutionize? This is the source of all revolutionary problems. Without a clear understanding of this question, the revolution will often fail.
Therefore, the author says: The fundamental reason why all the revolutionary struggles in China in the past have achieved very little results is because they cannot unite real friends to attack real enemies. The revolutionary party is the guide of the masses, and no revolutionary party has led the wrong way in the revolution and the revolution has not failed.
A typical example is Dr. Sun Yat-sen, whose revolution has been unsuccessful for nearly thirty years since he formed the Xingzhong Association in Honolulu, USA in 1894, and the reason for this is his failure to unite true friends and attack real enemies.
At first, he thought that the enemy was the Manchu Qing government, and after the overthrow of the Manchu Qing government, the Beiyang government represented by Yuan Shikai came to power, and no fundamental changes occurred in Chinese society, as Lu Xun wrote in the "Diary of A Q": The grand master of Zhixian County is still a former official, but he has changed his name to what county magistrate... These names are not understood by the unpretentious people. The leader of the soldiers is still the previous boss.
Later, Sun Yat-sen successively launched a second revolution and a dharma protection movement, trying to unite other warlords against the Beiyang government, but with little success.
This is true not only for the Kuomintang, but also for the Communist Party, and this great question runs through the whole revolutionary struggle.
During the Great Revolution, Chen Duxiu's advocacy of handing over guns led to a massacre of the Communist Party; the 19th Route Army, which did not unite with Bogu in the Fifth Anti-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign to advocate the anti-Japanese struggle against Chiang Kai-shek, led to the failure of the anti-encirclement and suppression campaign; why the policy of "landlords do not divide the land, and the rich peasants divide the bad land" in the agrarian revolutionary war was wrong, and the policy of "reducing rents and interest rates" during the War of Resistance Against Japan was correct, and the reasons for this all lay in how to grasp the relationship between "enemies and friends."
This big proposition still has important guiding significance for today.
As the saying goes, morning glory is to lead the bull's nose. In the face of thousands of things in the world, only by seeing clearly the essence of the problem, grasping the root of the matter, and grasping the main contradiction can we solve the problem from the root.
Being good at grasping the main contradictions has always been the focus of Mao Zedong's thinking, and during his study at the First Normal School, Mao Zedong emphasized the origin of things or the great origin of things, and in order to save China, we must also start from the search for the original. At that time, there were many people in China who were exploring how to save the country, some said that they wanted to run education, some said that they wanted to run businesses, and some said that they wanted to open a parliament.
Mao Zedong said: "Today's changes in the law start from the branches, such as the parliament, the constitution, the president, the cabinet, the military, industry, education, everything is also a branch. Branches are indispensable, but such branches must have their origins. If the original is not obtained, then such branches are warts, inconsistencies, and fragments. ”
Distinguishing between friend and foe should be the Great Origin that Mao Zedong once sought. After raising the question, Mao Zedong made a thesis: Our revolution must not lead the wrong way and have a certain degree of success, and must pay attention to uniting our true friends in order to attack our real enemies.
< h1 class = "pgc-h-arrow-right" > iii, what does "Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society" say</h1>
To briefly introduce the background of this article, "Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society" was written in December 1925, and since the first congress of the Kuomintang in January 1924, the two parties have cooperated.
However, due to the growth of the "right wing" of the Kuomintang, there was a fierce struggle between the two parties, among which Mao Zedong himself was squeezed back to his hometown by Ye Chucheng, and in November 1925, a major event occurred within the Kuomintang, Lin Sen and a small number of other kuomintang central executive members and supervisory commissioners illegally held a meeting in Xishan, Beijing, expressing the intention to publicly cancel the communist party membership in the Kuomintang and vigorously rebel against the communist and anti-Soviet public opinion.
Therefore, a sharp question is before the Communists: In order to safeguard the overall situation of cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, what attitude should be adopted towards the intensifying separatist activities of the old and new rightists in the Kuomintang?
There is no consensus within the Communist Party on this issue.
Later, Mao Zedong published this article "Analysis of the Classes of Chinese Society" in the fourth issue of "Revolution" compiled and printed by the Headquarters of the Second Army of the National Revolutionary Army.
Later, Mao Zedong also gave a note to the article, at that time there were two tendencies in the party, one was That Chen Duxiu, as a representative, only paid attention to cooperation with the Kuomintang and forgot about the peasants, which was right-wing opportunism. The other is that Zhang Guotao, as a representative, pays only attention to the workers' movement and also forgets the peasants, which is left opportunism. Both opportunists felt inadequate and did not know where to look for strength and vast allies.
In it, Mao Zedong made a detailed analysis of the five classes that existed at that time.
The first is the landlord class and the comprador class. This is the extreme counter-revolutionary faction attached to imperialism, representing the most backward relations of production and seriously hindering the development of the productive forces, and the political representatives are the nationalist faction and the right wing of the Kuomintang.
The second was the middle class, which was not a concept of what is now called the middle class, but at the time referred to the national bourgeoisie. This class attitude is contradictory, both bitter about imperialism, the oppression of the warlords, and at the same time suspicious of revolution. They fantasize about a country ruled by the national bourgeoisie in China, and this class is prone to differentiation, some becoming revolutionaries and some becoming counter-revolutionaries.
The third is the petty bourgeoisie. The so-called petty bourgeoisie includes self-employed peasants, artisanal owners, student circles, primary and secondary school teachers, petty clerks, petty lawyers, petty businessmen, and so on.
The author particularly emphasizes that this class deserves great attention in numbers and in class character. Internally, this class is also divided into three parts: those who have surplus money and rice, the right wing of the petty bourgeoisie; the second is economically self-sufficient and centrist; and the third is the declining life, the left wing of the petty bourgeoisie.
The attitude of these three parts towards the revolution is different in peacetime, but when the revolutionary trend is high, not only the petty-bourgeois leftists participate in the revolution, but also the centrists, and the rightists have to go along with the revolution.
The fourth is the semi-proletariat. Including most of the self-employed farmers, poor peasants, small craftsmen, shop assistants, hawkers and so on. The vast majority of semi-self-employed peasants and poor peasants are a very large number of people in the countryside, and the so-called peasant problem is the problem of these people. Among the semi-self-employed peasants and the poor peasants, there are three kinds of differences according to the economic situation: upper, middle and lower, and there are also differences in the revolutionary nature.
The fifth is the proletariat. They are the representatives of China's new productive forces, the most progressive class in modern China, and the leading force of the revolution. The position in the Chinese revolution is very important, because the concentration and economic status are low, so the combat effectiveness is particularly strong. It is only because of the economic backwardness that the proletariat is very small, only two million.
In addition, Mao Zedong also noticed that a considerable number of nomadic proletarians, peasants who had lost their land and handicraft workers who had lost their job opportunities, belonged to the most unstable and destructive in human life, but could become a revolutionary force if they were guided to the Law.
Mao Zedong's portrayal of these five classes, his description of their psychological activities, and his grasp of the attitude toward the revolution are very accurate and vivid. The division of the middle class predicted in the article was also confirmed in later revolutionary practice.
Finally, Mao Zedong came to a conclusion:
All the warlords, bureaucrats, comprador classes, the big landlord class and a part of the reactionary intellectuals attached to them, in collusion with imperialism, are our enemies. The industrial proletariat is the leading force of our revolution. All the semi-proletariat, the petty bourgeoisie, are our closest friends, the wavering middle class, whose right wing may be our enemy, whose left wing may be our friend - but we must always beware of them and not let them disturb our front.