In December 1937, the New Fourth Army Office in Jiangxi of the Nanchang Moon Palace Hotel welcomed a dusty guest - Chen Yi. He had just arrived from Hunan and Jiangxi, but he didn't bother to rest and immediately threw himself into an emergency meeting. Li Buxin and Jiang Tianhui of the Anhui-Zhejiang-Jiangxi border guerrilla zone had been waiting for a long time, and they brought shocking news: Wang Fengqing, secretary of the special committee, and Liu Yubiao, head of the organization department, were suspected of defection!
This news, like a bomb, caused a huge shock in the guerrilla zone. Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao are both experienced veterans of the revolution, how could they betray the revolution? What is even more puzzling is that after listening to the report, Chen Yi not only did not immediately order the execution, but made an unexpected decision.
What happened to make the two important leaders suspected of mutiny? Why did Chen Yi make such an unusual decision? What kind of historical truth is hidden behind this turmoil?
Abrupt change in the situation: the political crisis in the border areas of Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi
In the winter of 1937, the red base areas in the Anhui-Zhejiang-Jiangxi border region were experiencing an unprecedented political storm. Wang Fengqing, secretary of the special committee, and Liu Yubiao, director of the organization department, two revolutionary veterans who had made great achievements in guerrilla warfare, were even accused of being traitors. This news was like a bolt from the blue, causing an uproar in the guerrilla zone.
Wang Fengqing, who participated in the Yiyang Rebellion led by Fang Zhimin in 1927, was already an experienced revolutionary fighter although he was only in his early thirties. He played a crucial role in the red guerrilla war in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas, and was the soul of the special commission. As the head of the organization department, Liu Yubiao has made great contributions to the development and growth of the guerrillas over the years. These two leaders have always been role models and backbones in the hearts of the guerrillas.
However, during an operation in May 1937, when Wang Fengqing led the Independent Battalion of the Special Commission to join Tian Ying in the Duhupeng guerrilla area, he was surrounded by Chiang's army in Leping County, Jiangxi. The independent battalion was dispersed, and Wang Fengqing hid in the mountains with his secretary and guards. Unfortunately, the secretary rebelled and led the 55th Division of Chiang's army to capture Wang Fengqing to Jingdezhen.
This capture should have become a legend in Wang Fengqing's revolutionary career. With his wit and courage, he not only managed to escape, but also killed the enemy platoon commander in the process of escaping. At that time, the members of the Special Committee and the guerrilla fighters rejoiced at his safe escape, believing it to be another victory in the struggle against the enemy.
However, fate tricked people. Just a few months later, Liu Yubiao also experienced a capture incident. In late February 1937, Liu Yubiao was ordered to lead a company to the mountainous areas of southern Zhejiang to find Liu Ying and Su Yu, but was unexpectedly surrounded and intercepted by the troops of Liu Jianxu of the Jiang army. In the fierce battle, Liu Yubiao was seriously wounded and eventually captured.
These two captives, which should have become glorious chapters in the revolutionary struggle, unexpectedly became the trigger for a political crisis. In particular, when Liu Yubiao returned to the guerrilla zone half a year after being captured, some of his words and deeds aroused the suspicion of his comrades.
After Liu Yubiao returned, he reported in detail to the special committee on the situation of being captured, imprisoned, and negotiating with Chiang Jun to cooperate in the fight against Japan. He persuaded Wang Fengqing to concentrate the guerrillas in Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi as soon as possible, and negotiate with the 55th Division of Chiang's Army stationed in Jingdezhen to jointly resist Japan. This suggestion was particularly sensitive in the political climate of the time.
What is even more disturbing is that Liu Yubiao, with the help of the pass given to him by Jiang Jun, has repeatedly entered and exited enemy-occupied areas and brought back a large amount of supplies for the guerrillas. Although these actions helped the guerrillas materially, they also aroused the doubts of some comrades: Has Liu Yubiao been bought by the enemy?
As time went on, Wang Fengqing gradually agreed with Liu Yubiao's views, and began to advocate the concentration of guerrillas and negotiations in the mountains. This change in stance made other members of the special committee suspicious of Wang Fengqing. They began to re-examine Wang's capture in May, suspecting that he may have been rebelled against by Chiang's army during his captivity.
In this way, the divisions within the Special Committee deepened day by day. Some comrades insisted that cooperating with the Kuomintang was tantamount to seeking the skin of the tiger and would inevitably lead to the defeat of the revolutionary cause. They regarded Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao as traitors and advocated their immediate execution as an example. Other comrades held that in the situation where the Japan aggressors were pressing forward step by step, cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party might be an option that could be considered.
In the face of such a political crisis, the revolutionary cause in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas fell into an unprecedented predicament. It was at this critical juncture that Chen Yi came to Nanchang with the instructions of the central government. How will he defuse this crisis? How will revolutionary ideals be weighed against practical needs? All this will be gradually revealed in the coming days.
Suspicions: The ins and outs of the mutiny allegations
The day Liu Yubiao returned to the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas was destined to become a turning point. When he set foot on this familiar land in September 1937, an air of tension was in the air. Liu Yubiao's return was not as warmly welcomed as he had hoped, and instead, his every move was closely observed under a magnifying glass.
Liu Yubiao's first anomalous behavior was the way he came back. Instead of directly contacting the partisans, he chose a unique way to announce his return. On the roads and stations where the guerrillas might pass, he left a series of notes. The notes were carefully roped into the recesses of the tiles and hung from the branches of trees by the side of the road, just enough to touch the heads of pedestrians.
The contents of the note aroused the vigilance of the special commissioner. Liu Yubiao mentioned in the note that he "went to southern Zhejiang to be injured and captured, and spent half a year in prison, and now he is cooperating with the Japanese and putting me back." Now the situation has changed. I have important matters to report to the Special Committee in detail, and I hope to specify the location of the joint. "This kind of open, almost announcing one's whereabouts to the enemy, is extremely rare in guerrilla warfare.
Upon receipt of the note, the Special Committee immediately convened an emergency meeting. The initial reaction of Wang Fengqing, secretary of the special committee, was that he believed that Liu Yubiao had defected, and this behavior was tantamount to exposing the whereabouts of the guerrillas to the enemy. As a result, the special commission issued a wanted warrant, demanding that the guerrillas immediately shoot Liu Yubiao if they found him.
However, things turned out to be more than anyone expected. Liu Yubiao not only returned safely to the guerrilla zone, but also brought a large amount of supplies. He claimed that the supplies had been obtained through negotiations with the Kuomintang and were used to support the guerrillas' anti-Japanese actions. This move put the Special Commission in a dilemma. On the one hand, the supplies did solve the urgent needs of the guerrillas; On the other hand, Liu Yubiao's frequent contacts with the Kuomintang made people doubt his position.
What is even more disturbing is that Liu Yubiao began to vigorously promote the idea of cooperating with the Kuomintang to resist Japan. He claimed that in the face of the threat of Japan's aggressors, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party should put aside past grievances and join hands to resist foreign enemies. This view was groundbreaking in the guerrilla zone at that time. For many years, the partisans had seen the Kuomintang as their main enemy, and it was difficult for many to accept that they suddenly wanted to cooperate with it.
Wang Fengqing's attitude towards Liu Yubiao's proposition is subtle. At first, he was as skeptical as the other members of the Special Commission. But as time went on, Wang Fengqing gradually began to agree with Liu Yubiao's views. He believes that in the situation where the Japan aggressors are pressing step by step, cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party may really be an option worth considering.
Wang Fengqing's change has caused an even bigger turmoil. Other members of the special committee began to wonder if Wang Fengqing had also been instigated by the Kuomintang during his previous captivity. They began to revisit Wang's capture in May, questioning how he managed to escape the siege.
For a time, there was a lot of noise within the special commission. Some people have suggested that Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao may have become spies for the Kuomintang, and their aim was to break the fighting spirit of the guerrillas and pave the way for the Kuomintang to absorb the guerrillas. This speculation, while lacking substantial evidence, quickly spread in a tense atmosphere.
At the same time, some of Liu Yubiao's specific behaviors have also aroused suspicion. He repeatedly went in and out of enemy-occupied areas, claiming that he was negotiating and obtaining supplies. But each time he returned, he brought back a lot of intelligence about the deployment of the Kuomintang troops. The accuracy of this information is astonishing, but it also makes one wonder: How did Liu Yubiao obtain this highly classified information?
What is even more disturbing is that Liu Yubiao began to make frequent contact with some local forces that had surrendered to the Kuomintang. He claimed that this was aimed at expanding the united front, but in the eyes of some members of the Special Committee, this was tantamount to a plot with a tiger.
As time went on, the divisions within the Special Committee deepened. Those who supported Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao believed that they were exploring a new way out for the guerrillas; Opponents, on the other hand, insist that this is a betrayal of revolutionary ideals. The arguments between the two sides became increasingly fierce, and some even proposed the immediate execution of Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao as an example.
Just when the situation was about to get out of control, the New Fourth Army Office in Jiangxi suddenly received news that Chen Yi would personally come to Nanchang to deal with this matter. This news was like a bolt of lightning, instantly lighting up the haze that shrouded the border areas of Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi. Everyone is looking forward to how Chen Yi will resolve this crisis and how he will judge the behavior of Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao.
Chen Yi's choice: the game between revolutionary ideals and practical needs
In Nanchang in December 1937, it was cold and windy. In the Moon Palace Hotel, the New Fourth Army office in Jiangxi is in full swing. Chen Yi had just arrived from the Hunan and Jiangxi border areas and immediately threw himself into an emergency meeting. Li Buxin and Jiang Tianhui in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border guerrilla areas had been waiting for a long time, and the news they brought brought to the entire conference room into a solemn atmosphere.
Chen Yi listened carefully to the reports of Li Buxin and Jiang Tianhui. They described in detail the "abnormal" behavior of Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao after they were captured, as well as the doubts and controversies within the special commission. Chen Yi interjected from time to time, asking some detailed questions. He paid special attention to the specific actions of Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao after they returned to the guerrilla areas, as well as their proposal to cooperate with the Kuomintang in the fight against Japan.
The meeting lasted until late at night, and Chen Yi always maintained a high degree of concentration. He did not take a position immediately, but carefully weighed every detail. In the end, Chen Yi made an unexpected decision: he wanted to meet Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao in person.
This decision caused the surprise of everyone present. As a rule, for those suspected of mutiny, the usual practice is to immediately quarantine and review, or even to execute them outright. But Chen Yi chose an unusual path.
Early the next morning, Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao were secretly taken to the Moon Palace Hotel. They were placed in two separate rooms and awaited Chen Yi's interrogation. Chen Yi met Wang Fengqing first.
Wang Fengqing recounted in detail how he was captured and how he managed to escape from the enemy's encirclement. He said frankly that it was this experience of being captured that gave him a new understanding of the cooperation between the KMT and the CPC. Wang Fengqing said that he saw that there were many patriotic elements within the Kuomintang who sincerely hoped to resist Japan, and if these forces could be united, the strength of the resistance against Japan would be greatly strengthened.
Then, Chen Yi met Liu Yubiao alone. Liu Yubiao's account is even more striking. He described how he had established contacts with a number of Kuomintang officers in prison and how he had negotiated a large amount of supplies and intelligence. Liu Yi said that although his actions seemed risky, he was actually exploring a new way of survival for the guerrillas.
Chen Yi patiently listened to the statements of the two and remained silent all the time. He didn't show any emotion, and he didn't interrupt the two of them. This calm attitude made Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao feel a little uneasy.
After the interrogation, Chen Yi convened a small meeting. Only Li Buxin, Jiang Tianhui, and a few core cadres attended the meeting. At the meeting, Chen Yi proposed a surprising plan: he decided not to execute Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao, nor to isolate them for examination, but to "both of them."
This decision immediately caused controversy. Some people think that this is too risky, and if Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao have really rebelled, keeping them is tantamount to raising tigers. But Chen Yi insisted on his opinion. He pointed out that the current anti-Japanese situation is grim, and the guerrilla areas are in urgent need of experienced leading cadres. Moreover, although the actions of Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao are controversial, they also reflect some new political situations.
Chen Yi further explained that the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China has begun to explore the possibility of cooperating with the Kuomintang to resist Japan. While there is no official decision yet, the general trend is clear. In this case, Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao's ideas are, to a certain extent, ahead of the curve.
But Chen Yi did not completely let his guard down. He proposed a compromise plan: to keep Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao in their posts for the time being, but to keep them under close surveillance. At the same time, he asked the two to report in detail all the details of their contacts with the Kuomintang, including the content of the negotiations and the people they contacted.
This decision reflects Chen Yi's political wisdom. On the one hand, he did not easily deny the contributions of Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao, and retained their talents; On the other hand, he also leaves room for possible variables.
More importantly, Chen Yi's decision pointed out a new direction for the revolutionary cause in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas. He urged the members of the special committee to conscientiously study the latest instructions of the central authorities, pay close attention to changes in the domestic and international situation, and make preparations for possible KMT-CPC cooperation.
Chen Yi's decision seemed risky at the time. However, facts have proved that this decision not only saved the two important cadres, but also opened up a new road for the revolutionary cause in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas. In the years that followed, both Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao played an important role in their respective positions and contributed to the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan.
However, the impact of this decision goes far beyond that. It embodied the political wisdom and courage of the communists at a major historical juncture, and also laid the foundation for the later united front policy. Chen Yi's decision has become a case worth pondering in the history of the Chinese revolution, showing how to find a balance between revolutionary ideals and practical needs.
Wind and rain: a difficult choice in the border areas of Anhui, Zhejiang and Jiangxi
Chen Yi's decision set off a storm in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas. At the beginning of 1938, when Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao returned to the Special Commission, they were faced with a complicated situation. Some are wary of them, others are curious about their new claims. The controversy within the special commission did not subside because of Chen Yi's decision, but on the contrary, it continued in a new form.
After Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao returned to the special committee, they immediately threw themselves into their work. First of all, they gave a detailed report to the members of the special committee on their contacts with the Kuomintang. In their reports, they stressed the existence of patriotic forces within the Kuomintang that sincerely wanted to resist Japan, and put forward concrete proposals for strengthening cooperation with these forces.
These proposals have sparked intense discussions within the Special Committee. Supporters see this as a rare opportunity to expand the revolutionary forces and rally more support. Opponents feared that getting too close to the KMT might weaken the purity of the revolution and even fall into the trap of the KMT.
During the argument, a young cadre named Zhang Chengzu stood up. He was a student of Wang Fengqing and believed in Wang Fengqing. Zhang Chengzu suggested that Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao's suggestions could be implemented on a small scale to see how effective they were. This proposal was supported by a number of people.
As a result, the special committee decided to conduct a pilot project in the Jinhua area. They chose a small town called Twenty Eight as the test site. Here, the guerrillas began to try to make contact and cooperation with the local Kuomintang troops.
At first, the experiment seems to have paid off. The guerrillas received some much-needed supplies and succeeded in gaining the sympathy and support of some Kuomintang troops. These achievements make the claims of Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao seem to be validated.
However, things soon took a turn for the worse. In May 1938, Twenty-Eight was suddenly attacked by the Japanese army. In this attack, the guerrillas suffered heavy losses, and several cadres were killed. What is even more shocking is that the Japanese army seems to be well aware of the deployment of the guerrillas, and their attacks accurately hit the vital points of the guerrillas.
The failure immediately sparked a new round of questioning. Some people began to wonder whether confidential information about the guerrillas had been leaked in the course of contacts with the Kuomintang. For a time, the atmosphere within the special commission became tense again.
At this critical moment, an unexpected discovery changed the situation. While cleaning up the battlefield, the partisans found a document on the body of a Japanese officer. This document records the reconnaissance intelligence of the Japanese army on the twenty-eight capitals, which describes in detail the deployment of the guerrillas. What's more, there was a code on the document, which was exactly the same as the code in a Kuomintang telegram intercepted by the guerrillas.
This discovery took a new turn. It seemed to confirm the existence of collaborators within the Kuomintang, and that these people probably took advantage of their contacts with the guerrillas to obtain information.
This discovery put the Special Commission in a dilemma. On the one hand, it proves that Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao's judgments are not all wrong, and that there are indeed different factions within the KMT; On the other hand, it also shows that there are indeed huge risks associated with cooperation with the KMT.
In the face of this complicated situation, the Special Committee convened an emergency meeting. The meeting lasted for three days and three nights, and everyone expressed their opinions and debated fiercely. In the end, the special commissar made a compromise decision: to continue to maintain contacts with the Kuomintang, but to be more cautious; At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen internal secrecy work and strictly guard against the infiltration of the enemy.
This decision reflects the wisdom of the revolutionary contingent in the face of a complex situation. It does not completely dismiss the possibility of cooperation because of a single failure, nor does it blindly optimize because of a momentary success. Instead, it has chosen a middle path that is both prudent and aggressive.
In the days that followed, the revolutionary cause in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas struggled forward in this complex environment of cooperation and struggle. The guerrillas, while maintaining contact with the patriotic forces of the Kuomintang, were on the lookout for possible betrayal; While striving for more support, we will strengthen our own construction.
This experience also made the cadres in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas gradually realize that the revolutionary road is not always black and white. In a complex political environment, it is sometimes necessary to find a balance between ideals and reality. This understanding lays the foundation for them to deal with more complex situations in the future.
The lessons of the Twenty-Eight Capital became an important turning point in the revolutionary history of the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas. It not only influenced the decision-making at the time, but also profoundly influenced the direction of later development. In this process, the roles of Wang Fengqing, Liu Yubiao and others have also become more complex and subtle. They were both the center of controversy and an important force in pushing the revolution forward.
Tempering the Beacon Fire: The Revolutionary Practice of the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi Border Regions
In the second half of 1938, the revolutionary situation in the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas became more and more complicated. The aftermath of the Twenty-Eight Capital Incident has not yet completely subsided, and new challenges have followed. The pressure on the Japanese army was increasing, the attitude of the Kuomintang was also hot and cold, and the revolutionary ranks were also facing many tests. Under these circumstances, the special commission's decision-making is particularly important.
In September, UNSCOM convened an expanded meeting. The main topic of the conference was how to adjust the revolutionary strategy in the new situation. At the meeting, Wang Fengqing and Liu Yubiao put forward a bold idea: to use their ties with the Kuomintang to establish a semi-open anti-Japanese base behind enemy lines. The proposal immediately sparked a heated discussion.
Supporters saw this as a good opportunity to expand the influence of the revolution. They pointed out that if such a base area can be successfully established, it will not only be able to obtain more material support, but also attract more patriotic forces to join the revolutionary ranks. Opponents feared that doing so might expose the revolutionary forces and give the enemy an opportunity to take advantage of them.
After a lengthy debate, UNSCOM finally decided to try this option. They chose Changshan County in Zhejiang Province as a pilot. Changshan is located in the western part of Zhejiang, the terrain is complex, easy to defend and difficult to attack, and the local Kuomintang forces are relatively weak, making it an ideal place to establish a base area.
In early October, Wang Fengqing led a small team to secretly enter Changshan. They first contacted local progressives, through whom they established contacts with the local Kuomintang authorities. After difficult negotiations, the two sides reached a tacit understanding: the guerrillas could establish an "anti-Japanese democratic regime" in Changshan, but under the nominal leadership of the Kuomintang.
When the news was sent back to the special commissioners, it immediately sparked a new controversy. Some see this as a major breakthrough, while others worry it may be a trap for the KMT. However, the development of events did not give the Special Committee much time to think. The Japanese army soon learned of the situation in Changshan and decided to strike at this nascent anti-Japanese force.
In mid-November, the Japanese army gathered about 3,000 troops and launched an attack on Changshan. Faced with this situation, the partisans had to abandon the semi-open regime that had just been established and go underground. But instead of evacuating Toyama, they decided to engage in guerrilla warfare with the Japanese here.
In the months that followed, Tsuneyama became a battlefield of blood and fire. The guerrillas, with their familiarity with the terrain and flexible tactics, inflicted considerable casualties on the Japanese troops. More importantly, their bravery won the support of the local population. Many peasants organized themselves to provide intelligence and material support to the guerrillas.
The battle also opened the eyes of the Kuomintang to the potential of anti-Japanese forces under the leadership of the Communists. At the beginning of 1939, the Kuomintang Zhejiang Provincial Government secretly sent people to contact the guerrillas and expressed their willingness to provide certain weapons and equipment support. This move made the Special Committee see the possibility of further developing the united front.
However, the good times were short-lived. In April 1939, an unexpected event upset this delicate balance. A guerrilla accidentally fell into the hands of Kuomintang troops during an operation. During the interrogation, the team member leaked some important information. The Kuomintang learned from this that the guerrillas had been secretly developing their armed forces far beyond the scale agreed upon by the two sides.
This news made the Kuomintang very angry. They immediately cut off contact with the guerrillas and began to purge the revolutionary forces in the Changshan area. For a time, the guerrillas were in a difficult situation both internally and externally.
Faced with this situation, the Special Committee once again convened an emergency meeting. The meeting lasted for five days, and everyone expressed their opinions and debated fiercely. In the end, the special commission made a difficult decision: to temporarily abandon Changshan and transfer the main forces to the southern Anhui region.
This decision, although difficult, demonstrated the flexibility and strategic vision of the revolutionary ranks. The mountainous and densely forested areas in southern Anhui are convenient for the development of guerrilla warfare. More importantly, it is closer to the main force of the New Fourth Army, which is conducive to strategic coordination in the future.
In May 1939, on a rainy night, the main force of the guerrillas quietly withdrew from Changshan. Instead of completely abandoning the land where they had fought so bloodily, they left behind a capable underground organization that continued to develop revolutionary forces in the region.
Changshan's experience has become an important chapter in the revolutionary history of the Anhui, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi border areas. It not only tempered the revolutionary ranks, but also accumulated valuable experience for future struggles. In the process, the revolutionary forces learned how to survive and thrive in a complex environment, how to uphold principles and remain flexible in the united front, how to draw lessons from failures and quickly adjust their tactics.
This experience also profoundly influenced the thinking of Wang Fengqing, Liu Yubiao and others. They have become more soberly aware that the road to revolution is by no means smooth sailing, and that it is necessary to constantly grope for progress in a complex environment. This understanding laid the ideological foundation for them to continue to struggle for the revolutionary cause on a broader stage in the future.