The Sino-Indian border dispute has progressed, the Indian army has turned its head to build a maintenance base, Modi wants to do both, and the Chinese ambassador rushed to India, will the Indian army make a comeback?
Not long ago, China's new ambassador to India, Xu Feihong, told the outside world that the Chinese and Indian militaries have disengaged at four points in the western section of the border, and the current situation on the Sino-Indian border is generally stable and controllable. Ambassador Xu also stressed that the border issue is not the whole story of China-India relations, and the two countries should properly handle the border issue and jointly maintain peace and tranquility in the border areas. After more than 20 rounds of commander-level talks and contacts at various levels, the Chinese and Indian militaries withdrew their troops at four points, sending a good signal: The overall situation in the Sino-Indian border areas is cooling down, and the two countries have achieved some success in handling border disputes through peaceful negotiations, providing a model for countries around the world to solve similar problems. However, it is a pity that India did not develop in a good direction, and the Indian army turned around and "stabbed China in the back".
On May 16, some media quoted the Indian military as saying that India had opened two armored vehicle maintenance facilities in the "Ladakh region", where there were more than 500 tanks and infantry fighting vehicles of the Indian army. The "Ladakh region," a traditional Tibetan area the size of 40 Hong Kongs, is part of Chinese territory but is now largely controlled by India. India's construction of a military maintenance base in the "Ladakh region" is obviously aimed at setting up a fixed military base in the area and encroaching on the territory of China's southwestern border.
It is not surprising that the Modi government, while negotiating with China and increasing its military buildup in disputed territory, has clearly lacked the sincerity to resolve the border dispute peacefully. On April 10, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in an interview that the stability of China-India relations was of paramount importance, and that the two countries needed to "expedite the resolution" of the protracted border issue and "restore peace" through diplomatic and military engagement. But soon after, Indian Foreign Minister S Jaishankar changed his tune, declaring that China has always been India's "biggest challenge" and that China and Pakistan should be careful of joining forces. It is not difficult to see that the Modi government is trying to make a two-pronged layout, using diplomatic negotiations as a cover, secretly increasing military deployments, and is ready to make a comeback against China at any time.
The Indian army's movements are related to India's national conditions, India's general election is still underway, the rebel forces led by Nassar continue to stir up trouble, and on May 10, there was another exchange of fire with the government army, the Modi government is anxious about this, and the domestic opposition forces are attacking at the same time, and Modi's re-election has a certain crisis. In this context, Modi did not rule out using the Sino-Indian border situation to divert domestic contradictions in order to maintain the purpose of his administration, and the tanks and maintenance bases currently deployed by the Indian army in the "Ladakh region" may be making some preparations for the above purposes.
Putting aside the self-defense and counterattack war against India in the last century, the "Doklam Confrontation" and the "Galwan Valley Conflict" in recent years have shown that the Indian army is not a unified general of the PLA, whether it is the will to fight, the performance of equipment or logistical support, if the Indian army wants to make a comeback, the PLA has enough ability to deal with it, and at present, Ambassador Xu Feihong's special plane has already flown to India, and we will wait and see how the Modi government chooses.