Text: Lu abandoned
After Ma Ying-jeou's second visit to the mainland, his influence on the island continues to play a role.
At present, some people in the Kuomintang do not dare to mention the "consensus of '92," and they evade or vaguely say that Ma Ying-jeou's visit to the mainland is very clear because of the "consensus of '92," and he has given the mainland a very high courtesy, the highest courtesy, and has also displayed all kinds of goodwill, hoping for peace in the Taiwan Strait. Therefore, this scholar proposed that the KMT should write the "92 Consensus" into the party constitution, which on the one hand emphasized that it must be done in view of the effect of Ma Ying-jeou's visit to the mainland. On the other hand, some people in the party, who have criticized the KMT, on the one hand, are developing toward localization, and on the other hand, they have adopted a vague attitude toward the positioning of the two sides of the strait.
Such a proposal is necessary, but Zhu Lilun will not accept it. Because there are about 400,000 party members in the entire Kuomintang, all these scholars or politicians who can have the opportunity to face the camera or have the opportunity to make expressions add up to a few hundred, but they are full of calculations one by one, and there are less than 20 people who are willing to explain clearly what the "92 Consensus" is in front of the camera, in other words, everyone is dodging this question.
Because he is dodging the current social atmosphere in Taiwan. That is to say, the Taiwan region has been run by the DPP into an alternative "Type B Taiwan independence" style of this kind of speech market, and this kind of speech market is to a certain extent a kind of rejection or hostility to the "92 Consensus", in fact, this is completely wrong.
The "92 Consensus" was jointly formulated and launched by Lee Teng-hui and Koo Chen-fu in the entire process of democratization in the Taiwan region at that time, and Tsai Ing-wen is now among them, and is one of the youngest professionals. In other words, the launch of the "92 Consensus" was absolutely not very hasty, nor did it have the image they smeared. Afterwards, however, after Chen Shui-bian, he turned a general direction to pursue his so-called "one-side, one-country theory," but after Chen Shui-bian and until Tsai Ing-wen could say that the "92 consensus" was completely ignored.
Therefore, it can be said that the DPP actually began to take a different path during Chen Shui-bian's term of office, but this has instead stabbed everyone in a hornet's nest, which is actually a great headache for the United States. This is because the last time I went to the US State Department with high-ranking figures of the Kuomintang, their "Taiwan office" also directly mentioned the issue of the "92 Consensus." On this question, even the United States feels that there is no need for the Taiwan region to constantly try to blur or even completely eliminate the "consensus of '92."
The "92 Consensus" was smeared or stigmatized by the Green Battalion, and this is for the Green Battalion's own election campaign and for the interests of its own Green Battalion, which is understandable, because they are like that. Opponents must be stigmatized and demonized.
However, the problem is that these people in the Blue Camp Kuomintang, including the current establishment, have adopted a vague attitude towards the "92 Consensus." Including this time during the "general election" and the election campaign, he also adopted a vague attitude on this issue, and Ma Ying-jeou accepted a talk about "one China" in foreign media before the election, but he was not allowed to appear on the final campaign night. Zhu Lilun, or some people in the Kuomintang Party now, are afraid of the "92 Consensus." To put it simply, they believe that just talking about the "92 consensus" will lose a large number of votes, which is equivalent to announcing abstention in various constituencies.
But their perception is problematic. In other words, they think that if they talk about the "92 Consensus," the people will be extremely disgusted, or they will think that they are "betraying Taiwan." However, in fact, it is not because of the "consensus of '92" at all, and if it is "betraying Taiwan," then how could Lee Teng-hui bring it up when he was in the time of Koo Chen-fu, because Lee Teng-hui himself still calls him the "father of Taiwan," and how is it possible that Lee Teng-hui will betray the Taiwan region. In other words, the "92 Consensus" was in fact smeared by the entire DPP's entire historical and social policies, and the KMT's inability to resist the KMT's argument here is the KMT's real problem.
And now the Kuomintang is tantamount to one step at a time, step by step, and is forced to retreat to the point where there is no way to retreat. At this time, Zhu Lilun was like walking on a tightrope to seek the support of the United States or the "Eastern Crusade faction" of the Kuomintang. However, the problem is that the more we abandon the "92 Consensus," the more we will have no position, and the more we will feel that Zhu Lilun's position is no different from Tsai Ing-wen's.
Whether or not the KMT's position on the two sides of the strait and whether or not the "92 Consensus" can be written into the party constitution as a collective consensus of the KMT depends on how Zhu Lilun and the current KMT authorities handle it.
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