In his memoirs, President Truman wrote that Russia's entry into the war "depended largely on the outcome of consultations between Stalin and Chinese Foreign Minister Soong Tzu-wen."
It seems that the negotiations between China and the Soviet Union have a major stake in the United States. Therefore, Washington is extremely concerned about the negotiations. President Truman told the US ambassador to the Soviet Union, Harriman, to report to him at all times "on the progress of Chiang's meeting in Moscow."
In fact, Washington directly intervened in Chongqing's negotiations with Moscow. On June 15, Truman sent a telegram to Stalin: "Soong Ziwen left for Moscow today via Chongqing, and he will arrive in Moscow by July 1 to discuss the Soviet-Chinese agreement in detail." ”
Earlier, Chiang Kai-shek and Truman held several consultations on the issue of Sino-Soviet negotiations. When the three giants met in Yalta, Chiang Kai-shek heard some rumors and hurriedly instructed Wei Daoming, the Chinese ambassador to the United States, to inquire about the content of the meeting.
After Roosevelt returned to Washington from Yalta, Wei Daoming stared at him closely and asked Roosevelt about Yalta. On 12 March, Roosevelt met with Wei Daoming and revealed to him that at the Yalta Conference, Stalin put forward three demands on the Far East question: maintaining the status quo in Outer Mongolia, the Central Railway being managed by the Sino-Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union obtaining an ice-free port in Dalian and its vicinity. Roosevelt, however, kept silent about the agreement.
After Truman came to power, he remained tight-lipped about the Yalta Accord. On May 10, Hurley telegraphed Truman from Chongqing, suggesting that he communicate with Stalin and inform Chiang Kai-shek of the full contents of the agreement. However, Truman quickly rejected Hurley's suggestion and said to him: "It is not appropriate for you to provide any information to the Chinese government at this time." ”
On June 9, Truman met with Soong Ziwen at the White House and personally briefed him on the contents of the Yalta Agreement. Truman obviously knew that this agreement had seriously damaged China's interests, but he still said: "Once the Soviet Union enters the war against Japan, the US government cannot but support the Yalta Agreement." ”
Song Ziwen was very shocked after hearing this, and reacted strongly on the spot. "The Chinese government will absolutely not agree to the Soviet Union's exercise of such control in the northeast, in accordance with the provisions of the Yalta Agreement," he said. ”
However, Truman remained silent. Agree or disagree, what China says doesn't count, and in the end it depends on the faces of Truman and Stalin.
In June, Chongqing, known as the furnace, has entered the scorching summer. At the beginning of the month, Petrov, the new Soviet ambassador to China, arrived in Chongqing.
The next day, Chiang Kai-shek met Petrov at his official residence and formally proposed to him to hold Sino-Soviet talks. "United Russia, this is what Mr. Sun Yat-sen has long decided. The participation of the USSR in the war against Japan is good, and we welcome it. However, the Soviet Union should have taken a sensible attitude towards China, so that there would be a basis for Sino-Soviet cooperation. ”
"That's—that's!" Petrov chimed in.
Chiang Kai-shek assured Petrov: "If the Soviet Union sends troops to the Northeast to help China restore the Manchuria Railway, China is willing to provide the Soviet Union with the right to use the Manchurian Railway and commercial ports, and can also jointly use the air bases there." ”
A few days later, Petrov proposed to Chiang Kai-shek the relevant issues that needed to be resolved in the Sino-Soviet negotiations: Dalian and Lushun, the Manchuria Railway, Outer Mongolia, the Kuril Islands, and Sakhalin. Petrov told Chiang Kai-shek that the Soviet Union would negotiate with China and sign a treaty of friendship only if China agreed to settle the above problems.
On June 17, Song Ziwen returned to Chongqing from San Francisco. After meeting Chiang Kai-shek, Soong Ziwen reported on his talks with Truman. Song Ziwen said angrily: "Truman only revealed to me the contents of the Yalta Agreement, and said nothing else. ”
Listening to Soong Tzu-wen's words, Chiang Kai-shek said: "It seems that the Americans cannot be counted on, and I intend to send you to Moscow to sign a treaty with Stalin." ”
At 3 p.m. on 30 June, Soong Ziwen carried Chiang Kai-shek's handwritten letter to Stalin and flew from Chongqing to Moscow on a US plane with Vice Foreign Minister Hu Shize, Manchurian affairs experts Shen Honglie, Qian Changzhao, Chiang Ching-kuo, Zhang Fuyun, Bu Daoming, and Liu Zerong. At the airport, Song Ziwen and his entourage were warmly welcomed by Molotov, Petrov, and other ministers.
At 6:30 p.m. that day, the two sides held preliminary talks. It was a short meeting, and the whole conversation lasted only 15 minutes. The Soviet side took part in the talks: Stalin, Molotov, Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Losovsky, Petrov, and interpreter Pavlov. Present on the Chinese side were Soong Ziwen, Chiang Ching-kuo, Hu Shize, and Chinese Ambassador to the Soviet Union Fu Bingzhang.
Soong Ziwen handed over Chiang Kai-shek's handwritten letter to Stalin, and said: "Mr. Sun Yat-sen left a will, and if the Chinese revolution is to succeed, it must work together with the Soviet Union. Therefore, I hope that the talks will lay the foundation for the establishment of friendly, close, and long-term cooperative relations between China and the Soviet Union. ”
Stalin replied: "In the past, the Tsarist government tried to carve up China, but now it is the newcomers who respect China's territorial integrity and sovereignty who are in power in Russia. I believe that the two sides will be able to understand each other and reach an agreement. ”
According to Stalin's custom, the negotiations were mostly arranged in the evening. On July 2, at 8 p.m. Moscow time, China and the Soviet Union held their second meeting.
In the conference hall, the lights were bright, and it looked majestic and solemn. Representatives of both sides entered the hall one after another, and after everyone was seated, Stalin stood up, his attitude was not friendly tonight, he put on a domineering posture, and his expression was rude.
Stalin pushed the thick stack of documents in front of Soong Ziwen, "Do you know this? If you have read it, please express your opinion, but on the basis of the document signed by President Roosevelt." ”
Song Ziwen lowered his head and scanned the document, which turned out to be the "Yalta Agreement". Above, the signatures of Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill are clearly visible.
"Of course, President Truman told me that Mr. Hurley had forwarded the full text of the agreement to President Chiang on June 15. I have come to Moscow this time to discuss these issues. ”
After speaking, as the foreign minister of one of the four major powers, Soong Ziwen seemed to expect Stalin to come such a hand, so he unceremoniously took out the memorandum of the meeting between Stalin and Hopkins on 28 May, handed it to Stalin, and said without humility or arrogance: "This memorandum was personally handed over to the Chinese government by President Truman. ”
It turned out that Truman sent Hopkins to Moscow on May 26 for talks with Stalin, and the two sides reached an agreement: Soong Ziwen would arrive in Moscow in July, and the Soviet government would directly inform Soong Ziwen of the contents of the "Yalta Agreement"; and then Hurley would formally inform Chiang Kai-shek of the contents of the agreement in Chongqing.
Stalin didn't expect Song Ziwen to dare to do this, so he put on a dominant posture and said: "Okay, let's start discussing it now." ”
In accordance with Chiang Kai-shek's wishes, Soong first avoided the Outer Mongolian issue: "President Chiang Kai-shek had already talked with Ambassador Petrov on June 12, and now the Outer Mongolian issue cannot be resolved. I think we should put this issue on hold for now. ”
When Stalin heard this, he immediately refuted Soong Ziwen and said in a very firm tone: "China must recognize the independence of Outer Mongolia, and there is no other choice." ”
When Song Ziwen saw Stalin's tough attitude, he suddenly felt that this was a bad dish. But he still stubbornly said what came out of his mouth: "If any Chinese government loses its land integrity, it will not be forgiven by the people." ”
"The Soviet government cannot accept your opinions. Otherwise, as soon as an enemy country attacked Siberia from Outer Mongolia, as Japan intended to do, then the interests of the Soviet Far East would be seriously isolated. Japan is an aggressive country, and even if Japan is defeated now, who can guarantee that it will not come back after 10 or 15 years, like Germany after the First World War?"
Stalin said, his eyes fixed on Song Ziwen, trying to find the answer in his face. Perhaps it was at this moment that Stalin captured something from Song Ziwen's expression. Seeing that Song Ziwen did not express his position immediately, Stalin continued: "Therefore, the Soviet Union must defend Outer Mongolia. This is beneficial not only to Outer Mongolia, but also to China. ”
Song Ziwen also refused to show weakness and expressed China's position in no uncertain terms, saying: "The Chinese government cannot announce the renunciation of part of its territory, otherwise its position in the hearts of the Chinese people will be shaken." ”
Then, Stalin made a big deal about it, and even made a killer move: "Whether China recognizes the independence of Outer Mongolia or not is obviously related to whether the Soviet Union accepts China's demands on the question of Manchuria and the Chinese Communists." "Stalin's intention was very clear, if Chongqing did not become independent of Mongolia by accident, the Soviet Union would not send troops to the northeast to help China eliminate the Japanese Kwantung Army.
However, Song Ziwen did not pay attention to Stalin at all. "I myself have no right to decide on this issue, and I cannot agree to it until I have been instructed by the Chinese government," he said. ”
On July 3, Soong Ziwen telegraphed Chiang Kai-shek about the second meeting. After receiving the telegram, Chiang Kai-shek hurriedly flew back to Chongqing from Xi'an. In his telegram, Song Ziwen put forward three plans for resolving the Outer Mongolian issue: "First, a treaty was signed with the Soviet Union, which allowed it to station troops in Outer Mongolia during the period of alliance; second, Outer Mongolia exercised a high degree of autonomy and allowed the Soviet Union to garrison troops; and third, Outer Mongolia was autonomous in military, internal affairs, and foreign affairs, but it was different in nature from the Soviet republics and British autonomous territories of the Soviet Union. ”
Chiang Kai-shek was well aware that Stalin made China's recognition of the independence of Outer Mongolia a political condition for the Soviet Union to send troops. Moreover, Stalin also said that the Soviet Union may not support the Chinese Communist Party. Thinking of this, Chiang Kai-shek did not hesitate to send a telegram to Song Ziwen.
On 4 July, the new US Secretary of State Berners, on the orders of Truman, telegraphed Harriman and asked him to informally convey to Soong Ziwen that as far as the United States was concerned, the interpretation of the words used in the Yalta Agreement regarding the status of Outer Mongolia had not been discussed in any way. The telegram also said: The United States' understanding of the current situation in Outer Mongolia is that "although the sovereignty of Outer Mongolia still belongs to China in law, in fact this sovereignty has not been exercised." Two days later, Washington told Moscow and Chongqing that the U.S. government, as a party to the Yalta Agreement, wanted an opportunity to make its say before a final agreement was reached between China and the Soviet Union.
At 11 p.m. on July 7, the two sides held their third talks. As soon as Stalin opened his mouth, he went straight to the point: "If the question of Outer Mongolia is not resolved, it will be impossible to discuss the question of the Sino-Soviet treaty." ”
Based on the words of the Yalta Agreement, which stated that "the status quo of Outer Mongolia should be preserved," Song Ziwen gave a diametrically opposed interpretation of the status quo to Stalin, saying: "China cannot recognize the independence of Outer Mongolia. Soong was almost pleading with Stalin: "If a Chinese government recognizes the independence of Outer Mongolia, there is nothing that will not fall." ”
However, Stalin could not control so much and shouted: "We must not agree." The Soviet government sent troops to the war, naturally, to save the suffering Chinese. But we must not do it in vain, we have to be paid!"
In this regard, Song Ziwen still did not agree on the pretext that he had not yet received the opinion of the Chinese government and that he had no right to make a decision.
"You can't call the shots, so what are you here for?" said Stalin, unhappy.
In the face of Stalin's aggressive momentum, Soong Ziwen had no choice but to say in a tentative tone: "The opinion of our delegation is to let Outer Mongolia practice a high degree of autonomy ......"
Stalin immediately interrupted Song Ziwen and asked: "What is a high degree of autonomy?"
"Military, internal and diplomatic power is vested in Outer Mongolia, and the Soviet government can send troops. Song Ziwen cautiously explained to Stalin.
What Stalin wanted was not a high degree of autonomy for Outer Mongolia, and he went on to propose four draft agreements: first, an agreement on the Middle East Railway and the South Manchurian Railway, second, an agreement between Lushunkou and Dalian, third, a Sino-Soviet peace and friendship agreement, and fourth, a declaration of independence for Outer Mongolia.
After Song Ziwen read these drafts, he did not dare to accept them, and returned them to Molotov on the spot. Unexpectedly, Molotov's tone was also very tough, and he said to Song Ziwen with an angry face: "You'd better take them." ”
Given Soong's attitude that night, Stalin realized that there was no point in continuing the stalemate, but towards the end of the day, he could not forget to say a threatening word: "In that case, then we will not be able to negotiate anything!"
The next day, Chiang Ching-kuo, in his father's capacity as an "unofficial representative", went to Stalin to reason. Chiang Ching-kuo was the chief of education of the Three Youth League Cadre School at that time, and he had studied in the Soviet Union for a long time and was familiar with the situation in the Soviet Union. During his stay in the Soviet Union, Chiang Ching-kuo also married a Soviet girl, and later took the Chinese name Jiang Fangliang. Stalin cared about them and gave Chiang Ching-kuo's son, Chiang Hsiao-wen, a Russian-made rifle.
With such a relationship, Chiang Ching-kuo thought that Stalin would give him a little face. As expected, after the meeting, Stalin was really polite and asked about the situation of the family, and Chiang Ching-kuo answered them one by one.
After a period of greetings, Chiang Ching-kuo recounted to Stalin with enthusiasm: "You should understand that China's seven-year war of resistance was aimed at recovering the lost territory. At present, the Japanese have not yet driven them out, Northeast China and Taiwan have not yet been recovered, and a large area of land is still in the hands of the invaders.
Chiang Ching-kuo's words were reasonable, but Stalin did not accept this at all, and an elusive smile appeared on his face. Chiang Ching-kuo felt uncomfortable, as if Stalin was ridiculing him for his ignorance.
"You must understand that today it is you who need our assistance, not that we need your assistance. "Stalin was a savior.
The Soviet Union needed the independence of Outer Mongolia out of military considerations. In this regard, Stalin unabashedly said: "If an army attacks the Soviet Union from Outer Mongolia and cuts off the Trans-Siberian Railway, then the Soviet Union is finished." ”
Chiang Ching-kuo could not understand what Stalin meant, and Japan was about to be finished, and it was clear that it was no longer capable of attacking the Soviet Union. Could it be that Stalin said that China? Thinking of this, a cold sweat broke out on Chiang Ching-kuo's body. "Which country's army are you referring to?" asked Chiang Ching-kuo, puzzled. "Isn't there any other country besides China and Japan?"
"Are you talking about the United States?"
Stalin nodded knowingly.
After that, Chiang Ching-kuo held talks with Petrov. As ambassador to Chongqing, Petrov knew that Chiang Kai-shek would not recognize the independence of Outer Mongolia, so he said: "Outer Mongolia is actually an independent country, and China's acceptance of the statement made by the Soviet government is nothing more than an acknowledgment of a fait accompli." ”
Listening to Petrov's words, Chiang Ching-kuo sighed, "If there is no Outer Mongolia problem, it will be easy to do." ”
Petrov glanced at Chiang Ching-kuo and reminded: "If the Chinese delegation does not declare the independence of Outer Mongolia, it will be difficult for the negotiations to get out of the dead end." ”
At the residence of the Chinese delegation, Song Ziwen was in a hurry. The negotiations were stuck on the Outer Mongolia issue, and Stalin showed no sign of relenting. In desperation, Soong Tzu-wen moved out of US Ambassador to the Soviet Union Harriman and asked him to seek the opinion of the US Government.
Although the United States offered to express its opinion before an agreement was reached between China and the Soviet Union, in fact, Washington also declared that the United States "does not want to act as an interpreter on any point of the Yalta Agreement" in the Moscow discussions. It seems that Song Ziwen's last glimmer of hope has also been disappointed.
Just when Soong Ziwen was at the end of his rope, Chiang Kai-shek's telegram arrived in Moscow.
On 9 July, the two sides held their fourth meeting. Because of Stalin's hard-line attitude and the reluctance of the United States to intervene, Chiang Kai-shek had no choice but to compromise. After a long discussion with his staff, Chiang Kai-shek sent the telegram. So far, there has been a breakthrough in the Outer Mongolia issue.
During the talks, Soong Tzu-wen released Chiang Kai-shek's telegram: "The Chinese Government is now willing to seek a fundamental solution to Sino-Soviet relations with the greatest sacrifice and sincerity, to sweep away all possible disputes and unpleasantness in the future, and to obtain complete cooperation between the two countries in order to fulfill the legacy of Premier Sun Yat-sen's cooperation with the Soviet Union during his lifetime." China's greatest need is for the integrity of its territorial sovereignty and administration and for its genuine reunification with its own country, and on this issue it earnestly hopes that the Soviet Government will give full sympathy and assistance to these three questions, and will give it concrete and determined answers. ”
The three issues mentioned by Chiang Kai-shek were: First, to ensure the territorial sovereignty and administrative integrity of Northeast China. China is preparing to share Port Arthur with the Soviet Union, and the Port of Dalian will be turned into a free port for a period of 20 years. However, the jurisdiction of Lushun belongs to China, so that China's sovereign administration in Northeast China can be truly complete. The main line of Zhongdongnan Road is managed by the Sino-Soviet Union, and the profits are equally shared. The ownership of the railway belongs to China, and the branch lines of the railway and the business other than the railway itself are not included in the scope of joint operation, and the term is 20 years.
Second, the Altai Mountains originally belonged to Xinjiang and should remain a part of Xinjiang.
Third, since the Communist Party of China has a separate military and administrative organization, and even though military orders and decrees are not completely unified, it is deeply hoped that the Soviet Union will only provide all moral and material assistance to the central government, and that all assistance from the Soviet government to China should be limited to the central government.
The telegram also said that the Outer Mongolia issue was the crux of Sino-Soviet relations, and that for the sake of the common interests of China and the Soviet Union and the plan for permanent peace, the Chinese Government was willing to agree to the independence of Outer Mongolia after defeating Japan and accepting all of the above-mentioned items by the Soviet Government.
In order to avoid future disputes, Chiang Kai-shek came up with a trick and told Soong Ziwen in a telegram that he could take the form of a vote, and after the vote was over, he would declare the independence of Outer Mongolia.
Since Chiang Kai-shek had made major concessions on the Outer Mongolian question, Stalin agreed to make some commitments on other issues.
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