The question of New Caledonia became the initial impetus for the development of the Melanesian subregion. As the frequency of interaction among the countries of the subregion increases, subregionalist cooperation is gradually institutionalized and formalized. In this process, the identity of "Melanesia" plays an important role in the initiative of Papua New Guinea, a major country in the South Pacific. Subregional identities strengthen subregional identities and subregional structures create an environment for deepening cooperation.
The "Melanesian" identity was formed in the 19th and 20th centuries during the South Pacific labor trade, when a large number of Melanesian natives were recruited to work on plantations on different islands. Frequent migrant workers allow indigenous people from different islands to learn about their similarities and differences between themselves and others, laying the foundation for a common identity. The common language formed during this period became one of the important elements of Melanesian identity.
In the mid-19th century, Vanuatu had a period of the slave trade, known as the "Blackbird" trade. After the rise of the "Blackbird" trade, a large number of indigenous people from New Hebrides, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Fiji and other places, in order to facilitate communication with each other and Australian growers, gradually formed a language dominated by English and mixed with their own indigenous dialects - "Pidgin".
After 50 years of development, the Pidgin language, brought back to Vanuatu by the "Blackbirds", became popular and became a linguistic link of communication between different islands and tribes.
The peoples of Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu recognize the common identity expressed in the common "Pidgin language", which is considered the pillar and essence of Melanesian unity. Pidgin became the official language of Papua New Guinea, and in French-speaking New Caledonia, indigenous Melanesian groups wanted to use it as a tool of "historical language", and Melanesians identified themselves as homologous.
Secondly, a number of international organizations have emerged as platforms for Melanesian exchange. For example, the Melanesian Independence Front was formed in Rabaul in 1968 with the aim of establishing the Melanesian State, consisting of New England, Bougainville and the Manus Islands.
The Melanesian Independence Front has disappeared, but the sentiments embodied in it are important. People across Melanesia are independently seeking independence, and their transnational cooperation is what makes them connected and rooted in this international community. Ultimately, a common identity is reflected in the definition of itself by the countries of the subregion after independence. At the beginning of Vanuatu's independence, Walter Lini, the founding father and first prime minister, put forward an important concept for the direction of national development after independence - the Melanesian road, the basic meaning of which is respect for tradition, egalitarianism, communalism, and self-sufficiency.
The preface to the Constitution of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea reads: "The family unit is recognized as the fundamental basis of continental society and every step to be taken to promote the moral, cultural, economic and social status of the Melanesian family." The nationality chapter of the Solomon Islands' 1978 Constitution also states: "Every person born in Solomon Islands before the day of independence, either has or has had two grandparents, or was a member of the aboriginal, tribal or descent of Papua New Guinea or the New Hebrides, may be a citizen of Solomon Islands." ”
If a group successfully defines itself relative to other groups by giving meaning to itself, then it has an identity. Identity as an analytical concept covers these situations: identity arises by linking past social relations with present social relations.
After independence, Melanesian countries succeeded in adopting "staunch opposition to colonialism" as the value and meaning of their community, thereby reinforcing their unique subregional identity on the basis of their identity as South Pacific island nations. Regionalism in the South Pacific began in the spirit of the "Pacific Way". However, instead of resonating strongly in the Melanesian subregion, the "Pacific way" subsequently led some countries to believe that Fiji was trying to spread the Polynesian system throughout the South Pacific region. Because Marat's initiative included an element of meritocracy, in addition to implicitly establishing Polynesian hierarchies as the main point of reference, it also worked together to achieve a harmonious understanding between the colonizer and the colonized on the basis of conservative socio-political values.
But in New Hebrides (now known as Vanuatu) and New Caledonia in the South Pacific, French colonists were unwilling to relinquish their ruling power, and the struggle against colonialism remained fierce.
A stable and peaceful approach cannot resolve the issue of independence in both places. Between 1976 and 1978, Bernard Narokobi of Papua New Guinea proposed the "Melanesian Way." The "Melanesian way" refers to imposing on oneself the task of defending the imaginary "us" against the equally imagined "them", which refers to various agents or representatives of colonial and regional powers. The "Melanesian way" contrasts with the "Pacific way" and highlights the Melanesian cultural circle's approach to specific problems.
In the more thorough anti-colonial struggle, the concept of Melanesia ended up internalizing its own identity and, more importantly, dissociating itself from any association with it with inferior connotations. The term "Melanesia" has gone from a pejorative term to an affirmative one, providing a positive basis for contemporary subregional identity as well as for a formal organization.
Papua New Guinea is the largest and most populous country in the entire South Pacific, and has a large voice in the affairs of the South Pacific region since independence in 1975.
In order to reduce Australia's influence on domestic politics and consolidate the nascent regime, on the eve of independence, Sir Maurry Kiki, the first minister with overall responsibility for Papua New Guinea's trade and foreign relations, outlined the principles of what would become the government's post-independence foreign policy – "universalism", that is, "to be friend to all, not to enemy".
This shows that the PNG government wants to adopt good-neighborly diplomacy, establish friendly relations with all countries that recognize the new regime, and not be hostile to any country; Papua New Guinea should be identified as a South Pacific country and should be considered as a bridge or link between Southeast Asia and the South Pacific.
However, Fiji and Polynesian countries believe that Papua New Guinea's participation in regionalism is to control regional leadership and achieve their own national interests, and Papua New Guinea's regional policy is not recognized by all countries. In 1980, Vanuatu broke out in the Coconut War. On May 28, two months before Vanuatu's independence, a separatist movement broke out in Vanuatu under opposition Jimmy Stevens. Jimmy Stevens took over government property and proclaimed himself Prime Minister. The uprising was supported not only by French officials and colonizers, but also by liberals of the American "Phoenix Foundation". On June 8, Vanuatu-elect Prime Minister Walter Lini called on the British and French governments to take military action to quell the rebellion.
Although both governments deployed troops, neither took any action to stop the militants. Eventually, the PNG government sent troops to quell the rebellion, but the move was eventually met with opposition from the South Pacific Forum and skepticism from other countries. The "inaction" of Australia and New Zealand has also made PNG aware of the importance of coordinating other countries in the region to establish independent action mechanisms. Thus, starting late under the Michael Thomas Somare government, Papua New Guinea has progressively developed a more pragmatic foreign policy that can be used to pursue its national interests, given the challenges, threats and opportunities in the external environment.
In 1981, Sir Julius Chan drafted a new diplomatic white paper and submitted it to Congress for consideration. The White Paper recommends that Papua New Guinea adopt an active and selective foreign policy. Prime Minister Paias Wingti (1985-1988) was taking a more proactive approach to foreign policy, with the goal of radically restructuring PNG's foreign policy.
In 1986, at the initiative of Prime Minister Winty, Papua New Guinea facilitated MSG on an informal level. Papua New Guinea considers the MSG to be an important sub-regional organization through which to advance its interests. During the inaugural meeting of the MSG in 1986, Sir Michael Somare said: "The establishment of the MSG has laid the legal foundation for the governance of our Melanesian people, which will be the foundation of our existence. This shows that our Melanesian spirit, brotherhood and solidarity are united, and we call on the regional Powers not to interfere in our affairs as we face the challenges ahead.
Building on the MSG, Papua New Guinea supported the redelimitation of the Territory by the UN Decolonization Committee and played a leading role in lobbying on New Caledonia and other issues of the South Pacific Forum. The Government of Papua New Guinea regards New Caledonia and nuclear testing as closely related issues.
The situation had improved following the advent of the Rocard Government in France and the negotiation of an interim settlement in New Caledonia. However, Papua New Guinea, like other Melanesian countries, has strong reservations about the Rocard plan in New Caledonia.
At a meeting at the Australian National University in December 1988, Papua New Guinea's defence secretary Steven Mokis said he expected relations between Papua New Guinea and France to continue to be difficult despite the change of government, and described bilateral relations as "frosty".
In the midst of global anti-colonialism, the South Pacific island countries gained independence and independently established regional organizations to coordinate activities in the region. In principle, the South Pacific Forum admits only independent countries, excluding traditional colonial powers such as Britain and France in terms of membership. The South Pacific Forum broke with the tradition of "no politics" at the South Pacific Conference, paid extensive attention to regional decolonization, and established a mechanism for the Regional Affairs Conference on Equality and Joint Consultation.
The South Pacific island countries would like to have a consensus rule of procedure rather than the complex voting rules imposed by Western countries. However, once the number of member states increases, there are differences of interests and demands among member states, and it is difficult to reach common decisions on certain issues through consensus decision-making methods and methods, which ultimately directly leads to inefficient decision-making.
In the South Pacific Forum, although member states oppose regional colonialism, there is no consensus among island countries on the specific content of anti-colonialism. The Melanesian countries hope to squeeze the sphere of influence of old colonial powers such as France in the region and eventually achieve true independence in the region. The Polynesian and Micronesian countries, for their part, wanted to adopt a step-by-step approach to independence without unduly touching the regional interests of their former host countries. In addition, France's inducement diplomacy met the development needs of the countries of the other two subregions, which ultimately slowed down decolonization efforts in the South Pacific in the late seventies and early eighties.
This also directly led the Melanesi countries to choose small groups to cooperate and coordinate the actions of opposing Western powers in the region. At the same time, Melanesian identity provides identity and moral support for cooperation. Papua New Guinea's initiative and leadership provide direction for cooperation among the three Melanesian countries. The formation of informal cooperation in Melanesia has brought new vitality to South Pacific regionalism. MSG, once known as the "Ginger Group" (dynamic organization), contributed to the settlement of the New Caledonian problem, efficiently promoted the decolonization process in the South Pacific, and ultimately promoted the development of regionalism.
Bibliography:
1. Lv Guixia: A Chronicle of Nations: Fiji, Beijing Social Sciences Academic Press, 2015 edition.
2. Xing Ruilei: Comparative Regionalism: Conceptual and Theoretical Evolution, Beijing, China University of Political Science and Law Press, 2014.
3. Xu Xiujun, "Regionalism and Regional Order: A Case Study of the South Pacific Region", Beijing Social Sciences Academic Press, 2013 edition.