The Paper's reporter Wang Lunyu yu Xiaoxuan
"This is the last blow of 'indomitable France' while there is still strength, and there may be no chance in the future." Because the next election is the 2024 European Parliament elections, it is conceivable that the left will not get any bright results. Alexander, a member of the Indomitable France party, who campaigned for Mérancheon's campaign, witnessed the left's victory in the June 20 French legislative elections. In addition to rejoicing, he also admitted to the www.thepaper.cn that the reality is not optimistic, whether it is for French society or the left camp to which he belongs.
The 75-year-old French left-wing elder Mélang-Jong doesn't seem to bow to that reality, having just gone through a tense election season. On April 6, he delivered an ambitious and passionate campaign speech in The industrial capital of Northern France in Lille. Through holograms, supporters of "indomitable France" in more than a dozen cities across France have felt the eloquent politician up close. A few days later, the results of the presidential election came out, Mélangeon failed to enter the second round of voting, and the author of the American left-wing magazine "Jacobin" even said with regret that Lille's assembly may have been the "last song" of Mélangcome's public speech.
A hologram of Mélenchon appeared at rallies in 11 French cities. Screenshot from Jean-Luc Mélenchon/YouTube
However, observers from across the Atlantic did not expect that the results of the presidential election had not yet been decided, and Mélangzig openly announced that in the view of "unyielding France", the presidential election had not yet ended, and he was preparing for the "third round" of the general election - a legislative election to determine the allocation of seats in the National Assembly, with the goal of taking the post of prime minister and bringing "left-right co-governance" back to the French political arena.
On June 19, French legislative elections ended, and according to data released by the French Ministry of the Interior, President Macron's coalition of political parties "Together" (Ensemble!) won only 245 of the 577 seats in the National Assembly (of which macron's party " Republican Forward " campaign won the most seats , reaching 160 seats ), less than the 289 seats required to occupy an absolute majority in the National Assembly.
Méranzion's "Left Alliance" (NUPES), which won 131 seats, can only be satisfied with becoming the largest opposition to the National Assembly. The National Coalition, a far-right party that has been threatening in the presidential election, has achieved a "historic breakthrough" in legislative elections, but with its 89 seats, it may not be the main opposition force.
"Half a win"
Mellon
Unlike previous ambitious declarations, the parliamentary election results failed to put Mélang-šteen on the prime minister's throne and could only be called a half victory for "Syriza". Although as the main target of the "concentrated fire" attack of "indomitable France", Macron, who has long been accustomed to the concentration of power, has lost an absolute majority in the National Assembly and has to adapt to the more important role that the parliament will play in the political life of France in the future, as well as the voting and ridicule around various bills.
However, if you look closely at the changes in French politics in the past 20 years or so, the ruling party or the ruling alliance has "lost" one or two hundred seats in the National Assembly elections, I am afraid it is difficult to be considered explosive news, macron's two predecessors have experienced similar blows.
When Sarkozy won the election in 2007, his right-wing ruling coalition had 313 seats, and by the 2012 parliamentary elections, only 119 were left, losing 194 seats; When Hollande came to power in 2012, he led a left-wing Socialist Party with 280 seats, but by the time of the 2017 parliamentary elections there were only 29 seats left, and the Socialist Party as a century-old party has almost become a historical term. Relatively speaking, Macron's ruling coalition has fallen from the previous 308 seats to the current 245 seats, but it is still quite powerful.
The loss of an absolute majority in parliament is undoubtedly a setback, but it is not necessarily a big trouble for Macron, who is already under pressure to re-elect in his second term. Under the semi-presidential system of the Fifth Republic, parliament is not as strong as parliamentary countries such as britain. Macron's highly valued diplomatic and defense powers remain in his hands. Despite the loss of an absolute majority, Kadima Republican still has far more MPs than its main rivals, 100 more seats than Syriza and 150 more than the National Union. This relative majority still gives Macron the initiative to form a cabinet and legislation, and he can also try to attract Republican lawmakers as his own help in the future.
On Mélang-hsiung's side, the victory failed to strengthen the centripetal force of the Left Alliance, but allies such as the Communist Party, the Greens and the Socialist Party had a momentum of drifting apart. The leaders of the Greens and the Socialist Party have already rejected Méranzion's proposal to form a unified parliamentary group of the Left Alliance on the 21st. In this way, the National Union, rather than a unified left front, would become the primary opposition in the National Assembly.
In previous French presidential elections, Mérancheon wasted no time in shouting out the slogan "vote efficace", hoping to poach voters to vote for themselves without the formal support of left-wing parties such as the Greens, the French Communist Party, the New Anti-Capitalist Party and the Socialist Party.
The phrase "useful votes" accurately reflects Mélangcome's style of conduct. Relying on his personal charisma, he often started directly from the voters and launched direct appeals and appeals to voters of all parties, but failed to achieve political consultation with the leadership of other left parties. In 2017, it was also because of his personal influence that the French Communist Party, which was reluctant to support Mérancoin's campaign, was coerced by its own party members and did not propose an independent candidate.
Although Mérancot can rely on "Chrisma" to build a coalition against Macron, after the "victory", the alliance cannot continue to play a role in parliament as a unified political group. While many voters in the "Left Alliance" were celebrating their victory, both the Communist Party and the Greens rejected Mélang-hsiung's proposal to form a left-wing caucus in the National Assembly.
Alexander also acknowledged that the reason for the Communist Party, the Greens, and other left-wing factions moving closer to Mélang-stegans this time was short-term pragmatism, and that the failed left desperately needed a victory to reverse the years of decline.
"Everyone's mentality is really different from before. In the 2019 European Parliament elections, the left-wing parties lost miserably, and 'unyielding France' should only get 6%. But now that the opportunity has emerged, everyone is thinking, maybe the left is back? Maybe there's still a chance? "But at the same time, we know in our hearts that the reality is still not optimistic, in fact, the total number of votes on the left should be the lowest since the legislative elections in 1958." ”
"The Wise Tortoise of the Exhausted Rabbit"
"Resist! Resist! In April 2012, in a crowded agricultural greenhouse in the Paris suburban town of Gleny, a group of ecstatic people shouted with their arms raised. A spirited old man on the stage opened his arms to the crowd, sweat slid down his cheeks. It was the 60-year-old Mélang-schooner, a personality far-left French politician who has been hailed as the most eloquent speaker in French politics in recent decades.
"The French Revolution of 1789 is not over!" The journalist's "poetry-loving anti-capitalist bulldog" roared at the crowd, "If Europe is a volcano, then France is the crater of all European revolutions!" ”
Méron-singh incorporated rough anger into satirical satires of politicians, and the promise of "civil uprisings crushing nobility and privilege" provoked a carnival of crowds. Hundreds of people unable to enter the rally crowded into the parking lot, waving tricolor flags and red banners representing Méron-Tron, staring intently at the live screen of the rally. "Welcome to 'Mélenchon-mania.'" A schoolgirl screamed excitedly at the first political rally she attended in her life.
"One of the things that makes macron angry with a lot of the left is that he sees himself as the embodiment of republicanism. He went so far as to appeal to the voters, saying, 'If you still want a republic, vote for me.' So the left is not republican, has macron been expelled? He almost didn't say 'La republique, c'est moi, note: Mélang-singh used Louis XIV's 'degenerate state' to mock Macron's totalitarian tendencies, and if you try to tell voters that the result of the election that I win is the legitimate election result, is this still democracy? How is this different from being an emperor in a republic? Alexander used the attack on Macron to explain the fanaticism of Mérancoin's fans for a certain direct democracy and resistance to central authority, but Mérancho's personal personality also had a rebellious side.
The "alternative politician" Mélange was born in Morocco under French control and spent his childhood in the International Condominium of Tangier on the Mediterranean coast. In 1962, at the age of 11, Mélang-šteen moved to France with his parents. This experience of culture shock has somehow shaped his personality and political path. "He's from North Africa and his identity doesn't match what people think about him... Although he grew up in a French environment, he was a tanned 'foreigner'. A "indomitable France" lawmaker told the media.
Méranzion, a Trotskyist in his early years, joined Mitterrand's Socialist Party at the age of 25 and has always been known for his radical views. In 2008, due to disagreements with the then party leader Hollande, Mélange broke with the Socialist Party once and for all. After the "solo flight", Méranzion followed the model of the German Left Party to form the French Left Party, and united with the French Communist Party to form the Front de gauche. Mélang-hsiung said his left party emerged "in a period of revival and reorganization of the progressive camp on the ashes of social democracy and national communism."
In 2016, dissatisfied with the traditional left-wing party approach, Méroncheon founded Unyielding France. It was that year that Alexander, a high school student, read two books: Capital and Mérant's campaign platform, L'avenir en commun. Alexander, a self-proclaimed Marxist, did not choose to support the Communist Party, but joined "unyielding France." "I was first drawn to Méron-sham's program, and then to his personal charisma." Alexander told The Paper.
"Why not the French Communist Party?" Because the French Communist Party has not kept pace with the times, they are still stuck in the past. My feeling is that the French Communist Party is still ideologically stuck before the 1950s, or at least the 'May Storm' of 1968. They have not come up with new creative claims on issues such as racial inequality, sexism, patriarchy and environmental protection. Alexander points out that Méronschen points to another way of transitioning to socialism, "a more democratic, greener way that ultimately frees us from capitalist exploitation." ”
"Indomitable France" has always attached more importance to the low-income areas on the outskirts of France's large cities, "listening" to the voices of residents on the fringes of the city door to door. By reaching out to disgruntled citizens such as the working class, low-income earners, minorities, etc., Indomitable France established interpersonal relationships with those who were wary of left-wing organizations, giving them the courage to confront the social elite.
"I believe that a wise turtle like me can win the game slowly and steadily in the end." At a rally in January, Melanton laughed to himself, "Look, I've exhausted several rabbits." One of these "rabbits" includes Hollande, who won the presidency on behalf of the left in 2012 – and now alexander's former socialist leader, who is "skinned on the left," has been left far behind by the "tortoise" Mélange.
In an era of popular contempt for meritocracy, Méranco's debauched outspokenness is clearly more "vociferous" than the impersonal Hollande. As a frequent speaker on political science shows, Mellon xiong can begin an impromptu speech with little reference notes. The elderly Méron-Jong-hsiung, who has used holographic projection technology to solicit votes in many places at the same time, has emphasized environmental and climatic issues ignored by the traditional left and shifted toward radicalism.
A younger generation like Alexander is attracted by Méranzion's "Chrisma" and fresh electoral strategy. In both the 2017 and 2022 general elections, more than a third of voters aged 18 to 24 voted for Méronson. Many young supporters said it was Mélang-steen's speech that had "hooked them up in politics."
Mélang-hsiung, who has lost three elections and won many battles, finally reached the peak of his political career this summer. Even those who are not so kind to Mérancoin cannot deny that only Mélangzig can accomplish the task of gluing the left in elections.
"The Communist Party and the Greens also know that Mérancheon's era is coming to an end, and this is the last attempt of the French left in this era. After him, there may be younger people to come up with new ideas, but they will have a hard time bringing the left together like Mérancot. "Mérancot challenged Hollandism, a left-skinned socialism, fiercely confronted neoliberalism, and he saved the true soul of the French left and the idea of social justice, rather than seeking compromise with the market." ”
"Dictatorial" "Uncle Mei"?
Many European centrists today see "populism" as the most pressing threat to democracy, and in their eyes the term is used to make little difference between the anti-establishment left and the xenophobic far right. When Mélang-sham ran for the second time, political commentators on television began to boldly call him a "dictator", criticizing him as much as an attack on Le Pen, the leader of the far-right "National Union".
The rivalries between the mainstream political parties in France brought about by the rise of "indomitable France" also provided Le Pen with an opportunity. Previously, when confronted with far-right parties, the mainstream Political Parties in France would form the "League of Republics". However, during this campaign cycle, the composition of the "League of Republics" became increasingly difficult.
After the first round of voting in France's legislative elections, many key figures in Macron's camp, including government spokesmen, did not come forward to say they could join Syriza against the far-right National Coalition. Macron's camp has always emphasized that only itself is the force for stability, calling the Left Alliance the far left, and declaring that the far left, like Le Pen's far right, is a force that causes social chaos. The largest party in Syriza is indeed the ultra-left "indomitable France", but the Greens and socialist parties within the league have nothing to do with the "ultra-left" label, which is evident in Mélangham's dislike in so-called mainstream politics.
According to data released by France's national research agency Essop, voters who supported Macron's party coalition in the first round of voting in the legislative election chose not to vote in the second round of voting in the face of a binary choice between left-wing coalition and far-right. Many local far-right candidates are "lying down and winning" in such situations.
Since nearly a decade ago, Mélang-sur-Meranthorn has also continued to emphasize the concept of the so-called "Sixth Republic", advocating that once the presidency is taken, there will be a drastic reform of the existing political structure, amending the constitution so that voters rather than the experts who make the constitution can participate more directly in the process of revising the constitution.
Mélang-sur-Merlin also wants to weaken the role of president and give more power to parliament. That's why he proposed the establishment of the Sixth Republic. In the history of France, from François I, to Louis XIV, to Napoleon, we have many such myths of strongmen saving France, as if whenever France encounters a crisis, it can send a great man from nowhere to lead France out of the trough. "It's time to get rid of this myth, the Napoleonic Wars had disastrous consequences for France, many of de Gaulle's practices were also suspected of dictatorship, and this totalitarian tendency was not good for everyone." ”
However, this proposition is populist in the eyes of many mainstream French politicians, and will even lead to another kind of despotism. The skeptical view is that Méranzig's so-called "Sixth Republic" is nothing more than a kind of "skin-changing" of the Fourth Republic system, which has been criticized for its inefficiency and internal friction, replacing the currently criticized "authoritarian" president with "parliamentary tyranny".
Mélang-hsiung's foreign policy advocacy has left some Green and Socialist voters feeling a lack of restraint and proportion. This staunch anti-American and anti-imperialist man spared no effort to praise Castro, Chávez and other "strongmen", and under the anti-Russian public opinion throughout Europe today, he also openly advocated détente with Russia like Le Pen. After Russia's invasion of Syria in 2015, Mr. Méranxiong's remarks that Russian President Vladimir Putin "will solve the problem" caused an uproar in French society. This year, Mélang-hsiung also spoke for Putin until Russia launched a special military operation against Ukraine, reminding Europeans that "Russia feels the threat of NATO's eastward expansion."
Of course, the broad working class in France is not very concerned about the situation in Ukraine, thousands of miles away. "So far, only the rich will complain to me that Mélang-tron is too soft on Russia and has not firmly condemned russia's invasion of Ukraine." Alexander observed in his interviews with voters that lower-class voters usually do not pay attention to Mérancheon's position on Putin, they just want more social rights and fairer wages, while many Socialist and Green voters from the urban middle class question the pro-Russian tendencies of "unyielding France" from a values perspective.
A 22-year-old French youth abroad, Benjamin, who is also a political science student, belongs to a group of voters dissatisfied with Mélangon's foreign policy, and he and Alexander have chosen different orientations on the left-wing spectrum. "Méron-sur-mer has been in politics for 45 years and he knows he's very experienced, but I don't think he can govern the country very well." Coming from a middle-class family in Paris, Benjamin defined himself as a "conservative leftist" who supported the Greens and the Socialists.
Benjamin confessed that some of his friends may have voted for Melancheon, but they did not trust him one hundred percent, but often criticized him. "It is true that he is very left: he supports environmental issues, he defends the rights of the working class, but he also supports the 'dictatorship' of Venezuela, and the fact that it may be very disappointing to those who vote for Mérancoin." Benjamin told The Paper. However, he also acknowledged that the average French population was mostly not interested in foreign policy compared to the tangible interests at home.
Moreover, while agreeing with Mélangzig's view that refugees and immigrants are welcome, on the issue of secularism, Benjamin criticized Mélangcome for being too religious in the Muslim stance. Meanwhile, Monya, a Muslim of North African descent, told The Paper that she refused to vote for Syriza because Mélang-štğn had "not done enough" on religious issues.
"In many specific propositions, the differences within the left over Mélang-sur-Merlin are indeed not small, and many people really do not like his strong character. But now, in the French left, Méroncheon is already a 'grandfather' (papi) being, we all call him Uncle May. "Of course he makes some mistakes, such as supporting some reputable regime, such as Assad's Syria, or being ambiguous with Russia, but he is 'grandpa' after all." You know, Grandpa sometimes talks nonsense, but he's still Grandpa who unites the whole family. ”
Mélancheon's "left-wing populism" means mobilizing civic engagement and a comprehensive reform of the left and all political factions. He tried to sweep away old left-wing ideas and symbols. After the 2017 election, Mélang-sur-mer took off his once beloved Zhongshan suit and changed into a suit and tie for the first time. At his campaign rallies, supporters also stopped singing the international anthem and raising red flags. In this way, Méroncheon wanted to construct a simpler philosophy of "disobedience", replacing the Marxist intellectual tradition. In a September 2017 interview, he adapted the words of philosopher Sartre – "Disobedience is a new humanitarianism"
However, this violent temper of "disobedience" often makes Mei Langxiong angry. In 2018, Mélangcome's home was searched by police after being reported for setting up a fictitious position to pay the European Parliament and cheating on the accounts of his presidential campaign. In a widely retweeted video on social networking sites, a flushed Mellon yelled angrily at a police officer: "I am a parliamentarian, I am the republic... Get out of the way! A year later, a Paris court sentenced him to three months in prison with a suspended sentence.
"He's irritable and sometimes likes to be provocative. But when you're the leader of a country, you have to have good self-control. And he's almost 70 years old, and if he doesn't become prime minister this time, he doesn't know what will happen in the future. Benjamin half-teased, "Maybe he will run in the next presidential election, but he was 75 years old at the time, and Macron is only 43 years old this year." ”
Editor-in-Charge: Zhang Wuwei
Proofreader: Zhang Liangliang