Sun Hao
Associate Researcher, Institute of Ancient History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. His research interests include the linkage between the political culture of Northeast China and the steppes of Inner Asia from the 8th to the 13th centuries, and the history of the Liaojin peoples.
This article has been authorized by the author and published on the WeChat public platform for the first time.
Abstract: The collection no. 6640/1-5 of the Museum of Ethnography of the Khakassov Khakass of the Republic of Khakass, Russia, is a fragment of the jade book granted by Tang Xiantong in the seventh year of the Tang Dynasty, and its text is in line with the general calligraphy of the Tang Dynasty's book of the Mobei Khanate, which can confirm a canonization activity of the Tang Dynasty on the Tang Dynasty in the middle of the 9th century. This article explores the historical background of tang and Tang Dynasty transportation in the two periods of Huichang and Xiantong, and believes that the two sides experienced a transformation from the friendship of the Huichang clan alliance to the relationship between the Xiantong monarchs and subjects. The continued decline of the Tsurugi Khanate since the end of Huichang led it to seek support from the Tang dynasty and the Khitan-Liao dynasty to fend off the growing Western Uighur forces. This should be the main reason why during the Xiantong period, Tang Jiasi sought to be a vassal of Tang. The 6640/1-5 collection can only confirm the relationship between Tang and Tang after Xiantong, and cannot prove the overall appearance of the relationship between Tang and Tang.
Keywords: The Jade Book of the Emperors; the Relationship of The Patriarchal Alliance; the Relationship of The Monarch and the Subject
Figure 1 Interior view of the Hakas Museum (Photo by Sun Hao)
2 6640/1-5 Tamano Zan (Tetsuaki Masumoto, Tetsu Ushimoto, Tetsu Ushimoto, On the Fragments discovered near the Southern Siberian Abakan", Bulletin of the Cultural Properties Association of Osaka Prefecture, 3, 1995)
In the 20th century, villagers in the village of Rajkovo (Райково) in the capital of the Russian Republic of Khakassan found five fragments of Chinese marble strips during their work in their farmland, which were entered into the Л.Р.Kizirasov Hakas Ethnographic Museum, No. 6640/1-5 (Figure 2). In the 1990s, the Japanese scholar Tetsu Takumoto visited Abakan to visit Ancient China, and he rubbed and studied the collection, which attracted the attention of Russian scholars. On the Chinese side, during a visit to the Abakan Museum in 2009, Liu Fengyi rubbed the collection of No. 6640 (No. 6440 in the text) and introduced it to China, attracting the attention of ethnic historians in northern China. Judging from the plates and introductions they published, the 6640/1-5 collection is engraved with a distinctive time mark "Tang Xiantong Seven Years", each piece is 27.7-27.8 cm long, about 2.7-2.8 cm wide, about 1 cm thick, and each piece of heaven and earth corner has a diameter of 4.5 mm perforation, which belongs to the fragments of the jade book. Collection 6640/1-5 was found on the Abakan River, a tributary of the upper Yenisei River, the area where the political center of the ancient Khaganate of Yëgas was located.
At present, scholars at home and abroad tend to affirm the historical value of the 6640/1-5 collection, but their use and interpretation of their historical nature are very different. His view, which he had always insisted, belonged to the Tang Dynasty's imperial court of central plains officials (probably members of the imperial family), and his views were widely valued and controversial in Russia. Some Russian scholars tend to believe that this is a book of lament given by the Tang Emperor in 866 at the time of the death of the Khan of The Tang Dynasty as a tribute to his highest respect. Chinese scholars, represented by Liu Fengyi, believe that this is the fragment of the jade book of Tang Xiantong's seven-year seal of the Emperor Qisi Khan. Since for a long time, there was only one tang dynasty jade book found in mobei, and the relevant discussion was quite limited by isolated evidence. As far as the Chinese account is concerned, in the seventh year of Tang Xiantong, there was only "a few tributes to the general Yi Zhi of the Tang Dynasty, the dispatch of Kurama to welcome the envoys and the invitation to the calendar day of the Hai Year", and there was no account of the Tang envoys hanging sacrifices, which was just corroborated with the collection no. 6640/1-5. Moreover, according to the archaeological and documentary materials seen so far, the book of lamentation is only used for the funeral of members of the royal family, and it has not been seen that the Emperor of the Central Plains gave the head of the neighbors, and the so-called book of lamentation is still lacking conclusive evidence. In addition, since the 21st century, the Mongolian-German joint archaeological team has found a number of fragments of jade books at the site of Harabaragas, the capital of the Uighur Khaganate, and the fragments excavated in the gaotai well in the southeast corner of the site have the words "No Qi in the World" (Figure 3 and Figure 4), which can be corroborated with Bai Juyi's "Record uighur Khan Plus Letter" "Sound is heard in the world, qi is invincible in the wilderness". These newly discovered fragments of the jade album at the site of the Uighur capital are compared with the Abakan collections 6640/1-5, providing physical evidence for the Tang Dynasty to award books to the Uighurs and the Uighurs in northern Mobei. The fragments of Chinese marble found in the political center of the Uighur and Taqas Khanates should be fragments of the jade books granted by the Tang Dynasty to the Uighurs and The Khans of the Uighurs.
图3 "于天下 气无"残片,13×2.8cm,引自Chrstina Franken, Hendrik Rohland, Ulambayar Erdenebat, Tumurochir Batbayar, "Karabalgasun, Mongolia, The excavations in the area of the citadel of the ancient Uyghur capital. Die Arbeiten der Jahre 2015 bis 2017", Elektronische Publikationen Des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, 2018, 电子文档来自 https://publications.dainst.org/journals/efb/2158/6620
Figure 4 Fragments of the jade book found by the Joint Archaeological Team of Mond at Harabaragas. The first on the left is the Uighur Khan's honorific title "No Honey Shi" (https://www.dainst.org/dai/meldungen)
1. Analysis of the Jade Book Instrument No. 6640/1-5 of Abakan
The book belongs to one of the Tang "Wang Yan system", "after the establishment of the concubine, seal the tree fan screen, spoil the life of the honorable, Linxuan preparation ceremony is used", in the book is engraved on the booklet, according to the ritual level can use bamboo, jade or gold book. At present, archaeological discoveries have found that the Jade Books of the Tang Dynasty are mostly made of white stone, and according to their uses, there are funerals (mourning, book of mourning), ascension, sealing Zen, and bookkeeping. The collection no. 6640/1-5 and the Uighur jade albums discovered in recent years show us the types of records of the Tang Dynasty's sealed neighbors, and their significance lies not only in traditional rituals, but also in providing physical written information for the relationship between the Central Plains Dynasty and the Mobei Khanate, which deserves further attention.
The text of the book engraved on the jade book is as follows in order of the collection number (Figure 5):
6640/1: Always in name with its glow
6640/2: Tribute is xiubao's sealed tobacco
6640/3: Seven years of The Great Tang Dynasty
6640/4: Faith in grace comes without thinking
6640/5: The so-called beauty of the body
Figure 5 Ranking of collection numbers (quoted from Tetsu Akiramoto, 1995)
Figure 6 Liu Fengyi rubbings sorting
This article reorders the results
This is clearly not the correct order of arrangement. Because it is a fragment of the fragment, it is impossible to obtain the full picture of its volume, and Japanese and Chinese scholars have different opinions on how to sort the 5 fragments. Feng Benzhe ranked it as "Seven Years of Wei Tang Dynasty Xiantong / With Enxin Huai lai no thought / Gong is Xiu Bao'er Fengjiang Smoke / Always in name only its glow / The so-called beauty of Fengcheng also", and Liu Fengyi does "Wei Tang Tang Xiantong Seven Years / Gong is Xiu Bao'er Fengjiang Tobacco / The so-called beauty of Fengcheng also / Always in name only its glow / With Enxin Huai lai no thought" (Figure 6). The author believes that in combination with the research results of the Tang Dynasty booklets, and with reference to the surviving Tang Dynasty Book of Uighur Khans, as well as the "LiQijiasi for the Khan System", there is still room for further discussion.
The Tang Dynasty books have a relatively fixed book style, mostly using four or six piao script, and its format is: Wei Nian Number Year Month Day ... Emperor Ruoyue (reason)... Shur (the recipient is called Yang Deze, praise the merits)... It is the use of the name (official), and at the end of the text there is a commandment to the recipient. The era of the surviving Uighur Khan books is similar to the era of the Xiantong Seven-Year Tang Dynasty Seal of the Tang Dynasty, and the literary categories are the same, in addition to meeting the general specifications of the books in the style of the book, these books are around the theme of the Tang Emperor's "Sealing Tree Fan Screen", and their writing language has its own characteristics.
Judging from the book, in addition to the opening chapter of "Wei Nian Number Year, Month and Day, Emperor Ruo Yue", in the main text, marked by "Zhi'er", it can be understood in two parts. The first part, "Causes of Affair", basically revolves around the Tang Emperor, praising his imperial presence in the Eight Directions, neighboring xianghua, and tracing the historical relationship between The Tang and the recipients, and arguing the necessity of canonizing his Khan's honorific title. The words of praise at the beginning of the chapter can be found in the "Book of new Uighur Khans": "Tang has the world, hanging for two hundred years, listing the holy arches, and the eight wildernesses are narrated." As far as the boats and carts are concerned, the sun and the moon shine, and the will and benevolence are heavy, and they are reckless." The core of its praise lies in the four ethnic groups xianghua to the dynasty. As for the second part after "Zhi'er", it praises the virtue of the recipient, praises the merits, takes the recipient as the center, praises his majestic side, admires the virtue of China and the DPRK, and affirms the righteousness of the two countries. "Book of Uighur Zhangxin Khan Text": "The nine Uighurs with the surname of Er, Aiden Liluo, did not mishi combined sentences to record Vijaya Zhangxin Khan, Daiji Gongzhong, Shi Tui Yingyi." Just be clear and trustworthy. The master of the total northern strength, the purification of The Chinese nation. Keshao's previous training, really with a long-term plan". Its core lies in highlighting the strict observance of the faith of the recipients, their admiration for China, and their observance of the previous covenant. Most of the exhortations at the end of the last chapter are texts that require them to observe the etiquette of the domain and keep their own feudal territories. For example, at the end of the "New Uighur Khan Text", it is said that "Yu Drama!" Good will have neighbors, and virtue will not answer. This reverence for grace, then he is sincere. Ke Bao Dayi, Yong Fan Zhongxia". "Book uighur Shōshin Khan Wen" Yun: "Yu drama! The four poles of the sea, but the old seal of the Tang Dynasty. The world is on the same track as me. Cite the scriptures, and spread them among the gods. Erqi cautiously sealed the territory, and only guarded the name instrument." The key words of exhortation at the end of the text are "Fan Zhongxia" and "Shou Fengjiang".
According to this example, 6640/3 "Seven Years of Wei Tang Xiantong" should be the beginning of the book. 6640/2 "Tribute is xiubao sealed xinjiang smoke", and its "tribute" word should be preceded by a "post" character, that is, "gong is repaired, bao'er feudal xinjiang." Smoke", the text of which is similar to the above-mentioned uighur Khan book "prudently consolidate the frontier" at the end of the text, should be the end of the book. 6640/4 "Come with grace and faith without thinking", and after the word "no", there should be a word "serve", that is, "come with grace and faith, and do not think and disobey". The phrase "Huailai" can be seen in the "LiYi Jia Si for the Khan System" "The grace of the establishment of The Establishment of Yan Shen, with the way of GuangHuai Lai", which belongs to the policy guidelines of the Tang Emperor to The Tang Emperor. "No thought is not convinced" canonized the "Poetry Classic, Daya, Wen Wang Yousheng" "Pickaxe Beijing Puyong, from west to east, from south to north, no thought disobedience". Tang Zhenguan's eight-year "Edict of Sending Envoys to Tour the World" has "four absurdities and eight tables, no thoughts and disobedience". Therefore, the 6640/4 sentence is about the Tang Emperor Huairou Siyi,000, and in the above-mentioned book example, it is the text that praises the Tang Emperor in the front of the book. As for 6640/5 "The So-Called Beauty of Fengcheng", its "Fengcheng" is also used in the Tang Dynasty Uighur Ah Si Khan's honorific title "Fengcheng Khan", and the LiYi Jia Si is also called "Ten Thousand Miles to Sincerity". "The so-called beauty of sincerity" should be a praise and summary of the deeds of the Khan of The Tang Dynasty, and its order seems to be after 6640/4. As for 6640/1," "Always in name, into its radiance", the meaning of its text should be related to the text of the book of "Shu'er" granted to the Khan of The Khun Gyals, which is used to evaluate the meaning of the book granting the Khan of the Khagans, that is, to give him the name and achieve his "glory of the country".
During the Xiantong period, He only paid tribute to the Tang Dynasty three times, and has not been known since. In fact, these three transportations were only seen in the history of the recorded people twice, four years "The Tang Dynasty sent his subjects Heyi Nanzhi to ask for scriptures and sent envoys to go to the horse every year to ask for the calendar, and also wanted to get back to the Tang Dynasty, so that Anxi would return to Tang and not allow it"; in December of the seventh year, "the general Yi Zhi of the Tang Dynasty sent several tributes, sent Kurama to welcome the envoys and invited the Hai calendar day." It's the year of Chengjiao; Hai, next year too." Taking into account the procedures for the tang canonization, the system of canonization and edict should be promulgated first, and the envoys should be appointed. For example, huichang sealed the khan of The Khagan, and the procedure was first appointed by Emperor Wuzong in the fifth year (845), promulgated the "LiJiasi as khan system", and ordered the yousi to choose a date and prepare the ceremonial canon. After that, the mission was ordered to bring the national letter, jade book and other instruments and gifts to the recipient for the ceremony on a selected day. For example, in the tenth year of the Tang Dynasty, the Duanzhang of the Tang Dynasty and other books were established by the Uighur missions with jade books, seal coins, exhibition gifts, etc. Some scholars believe that the stone material is made of local Sayanling marble, and thus speculate that it was made locally by the Tang Dynasty mission. This statement seems to be contrary to common sense, and it is necessary to consider another possibility, if the stone made in the 6640/1-5 collection is indeed from the local area, it may also be a replica made thereafter.
6640/1-5 Collection 5 Pieces of Jade Book Fragments In addition to the sealing time, the remaining 4 pieces of text have calligraphic characters representing the status and identity of both the seal and the recipient, which more clearly shows the suzerainty of the Tang Emperor above the Khan of The Tang Dynasty. According to this, Chinese scholars believe that the Relationship between Tang and Tang Dynasty has always been unequal after Huichang, which is different from the Japanese scholars' insistence on the equality of the relationship between the two sides, and the latter arguments are mostly derived from the interpretation of the calligraphy of the Tang Dynasty relationship during the Huichang period. Both sides have their own arguments, but there are also metaphysical transcendental arguments. Only by connecting and comparing the process and background of the two "quests for life" between Huichang and Xiantong can we reveal the historical essence and accurately understand the historical positioning of the 6640/1-5 collection.
2. Historical Interpretation of the Friendship of huichang zongmeng
The political center of the Tang Dynasty has always been located in the upper reaches of the Yenisei River, and the connection with the Tang Dynasty has been influenced by the political pattern of the Mongolian Plateau-Eastern Tianshan Mountains, especially since the 8th century, when the Tanguas was conquered by the Uighurs, and the latter had been bounded by the Tangnuula Mountains south of the upper yenisei River and the upper Altai-Irtysh River, and could not communicate with the Tang Dynasty from the south. This situation did not change until the middle of the 9th century, when the Uighur Khaganate was destroyed and the army swept south to sweep the Mongolian plateau. During the Huichang period, the Tang Dynasty was sent for three consecutive years, and the two sides repeatedly negotiated on how to determine the status of the emerging steppe khanate, each with its own demands, and reached a compromise according to the changes in the balance of forces between them.
During the Huichang period, the main demand of the Tsurugi Khanate was to replace the Uighurs and call themselves "Teŋgri Qaɣan" (Teŋgri Qaɣan) and establish its status as the co-lord of the steppes as the "Heavenly Khan". In the second year (842), his envoy, Tabu Hezu, claimed that "when the sun was issued, the Qishi moved to Heluochuan and lived in the old Uighur kingdom, with five tribes, including De'anxi, Beiting, and Daqi." Whether or not its sphere of influence did expand to this point, this declaration was more political in order to prove to the Tang Dynasty that it had replaced the Uighurs as steppe overlords. In February of the third year (843) of Shi Zaihuichang, "Tang Dynasty monarchs discussed this," and Emperor Wuzong "feared that the name of the Khan would not be repaired, and he hesitated to follow the story of the Uighurs to ask for the relics of the years and sell horses, and hesitated", and Li Deyu immediately said that "The Tang Dynasty has called himself khan" Yunyun. In June of the same year, the Khan of Tang Dynasty sent Wen Qi to negotiate with the Tang Dynasty with the State Letter, which stated that "The Khan of Guandengli, the old uighur name, was given by the state for an annual period of time, and the non-Uighurs made their own name." Now that the Uighur kingdom has been destroyed, it should be avoided." The Book of the Tang Dynasty is no longer visible, but judging from the tang junchen discussion and the clues between the lines of the fushu, the content of the Tang Dynasty's "request for the book of life" is to ask the Tang Dynasty to follow the old Uighur name and recognize its status as "Teŋgri Qaɣan".
The "old Uighur number" requested in the Book of the Tang Dynasty and its factual facts can be seen from the 9th century Tang Dynasty Uighur Book. The New Uighur Khan text of the first year of Changqing states that "The Ninth Uighur Surnamed Uighur JundenRiluo Yulu did not record the Main Record of Vijah Khan (Teŋride Külüg Bulmïš Küčlüg Bilge Qaɣan)... The book is the main record of Vijaya Khan in the Tang Dynasty", and in the same year, due to the marriage of Tang and the newly established Uighur Khan, the Khan was added by Chinese name. The Book of Uighur Khans added: "The Uighur King Dengri Luo Yulu did not record the Main Sentence of The Vijaya Khan... Although he is proud of his own heavenly pride, he does not call himself prosperous; although he respects himself as a heavenly khan, he does not call him beautiful. It is advisable to give the trumpet to exaggerate the future. Now send an envoy to a certain official, a deputy envoy to a certain official, etc., and hold a book of the festival to be the Khan of Xinyi Yongzhi Xiong Zhonggui Shou Tianqin Khan." From this, we can see that there are two levels of Tang and Uighur canonization. First of all, the Tang Dynasty would recognize the Uighurs' original customs to establish the honorific titles of "Heavenly Pride" and "Heavenly Khan", that is, to recognize the Uighurs as the hegemony of the desert steppe. This was Tang's coherent approach to uighur khans. On this basis, the Tang Dynasty's canonization would add the Han-style honorific title after it claimed the honorific title "Vijaya". In the first year of Changqing, he was enthroned as the Uighur Khan, also known as the "Dengluo Yulu No Mishi Sentence Main Record Vijay Chongde Khan". According to this, "Chongde Khan" does not appear in the Old Book of Tang and the YuanGui of the Book of Records, which are appended after the canonization. There are also those who add signs to the booklet. Taihe Seven Years "Book of Uighur Shōshin Khan Text" "Er nine surname Uighur Eden Riro No Mishi Ensemble Record Vijaya Shōshin Khan ... The book is the nine UighurS Aydeng Riluo No Mishi SynthRombin Vijaya Shōshin Khan", whose "Shōshin Khan" is directly added to the album number. Secondly, when the Tang and uighur khans were in harmony, the latter was also given the honorific title of "Xinyi Yongzhixiong Zhonggui Shou Tianqin Khan", or to show his close relationship with the Tang royal family.
The above is the Uighur truth that the Tsurugas hopes to continue. The Tang Dynasty, however, wanted to adopt another aspect of it, namely, the determination of the monarch-vassal relationship between the rulers of both sides through the imitation of relatives. Skaf once discussed that Tang Taizong had added the title of "Heavenly Khan" and became the co-lord of the Central Plains and the steppe, and the emperors since the middle and late Tang Dynasties called themselves the "Heavenly Son" of the Central Plains, and did not continue to control the steppe khanate in the name of "Heavenly Khan". In dealing with the relationship with the steppe khanate, more use of the pseudo-kinship relationship was used to clarify the specific relationship between the two rulers. This approach was more flexible, especially after Tianbao, when the balance of power between the Tang Dynasty and the Mobei Khanate was changing. Tang and Uighur successively experienced the relationship between Weng and son-in-law in the Qianyuan period and the brotherhood relationship during the Guangde period, and there was no difference between kings and subjects, only the order of honor and inferiority, in fact, it was a kind of reciprocal enemy relationship. It was not until the Zhen Dynasty that the Tang Dynasty took advantage of the Uighur civil strife to revive and establish a father-son relationship with it.
The Tang Dynasty did not want the Mongol steppes to have such an authority as the "Dengli Khan", and also wanted to use the Uighur remnants that threatened its northern frontier. For this purpose, Li Deyu of the third year of Huichang said: "Tang Jiasi has called himself Khan, and now he wants to use his strength, I am afraid that he cannot be stingy with this name." ...... If he is not a vassal, he shall make a covenant with him, and he shall be called a vassal as a Uighur, and he shall be ordained, and he shall be a relative of the same surname, and he shall perform the gifts of his descendants. Li Deyu should emphasize the use of the precedent of the Uighur monarch-vassal relationship in the past, and demanded that The Tang Dynasty claim to be a vassal of the Tang in exchange for the Tang Dynasty's recognition of the status of the Uighurs in the Mongolian steppe.
Obviously, the demands of Both Tang and Tang are not consistent. In the "Book of the Khan of Yoqis" in reply to the envoy of Tab Hezulai, it is stated that "since ancient times, all foreign countries must be ordered by China, but they can suppress one side." Now I want to appoint the Khan, the Tegame, because I don't know the meaning of the Khan, and send the edict. When Zhao Fan returned to Japan, he did not order the exhibition ceremony to make peace. At the same time, when returning the book to The Tang Dynasty, the Tang Dynasty proposed to follow the "Jiankun" that Emperor Taizong had sealed, which should also imply that it should follow the old canonization of the relationship between the tang and the Jiankun monarchs and subjects in the early days. This did not directly satisfy the demands of the Tang dynasty, who made Ted Isanda zhu carry the national letter saying that "the testament of the two places will not be each other", which is not only a technical problem in the translation of The Chinese and Chinese, but also the deep reason is that the political discourse and goals of the two sides cannot be coordinated. Judging from the results, Through this expression, Tang Jiasi also euphemistically rejected the Tang Dynasty's proposal to follow the old "Jiankun" classic.
Regarding the attitude of The Uighurs, Tang Wuzong requested that in the Huishu, it should be specially emphasized that "when the book is recorded, it must be called a clan affair, and the ritual of the cloud must be registered, and the story of the Uighur must be followed", which is reflected in the text of the Hui book as "the ritual of the book of the book, and according to the story of the Uighur". When the Khan founded his country and was on the verge of a long time, he must show that his neighbors have deep feelings and that the clan alliance is righteous. With this soothing, who dares not follow? The Tang Dynasty instead emphasized the "clan alliance relationship" and reminded the Tang Dynasty that it was necessary to pay tribute to the Tang Dynasty like the Uighurs in order to "grow up to the Tang Dynasty". In the fifth year of the Tang Dynasty, Huichang tang edict registered the Khan of Wucheng Ming as the "Emperor Wucheng Ming Khan", and his "Li Jia Si for the Khan System" called "the State of Qiasi", abandoning the requirements of the old "Jiankun" classic, and did not clearly recognize the title of his khan's self-esteem as the Uighur example, but adopted the Han style "Mei number" to seal it, and strengthened the relationship between the two sides "clan name clan surname".
From this outcome, both sides should make a compromise. The reason for this is that the Uighur forces in the Mongolian steppe at that time still influenced the relationship between the two sides. Although the Uighur Khaganate had collapsed, its remnants still threatened the connection between the Uighurs and the Tang Dynasty. In fact, the goal of "joining the Old Uighur State" was not achieved under the resistance of the remnants of the Uighurs and the rest of the vassal tribes. Remnants of the Uighur Ujkyak Khan threatened the flank of the Uighurs, which had entered the hinterland of the Mongolian steppe. At the same time, the Tatar tribes that were originally attached to the Uighurs began to be active in places such as the Selen River in the north of the desert, and they were in a state of hostility with the Uighurs. Therefore, soon after the tribute of Huichang, the Tang people heard that "the Uighur tooth tent of Heluochuan has not been completely destroyed." The so-called "Golden Stone Road" should be the old inscription of the Turkic and Uighur Khans along the way, passing through the political center of the Uighur Khaganate and belonging to the key point of the Uighur Road in the north of the desert. It shows that at that time, when the power of the Khaganate was at its peak, it did not yet have the strength to control the hinterland of the Mongolian steppe. In the case of the so-called "Golden Stone Road" being broken, TheRath no longer continued to dwell on the question of the Khan's name, and soon agreed to the Tang Dynasty's proposal, and agreed with the Tang Dynasty to send troops to jointly negotiate hui and black car room Wei.
Judging from the subsequent developments, The Dragons did not advance eastward as promised, and it may be that its southward advance has reached the end of the crossbow. At the same time, the aforementioned Huichang seal was temporarily shelved due to the death of Emperor Wuzong, and after Tang Xuanzong ascended the throne, the court believed that Tang Dynasty was "a remote and small country, not enough to compete with it", which should be seen that Tang Had already declined and had not developed into a steppe power that Tang valued. As for the canonization, it was extended to June of the first year of the Great Middle School, and the history said that "the prince of the book of Qijiasi was the khan of Yingwu Chengming, and ordered Li Ye, the secretary of Hongxu, to enter the book of worship." At this time, the change of power had been completed, and the Tang Dynasty's title of Xinli Khan was removed from the "Zong" character representing "clan name and clan surname", which can indicate that the Xuanzong Dynasty abandoned The policy of Emperor Wuzong to "write the true membership of the Emperor" to the Khan of The Tang Dynasty. After that, due to the collapse of the remnants of the Uighur Ujie Khan, the elimination of the crisis in northern Xinjiang, and the restoration of Hexi in Dazhong, the Tang Dynasty turned its focus to the Anxi Uighurs, and no longer regarded the Uighurs as an "enemy country" as they did during the Huichang period. The canonization of Huang Jiasi during the Xiantong period should be a continuation of the policy of Tang after the adjustment of the political positioning of Tang after the Middle Ages, rather than the product of inheriting the huichang alliance.
Third, Xiantong seven years of "professional tribute is the original commission of repair"
In the early years of The Tang Dynasty, the westward migration of the Uighurs was flourishing, and the westward migration of the Uighurs represented by Pang Teqin established political power in Anxi and other places. In the fifth year of the middle school, Zhang Yichao expelled Tubo and presented the Tang court with a map of helong eleven prefectures, "Helong fell for more than a hundred years, until it was the hometown of Xifu". Tang was able to regain access to Hexi and learned from the Uighurs that Ansi Pang had declared himself Khan in Ansi. At the end of the tenth year of the Great Middle School (856), the Ansi Uighur Khan was proclaimed "The Khan of the Ansi Uighurs as "The Khan of the Ansi Uighurs". In Tang's geopolitical planning, more attention was paid to the first line of Hexi through the western region, hoping to rely on the power of the Westward Migration Uighurs, so without understanding the specific situation of the Westward Migration Uighurs, they held a favorable attitude towards all the Uighurs. In stark contrast, the connection between The Tang and the Tang during the middle age was not clear, which highlighted the difference between the westward migration of the Uighurs and the Tang Dynasty in the geographical positioning of the Tang Dynasty at that time.
From the perspective of the Quinas, due to the special topography of the upper basin of the Yenisei River, where it is located, there are only a few directions for external traffic. The Western Passage is from the Altai-Irtysh River to the west and connects with Imäk and Grolu, that is, out of the Irtysh River into the Kazakh Steppe Silk Road, and another passage from the south to Gaochang is the South Exit altai Mountains, along the KMR'Z/K. mīz (art) (present-day southern foothills of the Tarbagatai Mountains), via Xusan/Kh.s.n to "Chīnānjkath" (Chinatown, formerly known as TangBeiting). The environment of the passage out of the east of the Tangas is more complicated, and it is necessary to shuttle through the dense forests of the mountains, and most of them are sheep's intestines and small roads, and the swamps are dense, which is connected with the Mongolian-speaking Huoli people's settlements in the east. It is located along the Selenge River, and this passage is not conducive to the circulation and exchange of commodity materials. At the same time, when the Ertysh River came out of the Irtysh River, it could also go south along the eastern edge of the Junggar Basin and enter the Barikun Grassland (sometimes Yizhou) in Xinjiang, which was connected with the main route of the Silk Road. Due to the long-term discord between the 8th and 9th centuries between the Uighurs and the Nomadic tribes of the Mongolian steppe, the passage through the Mongolian steppe to the south was basically blocked, which is the so-called "separated by the Uighurs". History says that he "often depends on the staff of the Great Food, Tubo, and Gelu, and those who come and go to Tubo are afraid of returning to the Quakers and will go to Gelu to wait for the escort of The Tang Dynasty." The great food has a heavy brocade, and its load is twenty bridges, and it is victorious, and it cannot be lost at the same time, so it is cut into twenty horses, and every three years old, it is a feast. Here, the circulation of materials and personnel between the Tangas and the Tubo, the Great Food and the Grolo is the passage that uses the West out of the Altai Mountains into the Kazakh steppe.
The passage from the Altai Mountains to the west and south of the Irtysh River was of great significance to the national fortunes of the Tang dynasty. This can also understand why the Tang Dynasty first seized Anxi and Beiting to the west and controlled the Silk Road passage from the East Tianshan Mountains to the west, rather than choosing to go east in the Mongolian steppe to pursue the remnants of the Uighur forces moving south. Scholars generally believe that the Khaganate of The Tsurugas once controlled Ansi in the 1840s and 1850s, with its advances as far as Lake Issyk-Kul in the Western Tianshan Mountains, but was forced to shrink due to the expansion of the Westward Migration to the Uighurs. The offensive and defensive trend of the Uighurs and the westward migration of the Uighurs reversed, and at that time they should be in a state of stalemate in the Dzungar Basin, on the other hand, the operation of the Mongol steppes was not strong, and they also faced the threat of steppe tribes, and it was difficult for them to move south. Faced with many difficulties at that time, Naturally and Tang could not communicate normally. During the middle ages, there were few envoys sent to the Tang Dynasty, and only once has been recorded in the literature of the world, it was Li Jiasi who brought Hui to Chang'an, and another time was found in the "Epitaph of Cui Jie", which said that there was a tribute to the emissaries of the emissaries, about six to eight years. The time of Li Jian's arrival in Tang was also roughly the same time as the arrival of the Emperor Ofe. The two may be the same, or they may be two mission activities with a short time interval. Judging from the fact that the Uighurs led by Li Jian were familiar with the situation in Anxi, both of these accounts should be that after the emissaries of the Tang Dynasty restored Hexi in Tang Dynasty, they left the Altai Mountains in the west, along the eastern edge of the Junggar Basin, and entered Hexi through Yizhou, which was controlled by the rebels, to the Tang Dynasty. In the process, tang dynasty influence also saw the Tang Dynasty's influence re-enter the western region through Hexi, and tried to gain the support of the Tang Dynasty as the Westward Migration Hui Continued to oppress its westward passage and the country's power was declining.
In the fourth year of Tang Xiantong, Tang Xian sent envoys to ask for scriptures and sent envoys every year to ask for the calendar, and also wanted to please Hui Hu, so that Anxi would return to Tang. Its events should be related to the spring and February of the seventh year, "Guiyi Festival made Zhang Yichao play the Northern Court Uighur [servant] Gujun Kexi Prefecture, Beiting, Luntai, Qingzhen and other cities". The rise of the Uighur servant Gu Jun of Xizhou, which was adjacent to the sphere of influence of The Tang Dynasty, may have caused more pressure on the Western Prefecture, and at the same time, the chaos in the Western Prefecture during the Xiantong period also gave the Tang Dynasty the hope of a counter-offensive, which prompted the Tang Dynasty to take the initiative to send envoys to the Tang Dynasty every year, in order to serve Zhengshuo as a vassal, in exchange for the Tang Dynasty's support for its counter-offensive. The Tang Dynasty was still inclined to defend the Uighurs and decisively rejected the proposal of the Uighurs, but also agreed to impose a new canonization on the Khan of the Uighurs and determine the relationship between the monarch and the vassal. As for the details of the negotiations between the two sides, it is not known. We are fortunate to see from the collection no. 6640/1-5 that it is the remains of the Annals, whose exhortations say that "the tribute is repair, and the Paul seals the territory", referring to the Tang Dynasty eleventh year of the Tang Dynasty to give an Anxi Uighur Khan '" "To repair the former good, restore the homeland", small words, no need to say more.
The rest of the argument
In the 9th century, the relationship between Tang and Tang dynasties was relatively scarce, and the fragments of the 7-year Xiantong Jade Book of The Russian-Tibetan 6640/1-5 Xiantong undoubtedly added valuable physical evidence to the literature. Combined with the documents handed down, it is not difficult to find that during the Xiantong period, the two sides established a relationship of kings and vassals centered on the Tang. This is quite different from the situation in which Huichang took the initiative and established a clan alliance relationship with Tang. The reason for this discrepancy is that the positioning of the relationship between Tang and Tang dynasty changed as the political power of the two sides increased and grew, and the Khanate of Tang and Gansu experienced a brief upheaval, and then entered a state of continuous decline for more than 200 years until the collapse of the khanate. Therefore, at the peak of the sudden rise, "asking for orders" and adopting the strategy of active communication, requiring the Tang Dynasty to recognize its control of the grasslands; in the case of being enemies on all sides and the country's declining power, "sending envoys to the calendar every year" actually relied on the Tang Dynasty to claim subjection to the Tang Dynasty to balance the northward expansion of the Uighur forces. This policy, after the fall of the Tang, turned to the Khitan-Liao for support against the Uighurs of Gaochang, who had grown into the political center of the Altai-Dongtianshan region.
When discussing the relationship between the surrounding tribes, regimes and the Central Plains Dynasty, Chinese and foreign scholars may tend to idealize the interpretation of the relationship between the feudal tributes, emphasizing the subjective motives of the surrounding Mu dynasty and the annexation; or going to the opposite side, emphasizing the reciprocalization of the relationship between the surrounding tribes, regimes and the Central Plains Dynasty, in either case, it is easy to form a fixed model for the interpretation of cultural relics. This model is often divorced from concrete historical logic and context. Judging from the history of the interpretation of russian tibet 6640/1-5, there are also problems in the understanding of russian, Japanese, and Chinese scholars in this collection. Through the historical combing of this article, it can be seen that behind the documentation, there was a clear process of change in the relationship between the Tang Dynasty and the Tang Dynasty in the 9th century, which was closely related to the balance of forces in different regions of the eastern Eurasian continent at that time. The 6640/1-5 collection can only reflect one of these aspects, and cannot show the historical motives and more complex backgrounds of the two parties involved, and in terms of physical objects alone, it cannot confirm the assertions of either side, but it still needs to be placed in the various narrative logics of the heirloom documents, and compared and analyzed to further reveal the picture of complex historical changes. This is also a methodological issue that should be paid special attention to in the current history of the relationship between ancient China and neighboring tribes, countries and regions.
In 2019, the author and my colleagues went to Russia to explore the historical sites of the Khaganate of TheRgas and searched for the Golden Lake Jade Book, but I did not have the opportunity to see it. After returning to China, with the help of Bai Yudong, Gu Song Chongzhi, Li Jinxiu, and He Yumeng, he Yumeng was able to systematically understand the academic history of the study of the Abakan Jade Book and write this article. Thanks!
[Note] The article was originally published in "Spring Mountain Can Be Expected: A Collection of Historical archaeology youth discussions", Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 2021, pp. 185-198. For easy reading on mobile phones, notes and references are omitted.
Editor-in-charge: Li Jing