preface
Sino-Japanese art exchanges have a long history, and the Tang dynasty envoys brought the art of the Tang Dynasty, which deeply influenced the Japanese culture of the Heian period in Nara, and the art of calligraphy and painting, which constituted the core of Chinese culture, also became the beginning of "Tang painting" with the introduction of the Tang envoys to Japan. Entering the Kamakura shogunate period, with the prosperity of Zen Buddhism in Japanese society, Chinese painting, especially the works of Southern Song Painters represented by Ma Yuan, Xia Jue, Makiki, and Liang Kai, were deeply loved by the upper class of Japanese aristocratic samurai and monks, and flowed into Japan in large quantities, which had a profound impact on the development of Japanese ink painting in the Muromachi period (1336-1573) and later. These masterpieces are not only the source of the Japanese aesthetic view, but also play a decisive role in the transition from artifacts to painting in the Western museum community and sinologists in the early 20th century. At present, the former has been fruitful in Chinese, Japanese and Western academic circles, with papers and works [1]; there is very little research on the latter[2]. This article takes Laurence Binyon (1869-1943), who worked in the Oriental Painting Department of the British Museum from the late 19th century to the 1930s, as a case study of the writing activities of Oriental painting for more than 40 years, and is known for his masterpieces Painting in the Far East (first edition 1908) and The Spirit of Man in Asian Art, first edition 1935) is a text that examines the formation of his Japanese-style view of appreciation, revealing how Binyang led the Western museum community and the general reader to understand (or misunderstand) Chinese art through the "Eye of Japan" through the "Eye of Japan" through the early 20th and 1930s.
Figure 1 Binjan in his youth (1901)
1. Chinese paintings in the collection of Binyang and Japan
Binjan has multiple identities, he is not only a well-known poet, playwright, literary critic and art historian in the English community in the 20th century, and served as the director of the Department of Oriental Painting at the British Museum, where he studied and wrote in fields spanning literature, art and religion in both the East and the West. After graduating from Oxford University, he worked in the Printmaking and Drawing Department of the British Museum, and his initial knowledge of Oriental art was limited to Japanese ukiyo-e and knew almost nothing about Chinese painting. But his first task on arrival was to collate and study oriental paintings from the William Anderson collection purchased by the museum, so he studied and did it. Fortunately, he met several Japanese art experts, one from a family of calligraphy and painting experts, koji ren (1875-1933), a disciple of Okakura Tenshin (1862-1913), the headmaster of the Tokyo School of Fine Arts, the Japanese painter Shimomura Kanzan (1873-1930), and the London-based painter and essayist Yoshio Makino (1869-1956). The ancient pen taught Binyang The knowledge of Japanese-style painting appreciation, appraisal and mounting, while Shimomura and Makino taught Binyang the knowledge of the four treasures of oriental literature with the practice of artists. Based on this, since 1908, Binyang has published a series of books introducing oriental art to the general readers of the English-speaking world, such as Paintings in the Far East, The Flight of the Dragon, Long Scroll of Ma Yuan Landscape Paintings, and Chinese Paintings from the British Collection. Moreover, in 1904, when the British Museum purchased the volume of the Female Stub, Sidney Colvin (1845-1927), director of the Department of Printmaking and Drawing, and Binjan, in addition to consulting édouard émmannuel Chavannes 1865-1918, Paul Eugène Pelliot 1878-1945), and Herbert Allen Giles 1845-1935) and other British and French sinologists, but also deliberately sought the advice of the ancient pen, and finally decided to buy this world-famous painting, Shimomura was also invited to participate in the repair of this painting. [4] In view of this, Binyang expressed his gratitude to Fukubi and Shimomura in Paintings from the Far East and Japanese Art. [5]
The exchange with Japanese scholars with profound artistic attainments such as Gubi, Shimomura, and Makino laid the foundation for Binyang as a commentator of oriental art, and also laid the "foreshadowing" for him to watch and study Chinese painting with the "Eye of Japan" in the future. [6] However, from the introduction to ukiyo-e and then the discovery of the beauty of Sino-Japanese ink painting, to the understanding of the aesthetic ideas hidden deep behind oriental art, it was undoubtedly Okakura Tenshin and Professor of Art History at Tokyo Imperial University and Editor-in-Chief of Guohua (1873-1945) who played a decisive role in the formation of Binyang's view of oriental art, but the Chinese paintings introduced in their English writing activities were the so-called "Gudu".
(1) The Aesthetic Consciousness of the Japanese Presented in the Process of Collection and Preservation of "Koto"
"Gudu" refers to the "Song and Yuan paintings" that flowed into Japan from the second half of the 12th century to the beginning of the 14th century, and can be roughly divided into two categories. The first category was landscape paintings, flower and bird paintings, and Taoist figure paintings brought to Japan by Japanese monks or Chinese monks who had traveled east to Japan in the second half of the 12th century, or Buddhist paintings that flowed into Japan from Mingzhou (present-day Ningbo, Zhejiang Province) through the Nissei trade. The second category was the group of Chinese paintings widely collected by the Muromachi shoguns, especially the first generation of Ashikaga Zun (1338-1358) and the third generation of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (1368-1394) through Japanese monks and traders who came to China. Regarding the aesthetic value of "Gudu", the art historian Yonezawa Kasuo (1906-1993) in the paper classified the Chinese paintings that spread to Japan in the east, which was reflected in the process of choosing between these Chinese paintings, and made the following explanations, he pointed out that the "Song and Yuan paintings" and "Ming and Qing paintings" preserved in Japan have a unique significance, these two words in the world war II study of the history of Chinese painting Chinese and European scholars in the work of the Song yuan painting and Ming and Qing paintings mentioned in the works are two different concepts. The Song and Yuan paintings mentioned by Chinese scholars and European and American scholars refer to the paintings of the Yuan Dynasty in which the Song Dynasty and literati landscape painting flourished, that is, to two paintings of different eras and different styles. However, the "Song and Yuan paintings" collected in Japan refer to the courtyard paintings that were transmitted to Japan during the Southern Song Dynasty and were accepted by Japanese culture, with the taste of the Southern Song Court, as well as ink paintings with Zen flavor, Taoist figure paintings and Yuan Dynasty paintings with the style of the Southern Song Dynasty. [7]
Yonezawa used the Northern Song Dynasty Fan Kuan's "Journey to the Creek and Mountains" (Figure 2) and Liang Kai's "Snow Landscape Map" (Figure 3) as examples to explain how the Aesthetic View of the Japanese influenced their choice of Chinese painting. He believes that the landscape paintings of the Northern Song Dynasty represented by Fan Kuan express the majestic landscapes of northern China, but because they lack a delicate feeling and poetic interest, they bring a sense of suffocation to people, so they are respected and far removed by the Japanese; in turn, the poetic landscape paintings of the Southern Song Dynasty like Liang Kai's "Snow Landscape Map" can better impress the heartstrings of the Japanese people and conform to their aesthetic psychology, so they have survived. Finally, Yonezawa concludes that although these "Song and Yuan paintings" were born in China after being aesthetically screened by the Japanese, they can be called "quasi-Japanese paintings with Japanese nationality" because they were carefully loved by the Japanese, and some of these paintings are now designated by the Japanese government as "national treasures" or "important cultural relics" (see Figures 3-4, 7, 11-14). [8]
Figure 2 Xishan Travel Map (Partial) ˉ Fan Kuan ˉ Northern Song Dynasty ˉ Collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei
Figure 3 Snow Landscape Map ˉ Liang Kai ˉ Southern Song Dynasty ˉ Japan National Treasure ˉ Tokyo National Museum Collection
Figure 4 Wind and Rain Landscape Map Ma Yuan ˉ Southern Song Dynasty ˉ Japan National Treasure ˉ Jing Jia Tang Bunko Art Museum Collection
It is noteworthy that these paintings, which show the southern Song Dynasty style, are selected relics of Japanese Art (1899-1908) and Selected Masterpieces (1899-1908) and Selected Masterpieces (1899-1908) edited by scholars of aesthetic academies such as Shiichi Tajima (1868-1924) and Omura Nishiya (1868-1927). The Fine Arts of the Far East, 15Vols, 1909-1920), especially the latter two large art publications published in the Paris Universal Exposition in 1900, the Saint Louis All Nations Exposition in 1904, and the Japan-England Exposition in 1910, and the beautifully printed Southern Song Dynasty painting plates included in the publication deeply attracted European and American audiences visiting the Exposition. Therefore, it is certain that these paintings were the earliest Chinese paintings recognized by the Western art community and sinologists and general audiences, and it is these Chinese paintings that Bin Yang introduced to the Western intellectual readership in English works such as "Paintings in the Far East". In other words, he is through the "Gudu" style of "Eye of Japan" to see and interpret Chinese art, the following can be from the visual and theoretical levels to explore how its "Eye of Japan" cultivated and deepened.
(2) Acquire visual knowledge of Chinese painting from "Guohua" and "True Beauty"
Kunigata was an art magazine founded in October 1889 by Ryuichi Kunigai (1852-1931), Kenzo Takahashi (1855-1898), and Okakura Tenshin, and is known in the Japanese art world for its beautifully printed plates. After becoming editor-in-chief in January 1901, Taki seiichi completely refreshed the layout and founded the English version of The Kokka (July 1905 – June 1918) in July 1905, with a concise explanation in French on the plates and papers, all of which showed that Taki's "National Chinese" was to promote Oriental art, including Japanese classical art, to Europe and the United States. From the beginning of the 20th century to the 1930s, when Westerners could not get a glimpse of the whole picture of the calligraphy and paintings collected by the National Beiping Palace Museum and the Antiquities Exhibition, and at that time, China did not have a foreign language magazine introducing classical painting and calligraphy, The Kokka and the Japanese and English editions of "True Beauty Daguan" and "Oriental Art Daguan" and other large art magazines and series of books became the most important media to introduce Chinese painting and calligraphy to Europe and the United States. It was from these publications that Bin Yang and other European and American sinologists and historians of Oriental art acquired visual knowledge about Chinese painting. BinYang has published two book reviews in the Times Literary supplement, highly praising the valuable visual knowledge of Oriental painting provided by European and American readers, and has also been mentioned in many works. [9] As in the preface to the first edition of Paintings from the Far East, he reveals how the writing of the book benefited from the National Chinese and the True Beauty:
In recent years, the publication of exquisite and ornate reproductions in Japan has led to a dramatic increase in research on this subject (Oriental paintings). Chief among these is the magazine founded in 1889 called Guohua, but in recent years, the magazine has published an English version with English commentary, as well as a Japanese-English bilingual edition of True Beauty and Grand View, carefully edited by Mr. Shiichi Tajima, which will eventually reach 20 volumes. These publications contained reproductions of Chinese and Japanese paintings from monasteries (of Japan) and private collections that no traveler could see. If I hadn't had this material on hand and could have read it at any time, I would never have tried to write this book. [10]
Binyang not only highly praised the art publications published in Japan in book reviews and writings, but also displayed these periodicals as the main reference books of the Oriental Painting Department of the British Museum. [11] In fact, binjan was not the only one who used these fine arts publications as the main visual material for the study of Chinese painting, such as Raphaël Petrucci's Natural Philosophy in Far Eastern Art (1910) and Chinese Painters (1913), Arthur Waley's (1889-1966) Introduction to Chinese Painting Studies (1923), René Grousset Eastern Civilization: China (1934) (1934) from 1885 to 1952, Chinese Paintings from the American Collection (5vols, 1927-1928) and History of Early Chinese Painting (2vols, 1933) by Osvald Sirén (1879-1966), and the catalogue of exhibitions edited by Otto Kümmel (1874-1952) reprinted the "Gudu" Chinese paintings published in these fine art publications It can be said that before the "The International Exhibition of Chinese Art in London" (1935-1936, hereinafter referred to as the "London Art Exhibition") held by the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in London in November 1935, this phenomenon was a common tendency in the study of Chinese art in Europe and the United States at that time. [12]
For his part, Binjan was fascinated by the exquisite plates of The National Wall, which he reprinted several times in his writings. According to the author's check, almost all of the plates reprinted in Binyang's works published between 1908 and 1935 were on "National Hua" and "True Beauty". For example, in Paintings in the Far East, Ma Yuan's "Wind and Rain Landscape Map" (Figure 4) was first published in Guohua (No. 234) and later included in volume 11 of The True Beauty and Grand View. [13] In addition, in Binyang's 1916 monograph on Ma Yuan published in New York, eight of Ma Yuan's works were also described in Guohua or True Beauty. [14] These examples illustrate that almost all of the Chinese paintings that Bin Yang explained in his writings were Southern Song Dynasty paintings, especially those of Southern Song court or Zen monks such as Ma Yuan, Xia Jue, and Muxi, who were loved by the Japanese. This preference for Southern Song painting continued not to weaken until Binyan later visited the home of the great American collector Charles Lang Freer (1854-1919) and after visiting Japan in 1929 to see a large number of "Gudu" and "Xindu" (Indicating Chinese artifacts introduced to Japan after the Reign Era)[15] Chinese paintings, rather than weakening, but intensifying. This is also reflected in his masterpiece in his later years, "Humanistic Spirit in Asian Art", which is a lecture collection.
After 1900, with the outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion and the Xinhai Revolution, the Collapse of the Qing Dynasty, the court collections, including calligraphy and paintings, and the private collections of Manchurian nobles and literati bureaucrats flowed into the West and Japan, and Japanese and European scholars such as Taki Seiichi and Xi Longren introduced these precious paintings and calligraphy in their writings. [16] Therefore, the mainstream of Chinese art is not represented by the works of the above-mentioned Southern Song Dynasty painters, but has become a recognized fact in the European and American art circles and sinology circles. Bin Yang himself mentioned in the second edition of Paintings in the Far East (1913) that the Duanfang Old Collection introduced by Guohua belonged to the "Xindu" volume of "Roselle Futu"; in the 4th edition of Paintings in the Far East (1934), he introduced the Dunhuang Buddhist paintings published in guohua and the lost calligraphy and paintings of Qingnei Province, saying that through these works, the Western art community had begun to recognize mainstream Chinese art and its characteristics. From these accounts, it can be seen that he is very clearly aware that in addition to the Japanese "gudu", there are also paintings and calligraphy groups that represent mainstream art preserved in China itself. [17] Even so, the three Chinese paintings he suggests in this lecture are still Ma Yuan's Spring Landscape Map (Figure 5) and Winter Landscape Map (Figure 6), and Xia Jue's Landscape Map (Figure 7). The preference for Southern Song Dynasty paintings in Japan is reflected not only in Binyang's visual perception, but also in his interpretation of these paintings, characteristics that are particularly evident in Paintings from the Far East. The following is a text of the first edition of this work to examine several characteristics of Binyang's Japanese-style viewing of Chinese painting.
Figure 5 Spring Landscape Map Ma Yuan ˉ Southern Song Dynasty ˉ Collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Figure 6 Winter View ˉ Ma Yuan ˉ Southern Song Dynasty ˉ Collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Figure 7 Landscape Map ˉ Xia Jue ˉ Southern Song Dynasty ˉ Japan National Treasure ˉ Tokyo National Museum Collection
(3) "The Eye of Japan" - Binyang's understanding and misunderstanding of Chinese painting from the interpretation of the work
Examining "Paintings in the Far East", it can be seen that Bin Yang did recognize that the Song Dynasty represented a peak in the development of Chinese landscape painting and flower and bird painting, but the Song Dynasty landscape paintings and flower and bird paintings he explains in the ninth chapter of the book are the works of Southern Song Painters such as Ma Yuan, Ma Lin's father and son, Li Di, and Muxi. Although Bin Yang also devotes a great deal of space to the works of Emperor Huizong of the Northern Song Dynasty and Zhao Lingyong, scholars who now study the history of Chinese art generally believe that their painting style is naturally related to the style of Southern Song painting. [18] In short, Bin Yang's Song Dynasty paintings are not divided into the Southern and Northern Song Dynasties, taking the Southern Song Dynasty painting style as the style of the entire Song Dynasty, and using the Southern Song Paintings collected in Japan as a benchmark to explain the Song Dynasty paintings.
However, the works on the history of Chinese art published by the Chinese, Japanese and Western art circles today will never confuse the southern and Northern Song painting styles, as can be seen in the two large-scale Song Dynasty calligraphy and painting exhibitions held by the National Palace Museum in Taipei in 2000 and 2006, which proved that the two Song dynasties represented two eras and two painting styles. [19] As far as painting is concerned, the Northern Song Dynasty was the era of the establishment of literati calligraphy and painting, and the literati led by Su Dongpo and Mi Fu established an artistic concept centered on calligraphy and painting, and were committed to creating a style of painting that integrated poetry and painting. Court painters such as Li Cheng, Fan Kuan, and Guo Xi were good at using light ink, painting more of the countryside and the vast scenery, with concise brushwork and sparse weather, so most of the landscapes painted by these North China painters were magnificent and spectacular, with strict meteorological panoramas. For example, Fan Kuan's "Journey to the Creek and Mountains" is an example. This painting with light colors as a very exquisite composition, all the mountains and rivers, alpine rocks, can be carefully outlined and present a three-dimensional sense of space, giving people the feeling that the majestic giant peak almost occupies the entire picture, the mountain is dense with trees, the waterfall from the mountainside straight down, the boulders at the foot of the mountain, on the mountain road appeared a caravan team, a bend of the creek on the side of the road flowing, it is the waterfall flowing down the mountain, so that the viewer such as smelling the sound of water, human voices, mules and horses, while pointing out the theme of the creek and mountain travel, It also makes the viewer awe-inspiring at the power of nature.
Flower and bird painting and landscape painting developed simultaneously in this era, especially in the Huizong Dynasty, because the emperor personally highly admired flower and bird painting in the court painting academy, so that the talented Northern Song painters left masterpieces in this field. Cui Bai, a painter of the Court Painting Academy, wrote "Double Happiness Diagram" (Figure 8) as one of the masterpieces of flower and bird painting in this era. The figure shows the autumn wind blowing strongly, the trees shaking, the double magpie flying and noisy, causing the hare to look back, the contrast between the stumps of grass and the vibrant magpie rabbit, which not only vividly reproduces the cold nature, but also delicately shows the vitality contained in the desolation, this kind of painting that captures the instantaneous change of everything in nature as the theme, if it is not based on the brilliant achievements of ink landscape painting in expressing the sense of three-dimensional space, it cannot be created.
Figure 8 Double Happiness Figure Cui Bai ˉ Northern Song Dynasty ˉ Collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei
After entering the Southern Song Dynasty, on the basis of inheriting the tradition of the Northern Song Dynasty, the imperial family developed flower and bird painting to a subtle, delicate and poetic height, and along with the composition of landscape painting from panoramic to corner-style, artists emphasized the visual beauty factors such as the distance and density of the scenery in flower and bird painting. Coupled with the fact that the political center at this time had migrated from the cold and slaughtered north to the beautiful and soft scenery of Lin'an, the interest of southern Song dynasty artists also changed from creating a three-dimensional sense of space to trying to use ink colors to express the smokey Jiangnan scenery. This is as Pointed Out by Bin Yang in "Painting in the Far East": Song Dynasty (Southern Song Dynasty) painting did not present jiangnan through lines, but through the thickness of ink, creating a painting with a strong lyrical style. Similarly, flower and bird painting has also changed from depicting the whole picture of natural things to cutting off a branch and a leaf, taking close-up scenes to express the whole picture in a realistic way. [20] The Southern Song Dynasty scholars were deeply influenced by the Buddhist Zen thought, and their artistic creation activities were further immersed in the Zen mode of thinking that "the mind is the Buddha". "That is, the mind is the Buddha" means that there is no need to ask for the Buddha, your own mind is the Buddha, and under this influence, artists no longer pursue the external "shape", but pursue a spiritual commonality between natural things, including human beings, that is, "god-like", and the result is that artistic expression is more free and ethereal.
Zen-style paintings that hint at the artist's inner world abound in Binyang's writings, with the best examples such as Li Di's Furong Tu (Figure 9) of the Southern Song Dynasty listed in chapter 9. [21] Regarding this work, BinYang explains in the book that compared with European still life paintings, Chinese artists are not satisfied with only painting the beauty and reality of flowers, but present the impermanence and brevity of life through broken leaves, so that the viewer can understand the meaning of life from the painting. This unique interpretation of Chinese painting is also reflected in Bin Yang's commentary on the Early Yuan Dynasty painter Lou Guan's Furong Tu (Fig. 10)[22] published in Guohua, where he believes that this painting is better than Li Di's Furong Tu, because the large blank space in the painting stimulates the viewer's imagination more and thus has more charm, and this Zen mode of thinking to explain Chinese painting is obviously deeply influenced by Okakura Tenshin's art theory (ad.).
Figure 9 Furong Figure Li Di 100 Southern Song Dynasty Collectors and Size and Material Unknown Kwok W No. 95 (August 1897)
Fig. 10 Furong Tulouguan ˉ Late Song and Early Yuan Dynasty Collectors and Sizes and Materials Unknown, Guohua No. 84 (September 1896)
In addition, in addition to flower and bird paintings, Bin Yang's most introduced landscape paintings in "Paintings in the Far East" are like Zhao Lingyong's "Qiutang Tu" (Figure 11) and Muxi's "Evening Bell Diagram of the Tobacco Temple" (Figure 12). The plates of "Qiutang Tu" were published in Guohua (No. 41) very early, and have appeared in the magazine many times since then, and have also been included in volume 19 of "True Beauty and Grand View", which is a work that Impressed Binyang. He chose this painting in An Introduction to the History of Chinese Pictorial Art (1905), which he collaborated with Zhai Lisi, and again in Painting from the Far East, which shows his true love for this painting. Perhaps it is the "Autumn Pond Map", which depicts natural scenery and leisurely pastoral country life, like the works of the French "Barbizon School" in the 19th century, that evokes Binjan's infinite nostalgia for the English rural life he spent as a child. In fact, in chapter 9, he expresses his feelings about viewing the painting, saying that the scene depicted in "Autumn Pond Map" reminds him of the scenery he saw every morning when he went to work at the British Museum, crossing St. James's Park, just like when watching Corot's "Memories of Montefontaine", there is always a warm feeling in his heart. [23] However, examining the contents of the book, it can be concluded that Binyang's favorite landscape painting is Muxi's landscape painting, which can be proved by his poetic writing when he explains Muxi's "Evening Bell Diagram of the Smoke Temple":
Undulating mountains stand in the shimmering light, and the peaks highlight the pale sky. The lower parts are obscured by clouds, during which the forest stands either hidden or in the middle of the uneven hillside, while the roofs of the monasteries are exposed in the higher elevations. The traveler said to himself, "Oh, today is over!" At this moment of silence, their ears heard the long-awaited evening bell from afar. [24]
Figure 11 Autumn Pond Figure Zhao Ling Honˉ Northern Song Dynasty Japanese Shigebun, Yamato Mandarin Collection
Figure 12 Yan Temple Evening Bell Figure ˉ Maki creek ˉ Southern Song Dynasty ˉ Japan National Treasure ˉ Hatayama Memorial Collection
"Smoke Temple Evening Bell Map" is one of the traditional Chinese landscape painting titles "Xiaoxiang Eight Views", most of this painting is outlined with light ink, the left side of the picture is shrouded in smoke in the bushes, the mountain temple looms, the theme of the work is to hint at the smoke temple evening bell, but the bell itself does not appear on the screen, and the other is not painted out of the traveler, they seem to be listening to the melodious bell passing through the clouds, telling the long day that is coming to an end. The beauty of this painting is that it brings out a sound rhyme with a silent brush, and Binyang's English commentary transcends language and cultural barriers, not only conveying the aural and visual beauty of the painting to Western readers, but also guiding them to explore the oriental philosophy behind the painting.
However, the "Evening Clock Diagram of the Smoke Temple", which leaves such a wonderful impression on the viewer, has a completely different evaluation in the history of Chinese and Japanese painting. Painting theorists after the Southern Song Dynasty generally have a very low evaluation of Muxi, like Xia Wenyan's "Picture Painting Treasure Book" of the Yuan Dynasty, when mentioning Muxi's works, the evil evaluation is "made of ink with a pen, the meaning is simple, it does not cost makeup, but it is rude and evil, and it is not elegant to play." [25] When Mentioning Muxi in the Book of Paintings, Tang Gao, another painter of the Yuan Dynasty, also said that "painting ink plays, with only a few strokes, and no ancient methods". [26] Since then, the comment that "there is no ancient law" has become the main theme of the evaluation of Muxi's works, and there are very few records about Muxi in the history of Chinese painting after the Yuan Dynasty, and the main reason is probably that the negative comments such as Xia Wenyan and Tang Yan above played a decisive role.
Compared with the situation of being treated coldly in China, Makiki has enjoyed a high reputation in Japan since ancient times. According to kamakura Yuanjue-ji Temple's Catalogue of Buddhist Relics (1363), four scrolls of Makikei were introduced to Japan during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, and in the Muromachi period, the painting of Makiki became a fashion between nobles and Zen monks at that time. According to the Catalogue of Imperial Paintings (the date of writing is unknown), which records the collection of ashikaga Yoshiman's later shoguns, a total of 279 works by Southern Song Dynasty painters including Ma Yuan, Natsuki, Makiki, and Liang Kai collected by shogun Muromachi shoguns, and 103 paintings of Doshi figures, flowers, birds, and landscapes in Hikariaki, accounting for one-third. In addition, the "Accounts of the Left and Right of the Juntai Temple" (written in unknown date) co-authored by Noh Ami and Xiang Ami also lists Makiki as a superior painter. [27]
According to Taki Seiichi's research, Natsu's "Picture Painting Treasure Book" was transmitted to Japan in the early Muromachi period, which had a great influence on Japanese painting theory. [28] As a result, shoguns and Gozan Zen monks were aware of the book's negative evaluation of Maki, and even so, the Japanese of the Muromachi period still loved Makikei and listed his works as superior or superior. In modern times, the Japanese people's love for Makiki has increased unabated, and in addition to designating the "Smoke Temple Evening Bell Map" as a national treasure, the "Fishing Village Sunset Map", "Pingsha Falling Goose Map" and "Yuanpu Guifan Map" in Makikei's "Eight Views of Xiaoxiang" have been listed as Japan's national treasures or important national cultural relics. [29] Not only that, but famous Japanese painters such as Yokoyama Grand View (1868-1958) and Yokoyama Fu (1920-1973) have also used the "Eight Views of Xiaoxiang" as a model to create the Japanese-style "Eight Views of Xiaoxiang", that is, "Eight Views of Omi". [30]
Binyang is very familiar with the temperature difference between the above Sino-Japanese evaluation of Makiki, but from the explanation of this figure quoted above, it can be seen that he is inclined to the positive evaluation of Japan. [31] After its publication in 1908, Paintings from the Far East was well received by the European and American art circles and literary circles for its beautiful writing and unique artistic insights,[32] and with the many reprints of the book in the English-speaking world, Binyang's interpretation of the Southern Song Dynasty paintings in Japan was the earliest Chinese painting recognized by European and American intellectual readers.
However, if you compare the history of Chinese art written in English by contemporaries such as "Painting in the Far East" and Zhai Lisi's "Preface to the History of Chinese Painting", the unique feature of the former is that Binyang not only pays great attention to the techniques of landscape painting, but also to the ideological level behind landscape painting.
2. Binyang and Okakura: Focus on "Paintings from the Far East", "Oriental Ideals", and "Book of Tea"
Judging by the numerous documents and sources currently available on the study of Okakura, Binjan had not seen Okakura before the publication of Paintings of the Far East, and he knew Okakura's name through The Ideal of the East, published in London in 1903. [33]
"The Ideal of the Orient" is the first English book written by intellectuals in the Chinese character culture circle to introduce Oriental art, and when it was first published, it had little influence in Japan, but it was greatly resonated in the Western world. [34] In a book review in the Times Literary Supplement, Binjan praised Okakura's excellent English writing, endorsed the framework of oriental art history that the latter suggested in the book, with Japanese art history as the main axis, and used this as a blueprint for his own construction of Asian art history in Painting in the Far East. [35] He enjoyed reading not only the book, but also Okakura's 1905 book The Book of Tea. [36] Of these English-language works addressed to Western readers, Okakura uses "Gudu" as a medium to introduce Eastern art, including classical Chinese painting, providing a unique viewing vision for Western intellectual readers to understand Eastern painting. In addition, when Okakura discusses Japanese art, it is often accompanied by a discussion of the spiritual soil that has become Japanese religion, thought and culture, that is, the culture and art of India and ancient China, and his theory of Japanese art can almost be regarded as the theory of Asian culture and art, so these works have become an important entry point for Binyang to understand the Asian humanities and arts.
(1) Southern Song Dynasty painting and Muromachi art as "modern art"
If you carefully compare Paintings from the Far East with Ideals of the Orient, you will find striking similarities between the former and the latter. First of all, "Painting in the Far East" covers a particularly wide range, although this book is called "Painting in the Far East", but Binyang not only discusses Chinese and Japanese paintings in this book, but also includes Indian and Persian paintings to discuss, which shows that his Far East is not the Far East in the sense of today's regional politics; secondly, from the structural point of view, "Paintings in the Far East" is undoubtedly based on "Oriental Ideals" and the history of Japanese art development as the main axis. Although Binyan claims that Asian art is dominated by Chinese art and Japanese art as the guest, the book describes Japanese art and occupies far more space than Chinese art, and it is clear that Binyang is focusing on the history of The development of Japanese art. On these two points, Binyan was clearly inspired by Okakura's propositions in The Oriental Ideal that "Japan is a museum of Asian civilization" and "The Theory of Asian Unity." [37]
Regarding the richness of Japanese chinese cultural relics, Okakura proudly declared in this book: "The monasteries in Nara have a rich presentation of Tang Dynasty culture, as well as Indian art works that have brought great influence to the artistic creation of this classical period and reached a brilliant level at that time", "the treasure houses of various daimyo also contain a wealth of works of art and manuscripts belonging to the Song Dynasty and mongolian Yuan",[38] and the destruction of Han culture by the Mongol invasion in the 13th century and frequent wars made China "in addition to documents and ruins." The glory that can remind people of the emperors of the Tang Dynasty and the elegant marks of the society of the Song Dynasty no longer exist." [39] Against this backdrop, only Japan can be a true repository for the preservation of Asian ideas and culture, Japan is a museum of Asian civilization, and The history of Japanese art is the history of Asian ideals. These ideas of Okakura were inherited and carried forward by scholars such as Naito Konan (1866-1934), Omura Nishiya, and Takisei, and influenced the Western art scene in the early 20th century through the English works of Okakura himself and Taki Seiichi. [40] During Binyan's visit to the United States in 1926, lectures at the Fogg Museum of Art affiliated with Harvard University (November 22) and the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (November 23) were examples of good examples, with the Christian Monitor reporting that Binyan praised Japan for preserving ancient Chinese paintings better than Chinese. [41]
In addition, okakura's conception of oriental art history influenced Binyang is reflected in the third feature of Painting in the Far East, namely that Binyang does not clearly distinguish between the Southern and Northern Song Dynasties, but replaces the entire Song Dynasty with the Southern Song Dynasty, and focuses the narrative on Muromachi art, which inherits the southern Song style, which is also reflected in the individual painters and works he introduces. For example, Bin Yang took the 4th century of Gu Kaizhi's activities as a watershed, briefly pointed out the painting theory of Guo Xi in the Northern Song Dynasty, and then introduced the Luohan paintings of Li Gonglin of the Northern Song Dynasty (published in Guohua No. 34 and 41, now in Tokyo University of the Arts)[42], as well as the landscape paintings of Ma Yuan, Xia Jue, and Muxi in the Southern Song Dynasty; and Dong Yuan and Juran of the Five Dynasties, Li Cheng and Fan Kuan of the Northern Song Dynasty, Su Dongpo and Mi Fu, the Yuan Sijia and the Four Kings of the Early Qing Dynasty Wu Yun, who inherited the painting style of the Four Greats, represented the mainstream Chinese art. All were left out of Binjan. As for Japanese art, Binyang spent the most ink on ukiyo-e, showing the traces of the "Japanese taste" that swept Europe in the second half of the 19th century, and also pointing out that Binyang's conception of oriental art history, in addition to Okakura art theory, cannot ignore the influence of Chinese literati painting theory expounded by Ennest Fenolongsha, an American teacher from Okakura University, in "Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art" (1912). [43]
A foreign teacher hired by the Japanese government during the Meiji period, Yoshishi taught political science and economics at Tokyo Imperial University, where Okakura was deeply influenced by it, and the two later devoted themselves to the discovery and preservation of traditional Japanese art. The Compendium of the History of Oriental Art was published in England in 1912 by Fei's wife, with the assistance of Binjan and others. The book is divided into two volumes, the first volume has a total of nine chapters, starting with the original Chinese art and continuing until the Tang Dynasty and the Kamakura period in Japan; the second volume has a total of eight chapters, the first four chapters are titled "Idealistic Art", about the Ink Painting of the Southern and Northern Song Dynasties and the Muromachi Period and the paintings of the early "Huntingo School", the last four chapters are titled "Modern Art", the first three chapters are Edo Period Art, and the last chapter is Qing Dynasty Art.
From a structural point of view, Fei Shi also used the history of Japanese art development as the basis to construct the history of oriental art, but this book is different from "Painting in the Far East", Fei Shi introduced Li Cheng, Fan Kuan and other Northern Song court landscape painters, although he, like Bin Yang, devoted more space to introducing Ma Yuan, Xia Jue and Muxi in the Southern Song Dynasty.
Fei's literati paintings are mostly concentrated in the next volume, and he highly praises the solid lines, precise and clear shapes of these painters with the connoisseurship of Westerners, and praises their works for having the modernity of Western Impressionism. Fei shi not only praised the Maxia school, but also highly praised the Muromachi ink paintings that inherited the Maxia style. Not only that, but Fei even compared Ashikaga Yoshimitsu and Ashikaga Yoshimasa to Cosimo Medici, the artistic patrons of the Italian Renaissance, and his grandson Lorenzo Medici, praising their achievements as comparable to the Medici family's great achievements in creating the Golden Age of Italian painting. Because Yoshiman and Yoshimasa were very yearning for Chinese culture, they sent envoys to the Ming Dynasty to buy Chinese paintings and calligraphy many times, and their admiration made the Landscape Painting of the Southern Song Dynasty enjoy a lofty status in the Muromachi period, which brought great influence to the paintings of Japanese artists in this era. In chapter 8, Fei details the famous Zen monk painters Yukikawa and Yukimura of the Muromachi period, and then concludes that "Muromachi art is the revival of Chinese art in Japan." [44]
Fei Shi devoted four chapters to the Southern and Northern Song Dynasties and Muromachi art, and gave a high evaluation, but completely ignored the Yuan and Ming Dynasties when literati painting flourished, and only a few words were said about the paintings of the Yuan Sijia that were active in the Jiangnan region outside the court of the Yuan Dynasty. The reason for this is that he explains in chapter 11: "The importance of studying Yuanming painting is only that Yuanming played a bridge between two highly creative arts, namely Chinese Song Art and Japanese Ashikaga Art, and ming art that attempted to revive Song Dynasty art was not only on the verge of death, but had even disappeared from the memory of Chinese, so it was not worth a chapter to elaborate, and it was enough in the form of an appendix." [45] Based on this idea, Fei skipped two yuan and Ming dynasties, which are indispensable to the history of Chinese literati painting today, and directly connected the art of the Southern Song Dynasty with the art of Muromachi in Japan, and finally ended with Qing Dynasty painting to build his history of oriental art.
This unique view of art history is closely related to Fei's theory of literati painting, and Fei's contempt for literati painting is fully revealed in chapter 15 of this book. In this chapter, he traces the origin of the birth of literati painting back to Wang Anshi's transformation method, regards literati calligraphers and painters such as Su Shi and Mi Fu, who opposed Wang's change of law, as conservative Confucian scholars, and then regards their innovative literati paintings as the product of a corrupt political system and a conservative Confucian scholar, especially Dong Qichang of the Ming Dynasty, who advocated the theory of literati painting, as the target, and uses such radical words as "wildfire in the wilderness" and "cancer cells" to attack the literati painting theory advocated by Dong [46], and regards the Yuan Sijia, which is regarded as a model of literati painting by Dong and later generations, as the object of criticism. He pointed out that the Yuan Sijia was "a reclusive literati who did not stick to the form and liked to depict clouds and mist", and liked "free and unrestrained dry ink". [47] This aspect shows that Fei shi really grasped the character characteristics and painting style of the Yuan Sijia, and also reflected the context of his viewing of Chinese painting with the "western eye", that is, starting from the realistic aesthetic view of Western art, highly praising the solid lines and clear compositional shapes of the Ma Xia school, while for the literati paintings that do not seek shape, he believes that it is not a painting, but a "thought symbol" that expresses the painter's inner world. Therefore, Fei believes that the works of literati painters of the early Qing Dynasty, who inherited the painting style of the Four Yuan Dynasties and represented by the "Four Kings", only blindly imitated the ancient masters, lacked modern atmosphere and creativity, and were not worth seriously studying. [48]
In addition to the fact that he did not understand the Chinese and Japanese Chinese and had never been to China, the main reason for the formation of Fei's literati painting concept was that as a foreign teacher employed by the Meiji government, Fei shi was one of the very few foreigners who belonged to the East Asian society, and had the opportunity to see the "Gudu" masterpieces in The "Higashiyama Imperial Relics" and "Kitayama Imperial Relics" collected by General Ashikaga, but did not have the opportunity to set foot in China and admire The first-class Chinese literati paintings. [49] In addition, the author believes that this is very consistent with the following phenomenon pointed out by Gao Juhan in his paper, that is, the Japanese did not realize the status of the Yuan Sijia in the history of Chinese art until modern times, that is, the Japanese collection of "Gudu" omitted orthodox literati paintings such as the Yuan Sijia and the "Four Kings" of the early Qing Dynasty, which was the most important reason for Fei's misunderstanding of the literati paintings of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. [50] Therefore, it can be said that fei's view of literati painting, both theoretically and visually, is based on his ignorance of the source of Chinese literati painting. Fei's literati painting theory not only had a negative impact on the collection of oriental art at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, where he worked, but also left a deep imprint on the collection, exhibition, and research of the artistic activities of curators of western museums like Binyang in the early 20th century through the English writings of his disciple, who was also his successor Okakura Tenshin.
According to Redhour' research, in the early 20th century, Como, director of the Oriental Art Department of the Prussian State Museum, consulted Fei's opinion when he purchased Chinese paintings for the museum. In addition, due to the foresight of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, such as Fenolongsha, Okakura, and William Sturgis Bigelow (1850-1926), who began to serve as a director of the museum in 1890, the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston preemptively bought a lot of precious Japanese art before several major museums and art galleries in Europe and the United States recognized the value of oriental art, making the museum now the best and most complete collection of Japanese art in the world, in addition to Japan. But it is also because of their influence that the museum's collection of Chinese Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasty literati paintings and Japanese southern paintings has always been very weak. This phenomenon did not improve until recent years, when the museum received a donation from the "Weng Family Collection".
Donor Weng Wange (1918-2020) was the fifth grandson of Weng Tonggong (1830-1904), a "two-generation imperial master" of the late Qing Dynasty, and became a long-term patron of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston after moving to the United States in 1938. On the occasion of his 100th birthday in July 2018, Weng donated a 16-meter-long volume of "Ten Thousand Miles of the Yangtze River" to the museum Wang Yi. At the end of 2018, another 183 treasures from the family collection were donated, including 130 paintings, 31 calligraphy, 18 rubbings and 4 embroideries, and the head of the museum said that "this donation greatly filled the late calligraphy and painting field of the collection". What is more meaningful is that the "Weng Family Collection" is a collection series established by the appreciation of the literati in the southern part of the Qing Dynasty in China, with Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Dong Qichang, Chen Hongshou, Liujia in the early Qing Dynasty, Jin Nong and other literati calligraphy and paintings as the main body, as well as Jinshi Tuoben, which just makes up for the short items of the museum's Collection of Ming and Qing Literati Paintings. [51]
(ii) The Influence of Okakura Oriental Art and Culture Theory
In addition, Bin Yang's Paintings in the Far East skips the three important eras of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties in the history of Chinese literati painting, and focuses on the painting of the Southern Song Dynasty, in addition to emphasizing that the Song Dynasty (Southern Song Dynasty) has a very modern spirit in the book, and that Song Dynasty painting has the same modern elements as Italian painting during the European Renaissance. For example, in the eleventh chapter, Binyang points out that the samurai and Zen monks of the Muromachi period were very intoxicated with Chinese culture and actively collected and absorbed Paintings in the Southern Song Style, and he likened this phenomenon to "the revival of Chinese art in Japanese art", and the influence of Muromachi art on Southern Song Painting coincided with the European Renaissance in time. [52] This argument is clearly inspired by the above-mentioned Fei's conception of East Asian art history, but Binyan's discourse focuses more on the philosophical aspect of Zen Buddhism, which had a great influence on the spiritual world and creative activities of Japanese artists during the Muromachi period, as evidenced by the following quotations:
The third shogun, Ashikaga Yoshiman, a contemporary of Ming Taizu, established a close relationship between Japan and the Ming Empire on the mainland during the reign of Yoshiman. However, the artistic style of the Ashikaga era was not inspired by the Ming Dynasty paintings of the same era, but from the Song Dynasty paintings as classical art... The Zen doctrine that had a profound impact on the actual lives of the Kamakura samurai matured philosophically in the contemplative and secluded lives of Zen monks, and now blooms with aesthetic inspiration, and almost all the artists of the Ashikaga era are monks. [53]
Here, Binyang pointed out that the painters of the Muromachi (Ashikaga) era did not paint from the Ming Dynasty, but took the Southern Song Paintings that were deeply influenced by Zen Buddhism as a source of inspiration and a model for learning, and believed that the Southern Song Dynasty painting with a modern style was integrated into the Japanese art tradition of the Muromachi period after zen Buddhism crossed to Japan, under the protection and advocacy of the upper samurai and monks in Japan, making Muromachi art a revival of Southern Song Dynasty painting in Japan. Historical facts also prove the objectivity of Binyang's argument, because Ashikaga generals were extremely eager for Chinese culture, so that the literature, art crafts, tea drinking customs of this period were all influenced by the Zen culture of the Song Dynasty, and in painting, It was the popularity of Ma Xia. From the early 20th century to the modern era, Chinese, Japanese, and European and American art historians have pointed out the inheritance relationship between Muromachi art and Southern Song culture, but Binyang particularly emphasized that behind "the modernity of Southern Song painting" and "the revival of Chinese art in Japanese art", in addition to the British Romantic literary and artistic influence he received during his oxford university years,[54] more importantly, the influence of the oriental art culture theory expounded in Okakura's above-mentioned English works.
In the eleventh chapter of The Ideals of the Orient, Okakura uses hegel's aesthetic concept learned from Fenolongsha, the "art syllogism," as a theoretical framework to try to divide the history of eastern art. The so-called "art syllogism" means that Hegel believes that art can be divided into three fields, the first field is symbolic art like architecture, form is greater than content; the second field is ancient typical art like sculpture, content and form are completely unified; the third field is romantic art like painting, music, and poetry, form is less than content. Okakura takes the "art syllogism" as a reference, and also combines Zen thought, dividing oriental art into three stages: "symbolism", "classicism" and "romanticism", on the basis of which he regards the Song and Muromachi eras as "the spirit conquering matter" and "the real tone of modern art, that is, the era of romanticism in the literary sense". [55] Regarding the art form of the Romantic era, Okakura went on to write:
But the kind of individualism that is hidden at the bottom of modern life and thinking is like a flame, just looking for an opportunity to break the shell of the classics and fly out, burning in one fell swoop and transforming into spiritual freedom. The spirit must conquer the material, and although the different qualities of the East and the West produce different manifestations, the modern conception of the whole world is inevitably moving towards romanticism... Since the ashikaga masters of the Ashikaga period, Although japanese art has fallen slightly during the Toyotomi (Hideyoshi) and Tokugawa (Ieyasu) eras, it has still steadily grasped the ideal of Oriental romanticism, that is, to regard the expressive spirit as the highest effort of art... Spirituality is seen as the essence of things or life, the characteristic description of the spirituality of all things, the burning fire within. [56]
Okakura believes that Muromachi art influenced by Zen buddhism embodies this "free spirit" and "modern concept", and is an art with a "true modern tone", and he also points out that the artistic ideals of the "Ashikaga era masters" are not the Ming Dynasty of the same era, but the Southern Song Dynasty paintings as classical art.
The Song Dynasty was an era of great art and art criticism. The painters of this era, especially the 12th-century Emperor Huizong, who was also a great artist and patron, and the painters after the Huizong dynasty, as we see Ma Yuan, Xia Jue, MuXi, and Liang Kai showing their vast minds in small works, have shown some appreciation for this spiritual world. However, in order to absorb Zen ideas forcefully and purely, the era needed the artists of the Ashikaga era, as they were a group of artists liberated from Confucian formalism and representing the Indian tendencies of the Japanese spirit. [57]
The "Artists of the Ashikaga Era" mentioned in the above quotation refers to the Yukikazu who first studied at Shōgunji Temple in Kyoto, and then honed his painting skills in the Ming Dynasty, as well as his contemporaries, the Zen monk painter Yukimura, who wrote a brilliant stroke for the development of Muromachi ink painting. Okakura said of them: "After being straightforward and self-denying, which are typical of the Zen spirit of the snow boat, when we face his paintings, we realize a kind of stability and calmness that we cannot comprehend from other painters"[58]; "On the other hand, Yukimura exudes another important essential feature that constitutes the Zen ideal, that is, freedom, freedom and playfulness." [59] This shows that Muromachi ink paintings with a free-spirited style, represented by snow boats and snow villages, are Japanese art with the modern spirit of the West in Okakura's eyes. Although he did not explicitly use the word "revival", since the masters of the Ashikaga period, Japanese art has steadily grasped the ideal of Oriental Romanticism, that is, the idea of expressing the spirit as the highest effort of art, it can be seen that Okakura's theory and Binyang's emphasis on "the revival of Chinese art in Japanese art" are in the same blood. [60]
In addition, Okakura believed that Southern Song Dynasty paintings and Muromachi ink paintings, which were steeped in Taoist and Zen ideas, were the best art to express the spiritual world of the artist, and in Japan, art and daily life were combined through the form of the tea ceremony, which had already sprouted in the "Ideals of the East", and the "Book of Tea" published in 1905 was elaborated and played in more detail. In the book, Okakura believes that the literati interest of the Song Dynasty was interrupted by the Mongols entering the Central Plains, but was continued and revived in Muromachi Japan, and through the encouragement and support of Ashikaga shoguns and Zen monks, the literati's taste was more refined through the tea ceremony, and the fire was pure to the height of art, and Okakura described the Japaneseized literati taste in a very poetic tone.
However, behind Okakura's theory of oriental art and culture, in addition to the above-mentioned Hegel's aesthetic ideas, we cannot ignore the influence of the "Arts and Crafts Movement" advocated by the British art critic John Ruskin and the poet and arts and crafts designer William Morris on Okakura. Because Okakura lived in the Meiji era with Westernization as the national policy, after the Industrial Revolution experienced in Britain, which was regarded by the Meiji government as a model for modernization, many British artists could not solve the drawbacks brought about by the Industrial Revolution, and in the face of the cruel social reality, they felt powerless, so they envisioned returning to the Middle Ages, hoping to escape from reality through art and design, and retreating to their ideal peach blossom source, that is, the romantic Middle Ages, so this "Arts and Crafts Movement" It must be the result of the great reflection of British intellectuals on industrialization at that time, especially their opposition to mechanization, opposition to manneristic decorative arts, emphasis on handicraft production, and advocacy of naturalism and oriental style artistic ideas resonated with Okakura. In "Oriental Ideals" and "The Book of Tea", he clearly pointed out that in the face of Europe's developed science and technology, Asia does not have to be ashamed of its simple life, and the spirit of Asia lies in the harmonious thought with vitality and humanity, which is hidden in Asia's long history, culture and art. [61] Because of this, it is not difficult to imagine that Okakura's writings were able to impress the hearts of the poet Binjan, who was born in the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution and was a loyal believer in Arnold and Raskin. Through Okakura's writings, Binyang not only gained inspiration on how to construct the history of Eastern art, but also understood the philosophies behind Eastern art and the literati interests presented in the paintings, which Fenolongsha, who had a Western cultural background and was not familiar with the chinese and Japanese Chinese culture, could do.
(iii) The beauty of "after-whiteness" as the "art of living"
In the ninth chapter of "Painting in the Far East", Binyang quotes how Chinese emperors and literati cherished and protected flowers introduced by Okakura's "Book of Tea", and also quoted the section "Song of Narcissus" sung by the heroine in Shakespeare's play "The Story of Winter", pointing out that there is no difference between the East and the West, and the difference is that Chinese artists, under the influence of Taoism and Zen Buddhism, regard all natural things as human beings, so that flowers are no longer objects of sensory pleasure in their pens, but the object of understanding the integrity of individual life in nature. He also emphasized that the understanding of the integrity of individual life is not through the great, but through the insignificant, through the pointing to the imagination, rather than the pursuit of completeness. [62] Binyang also cites eastern and western floral paintings as an example, pointing out that compared with Western still life paintings, the oriental artists depict "almost all the flowers blooming on the trees that are gray and dark in the cold, and the buds that are always full of buds" are always full of life." [63] Binjan argues that compared to the flowers in Western paintings, the flowers in Eastern paintings always give people the feeling of symbolizing the rebirth of life. This is reminiscent of Okakura's aesthetic concept of "suggestiveness" in The Ideals of the Orient, in which he emphasizes:
Not explicitly displayed, but vaguely implied that this is the secret of infinity. The so-called integrity, like all mature things, means that growth is limited, so it does not impress... A great masterpiece on silk with nothing painted (referring to a remnant of white) is often more meaningful than the painted part. [64]
In the Book of Tea, Okakura also advocates incomplete beauty, saying that "the dynamic nature of Taoist and Zen philosophy is not so much an emphasis on integrity itself as an emphasis on the pursuit of perfection." True beauty can only be discovered and realized through those who transform 'incomplete' into 'complete' in their own hearts." [65] From the above quotations, it can be seen that Okakura's theory of oriental art also includes suggestive expression and appreciation, the essential of the creator's message is moderation and subtlety, and the viewer must use his imagination to interact with the creator to complete a painting through his own breathless contemplation.
This Zen-style appreciation of art is also reflected in Binyang's interpretation of Chinese painting. For example, when talking about Li Di's "Furong Diagram" in "Paintings in the Far East", BinYang, in addition to praising the perfect layout and brilliant colors, also praised "Chinese artists for leading us to meditate through flowers, from which some beautiful things with no practical function in life are implanted into our souls." [66] For Lou Guan's Hibiscus Tu, he described the painting this way: "A flower hangs from above the picture (left), and the hazy impression of this flower reflects in the waves of water below (right), suggesting that there are still many (petals) out of our sight." [67]
Compared with these commentaries, it can be seen that Binyang appreciates the latter more, because Louguan's paintings emphasize the subtle beauty, through the image to suggest that there are other flowers in the invisible distance, associated with human beings are easily confused by the illusion in front of the eyes, Binyang advocates that the painting of Louguan gives the viewer a greater imagination space, reminding the viewer that he must think more in order to understand the whole picture of life, which fully reveals that Binyang's aesthetics of Song Dynasty painting and the interpretation of specific works are deeply influenced by Okakura. However, Okakura's English writings suggest to European and American readers that the small paintings such as Ma Yuan and Xia Jue in Japan are known as corner scenes, which naturally affects binyang's vision and scope of viewing Chinese paintings. [68] If Okakura's English writings provide Binyang with a platform for understanding Eastern art from the perspective of Taoism and Zen thought, Taki's writing in Guohua provides a Confucian perspective on Chinese painting.
3. BinYang and Taki Seiichi: Focus on the English translation of Guo Xi's "Lin Quan Gao Zhi"
According to articles published in the National Wall and records left by Taki himself, Binyan's association with him began in 1909, and Takishi went to England twice to investigate the "Female History Proverbs" volume and the Western artifacts collected by Stein, both with Binyan's assistance. [69] Binyang first mentioned Takishi in the 1911 edition of The Flying of the Dragon,[70] but in fact in the first edition of Paintings in the Far East, Taki's views on the "Landscape Training" in Guo Xi's Lin Quan Gao Zhi of the Northern Song Dynasty were already quoted. Among European and American sinologists, the earliest translator and introduction of "Shanshui Xun" was the British sinologist and translator Zhai Lisi, in order to enable readers of different contexts to more clearly understand Guo Xi's painting theory, Bin Yang not only referred to Zhai Lisi's translation when interpreting this book, but also referred to Taki's translation, which reflects the different perspectives he and Zhai Lisi have thrown into this book, which is worth further exploring here.
(1) From the quotation, we can see the different understandings of Binyang and Zhai Lisi of "Lin Quan Gao Zhi"
"Lin Quan Gao Zhi" is guo xi oral, his son Guo Si in the northern Song Dynasty zhenghe seven years (1117) edited and supplemented, composed of "landscape training", "painting meaning", "painting skills", "painting title", "painting grid collection" and "painting record", detailed exposition of the aesthetic concepts and techniques of landscape painting, and "landscape training" is the role of outline. Zhai Lisi's Preface to the History of Chinese Painting, written in collaboration with Bin Yang, introduced and translated for the first time the "Three Distant Methods" in the "Shanshui Training", and Zhai's two translations are as follows:
The hills have three distances.
From the foot looking up to the summit is called height-distance.
From the front looking through to the back is called depth-distance.
Looking at the distant mountains from the near mountains is called the peaceful distance. From near hills looking away to far-off hills is called level-distance.
高远之色清明，The colour for height-distance should be bright and clear;
深远之色重晦，that for depth-distance heavy and dark; and that for
The color of Pingyuan is bright and obscure. level-distance may be either bright or dark. [71]
Hills without clouds look bare;
Without water they are wanting in fascination;
Without paths they are wanting in life;
No trees are born, without trees they are dead;
Without depth-distance they are shallow;
无平远则近，without level-distance they are near;
无高远则下。 and without height-distance they are low. [72]
These two English translations are part of Guo Xi's exposition of the definition of the "Three Distant Methods", which can be said to be the core of Guo's painting technique theory, and its significance lies in breaking the limitations of time and space, depicting the scenes in the painting with different viewpoints such as looking up, looking down, and looking up, and breaking the limitation of general painting to observe the scenery from a point of view, that is, focus perspective, and its establishment symbolizes that the theory of Chinese landscape painting has reached a mature point of view. Zhai's choice of these passages to translate and explain proves that his interest lies in technique. Bin Yang also mentions "Lin Quan Gao Zhi" in "Painting in the Far East", apparently understanding Guo's painting theory through Zhai Shi, but compared with Zhai Shi, Bin Yang is more interested in not only technique, but also the influence of Guo Xi's introduction of Confucianism on the artist's creation and outlook on life in this book.
In the ninth chapter on song dynasty painting, when BinYang talked about the "three-far method", he agreed with Guo Xi's emphasis on the effect of the three distances, and believed that this effect was indispensable to creating a sense of unity in painting, which showed that Binyang had grasped the essence of the "three-far method"; in addition, he also quoted Guo Xi's proposition: If you insist that painters need to accumulate various experiences, and experience must be based on lasting observation of life, but the most important thing is that the painter must grasp the essence of the object and abandon triviality. The emphasis on the colorful nature and spatial distance of the depiction, and the conclusion that the Landscape Painting of the Song Dynasty was based on tone rather than line, shows That Bin Yang was interested in landscape painting techniques. [73] However, he also showed great interest in the Confucian ideas behind Chinese painting, as evidenced by:
Guo Xi, one of China's greatest landscape painters, published a paper in which we can find his passion for nature, but at the same time limited by Confucianism. He (Guo Xi) said that although we may succumb to our nature and long to escape from the city and yearn for the soul-pleasing places of the mountains, forests, mountains and streams, we cannot sever our ties with society. The beauty of the art of painting is that even if we work hard, painting can liberate our hearts and lead us into the awesome nature. [74]
This text contains two levels, one is that Binyang means that Chinese artists have had an infinite vision and yearning for nature since ancient times; the other is that if they follow the Confucian concept of helping the people through the world and cannot get rid of official duties, enjoy the mountains and forests, and enjoy the pleasures of forest springs, they have to do "painting in the middle" through landscape painting to wash away the world and restore themselves, which shows that Binyang emphasizes more on the philosophical aspects other than techniques. In the above article, although Bin Yang did not clearly point out where the original text of Guo Xi he quoted came from, the author's inference should come from the beginning of the "Shanshui Xun" of "Lin Quan Gao zhi", the original text is as follows:
The reason why a gentleman loves his husband and landscape is his purpose? Qiuyuan literacy, always in place; Izumi shi xiao proud, so often happy also; fishing trees are hidden, so often suitable; ape crane flying, so often look at also. Dust reins, this human affection is often disgusted; Yanxia Immortal Saint, this human affection often wishes but can not see also. Straight to the day of the Taiping, the heart of the king and the relatives are two long, Gou Jie is a provenance, the righteousness of the si system, the renren people are high and far away, for the sake of the world's unworldly journey, and will be with Ji Ying and Huang Qi! The poem of the white colt and the chant of the purple zhi are all unavoidable and long-term. However, the ambition of Lin Quan and the couple of Smoke Xia are dreaming and their ears and eyes are cut off. Now I have a good hand, and I am depressed, and I do not go to the feast and sit in the poor spring. The sound of apes and birds chirping, according to the covenant in the ear, the color of the mountains and waters, the dazzling, this is not pleasing to the people, it really won my heart, the reason why in this life is the original intention of guifu painting landscapes. [75]
This passage can be said to be the essence of Guo Xi's landscape painting theory, he revealed that the literati doctor loves landscape painting because they are confined to Confucian thought, unable to escape from the real society and enjoy the pleasure of forest springs, so they appreciate landscape painting, do imaginary painting in the middle of the painting, revel in the majestic, quiet and beautiful nature of the painter's pen, wash away the dust and noise brought by the world, and restore themselves. Examining Bin Yang's explanatory methods in the above article, he first mentions the influence of Confucianism and Taoism on Chinese art, focusing on the intimate coexistence between man and nature and the sustenance of the soul, and the relationship between painting and the artist's spiritual world, that is, emphasizing the philosophical aspects of landscape painting; then appreciating the artistic effect of the "Three Distant Methods"; and then returning to emphasizing the intimacy between man and nature, this discourse technique from spirit to method and then back to spirit reflects that Bin Yang's most concern for Guo Xi's painting theory lies in the philosophical connotation rather than pure technique. However, what is interesting is that binyang and Zhai Lisi's "Preface to the History of Chinese Painting" does not have an English translation of this paragraph, and the first to translate this passage into English is Taki Seiichi.
(2) Takisei's English translation and interpretation of the "Shanshui Training"
After Taki Seiichi founded the English edition of Guohua in July 1905, in addition to publishing the plates of "Gudu" and "Xindu", he also published numerous papers on Sino-Japanese landscape painting, flower and bird painting, Buddhist painting, calligraphy, classical Chinese painting, and the southern and Northern Song court painting academy system. [76] Among them, "On Chinese Landscape Painting (I) (II) (III)," which began to be serialized in April 1906, is a good article that has attracted much attention. The author believes that these papers played a key role in Binyang's understanding of Chinese landscape painting. Although Binyang did not mention Taki's name when discussing Guo Xi's landscape painting in Painting in the Far East, it is very likely that he also referred to the translation of Takishi included in "On Chinese Landscape Painting (II)". To examine the correlation between the two, I would like to summarize how Taki understood, translated, and interpreted the "Shanshui Discipline" in these papers.
In the first part, Taki first outlined the origins and characteristics of Chinese landscape painting with a long history of 4,000 years, pointing out that its occurrence and development were deeply influenced by the complex terrain, climate, natural landscape of northern and southern China, as well as the natural love, reclusive thought, and artistic self-training of literati artists. [77] In the second part, Taki turns to the close relationship between painting and poetry in Chinese art. He pointed out that Chinese landscape painting in the Wei and Jin dynasties, due to the indissoluble relationship with landscape poetry, there was a qualitative change, and by the Tang Dynasty, landscape paintings like Wang Wei, who were known as "paintings in poetry and poetry in paintings", were born. The Song Dynasty implemented the imperial examination system, and landscape painting developed by leaps and bounds with the support of the literati and doctors with profound poetry, calligraphy and painting achievements selected through the imperial examination, which made the art of landscape painting in the Song Dynasty not only technically, but also in theory increasingly mature, marking a peak in the development of Chinese landscape painting. Taki believes that "Lin Quan Gao Zhi" is the crystallization of the landscape painting theory of this era, but from the length of six chapters, Taki chose and translated the opening part of the "Landscape Training" in English, and the reason for this, he explained that "Guo Xi's ideas on the subject of landscape painting are very original, more profound and interesting than Zhang Yanyuan and Wang Wei's painting theory", and praised "Guo Xi's views are the most sound in the painting theories of Chinese art critics in the past". [78] In order to reproduce the originality and soundness of Guo Xi's painting theory, Taki Jingyi translated this passage into English (the line drawing part is added by the author):
From what motives springs the love of high-minded men for landscape? In his very nature man loves to be in a garden with hills and streams whose water makes cheerful music as it glides among the stones. What a delight does one derive from such sights as that of a fisherman engaging in his leisurely occupation in a sequestered nook, or of a woodman felling a tree in a secluded spot, or of mountain scenery with sporting monkeys and cranes? Nothing is so distasteful as the bustle and turmoil of a city, and one naturally envies the lot of sages and hermits who always abide amidst the beauties of nature. But in this day of peace, when the Emperor and people are in perfect accord, each striving to promote the weal of the empire, it would be contrary to justice, if a man should egotistically leave society and retire to a mountain. This is no time for us to abandon the busy worldly life for one of seclusion in the mountains, as was honourably done by Hsia Huang（夏黄）, Kung Chi（公绮）, and Chi Ying（箕颖）in their days. The ancient poems on Pai Chu（白驹）and on Tzu Chih（紫芝） were undoubtedly productions of high-principled persons who, unable to forsake the earthly life, consoled themselves by leaving to posterity verses expressing their ideals. Though impatient to enjoy a life amidst the luxuries of nature, most people are debarred from indulging in such pleasures. To meet this want artists have endeavoured to represent landscapes so that people may be able to behold the grandeur of nature without stepping out of their houses. In this light, painting affords pleasures of a nobler. [79]
Comparing this translation with the original text of Guo Xi above, it can be seen that Takishi's translation is basically faithfully translated except for the translation that is relatively blunt and a local translation error, that is, the word "pro" in the fourth sentence "Straight to the Taiping Prosperous Day, the Heart of the King's Relatives and the Two Longs" is omitted, and the word "people" (see the line) that is not included in the original text is basically faithfully translated. He then further analyzed the Confucian thought contained in Guo Xi's painting theory, pointing out that although Guo's argument embodied "the common ideological tendency of Chinese literati", "Guo advocated that the art of landscape painting did not simply imitate the nature in reality, but reproduced the ideal nature refined by the artist". [80] Taki believes that this is the brilliance of Guo Xi's painting theory that surpasses the painting theory of previous dynasties, and it is his originality. In addition, Taki also advocated guo xi in his thesis in order to put this concept into artistic practice, so as to advocate the "three far methods", and advocated that artists should strengthen personality cultivation, including accumulating rich life experience, knowledge, and creative materials. To this end, Taki also briefly translated these methodologies advocated by Guo into English and summarized them as follows:
(1) Cultivate a full and catholic spirit.
(2) Observe widely and comprehensively.
(3) Have a varied and extensive experience.
(4) Take in the essentials of a scene and discard the trivialities. [81]
Finally, Taki cited the landscape paintings of Ma Yuan and Xia Jue as an example, concluding that Guo Xi advocated objective observation of nature in the "Landscape Training", and also advocated the importance of artists' subjectivity, and it was precisely because of the subjective spirit that the Southern Song Dynasty artists painted the ideal landscape of "swim and live". [82] From the above discussion, it can be seen that when Taki introduced the "Shanshui Training", he first started with the theory of spirit, then the theory of technique, and then sublimated to the personality cultivation and the theory of works of the painter, and the significance of his English translation is that: with clear ideas and concise words, for the first time, the philosophy of why Chinese literati love calligraphy and painting is "sending affection to Tuoxing" to Western readers.
(3) Bin Yang's understanding of Guo Xi's theory of landscape painting: through Taki Seiichi's translation
In understanding Guo Xi's aesthetic concepts and technical theories, Taki's interpretations and translations undoubtedly gave BinYang great inspiration, which can be found everywhere in works such as "Painting in the Far East", "The Flight of the Dragon", and "Humanistic Spirit in Asian Art". For example, in "Painting in the Far East", although Binyang's discussion of Guo Xi is not very long, he first starts from the aesthetic concept and then goes to the theory of technique, and then turns to the personality theory of the painter to introduce Guo Xi's painting theory, and mentions that "the painter must have a variety of experiences, and experience must be based on observation, the painter must abandon trivialities and grasp the essence of the object[83], etc., all of which show that he is applying Takishi's narrative technique; in "The Flight of the Dragon", Binyang also quotes Takishi's commentary on Guo Xi's technique published in September 1906. [84] All of this illustrates how Binyan was influenced by Taki's interpretation in his understanding and introduction to European and American readers in the early 20th century. This influence continued into Binyan's lectures and writings at the London Art Exhibition between 1935 and 1936, and Humanistic Spirit in Asian Art was a collection of lectures published to coincide with the international exhibition of Chinese art. [85]
Before the publication of this book, European and American scholars such as Fenolongsha, Willy, and Xi Longren all translated a part of the Lin Quan Gao Zhi Collection. [86] When Binyang wrote his lecture on "Chinese Landscape Painting Concepts: Taoism and Zen Buddhism" (included in the third chapter of the book), he apparently referred to their translations, and even so, Binyang continued to follow the interpretation of Taki Jingyi in his early years. For example, as to why landscape painting appeared in China as early as the 4th century, and when the Song Dynasty developed to its peak, Bin Yang took the "Shanshui Training" as an example and explained as follows:
Guo Xi once wrote a treatise on landscapes. What theories did he advocate in the text? First of all, he explained that loving landscapes is the inner nature of human beings, in order to escape the dust and noise of the world, to desire to be with Lin Quan and Smoke, and to restore the true self. The best landscapes must be swimmable and habitable... In order to paint such a landscape, the brush of (the painter) must convey the breath of life in order to depict these scenes, for which it is necessary to have a concentrated concentration, must grasp the essence of things, and skill alone cannot achieve this goal, and Guo Xi emphasizes the spiritual training, that is, the cultivation of the imagination of knowledge. [87]
Comparing this part with Guo Xi's theory in "Paintings in the Far East" mentioned above, we will find that Binyang's understanding of the "Lin Quan Gao Zhi Collection" is almost at the level of 30 years ago, which also proves from another angle how deeply the Japanese art publications and art historians' writing activities in the early 20th century have left a deep imprint on the study of Chinese painting by European and American sinologists! As for the causal relationship between Takishi's literary activities in introducing Chinese painting in the Japanese-English edition of Guohua from the early 20th century to the 1930s, and the formation of Binyang's view of Chinese art, the following facts can be corroborated:
(1) Speeches delivered by Binjan during the London Art Fair.
(2) Taki seiichi published a book review of Binyan's Humanistic Spirit in Asian Art in Guohua.
(3) During the London Art Exhibition, Chinese art historians translated the Chinese art treatises of Seiichi Taki and Binyang and published them in the "London Art Exhibition Special Edition" opened by the Ta Kung Pao Art Weekly column.
First of all, to review Binyang's speech, in order to cooperate with the opening of the London Art Exhibition, the Art Exhibition Organizing Committee published a collection of essays called "Chinese Art", the authors of which were experts in European and American studies of Chinese painting, ceramics, silk, and Buddhist sculpture at that time, Binyang published the article "Chinese Painting", and in the reference book listed at the end of the paper, there is Taki Seiichi's "Three Essays on Oriental Painting". [88] Taki also published a book review of "The Humanistic Spirit in Asian Art" in the "Guohua" he edited, and highly praised Binyan's "exposition method is based on specific narratives based on examples, and the unique discourse of its own family undoubtedly gives us, the Orientals, a new enlightenment." [89] In addition to these two points, the relationship between the two is better evidenced by articles published in the "London Art Show Special" on January 18, February 1, and 22, 1936 in the Ta Kung Pao Art Weekly column. Bin Yang's "Paintings in the Far East" and Taki Seiichi's "Guo Xi and Song Dynasty Landscape Painting Theory" were translated into Chinese and published in the special edition. [100] It is no accident that Binyan and Takishi's articles were translated into Chinese during this period.
First of all, Situ Qiao, editor-in-chief of the "Art Weekly" column, is a famous oil painter and art educator who studied in France, and Qin Xuanfu, the translator who translated Binyang's article, is also an artist who studied oil painting in law, and they are very familiar with the collection and research trends of oriental art in European and American museums in the 1930s. Fang Jisheng, who translated Taki's papers, was a disciple of Zhou Zuoren, and Fang detailed Taki's identity and the writing activities of introducing Chinese painting in Guohua in "Notes", which showed that with the opening of the London Art Fair, the Chinese art community had realized how the art publications published in Japan and the works of Japanese scholars in the early 20th and 30s influenced the perspective of Western art historians led by Binyang in viewing Chinese painting. [91]
epilogue
The significance of the London Art Exhibition held at the Royal College of Art in November 1935 is that through the exhibition, the Western art community realized that the mainstream Chinese art is not a handicraft represented by ceramics and brocade utensils, but a calligraphy and painting that embodies the humanistic spirit, which is a literati landscape painting represented by Su Shi, Mi Fu and Yuan Sijia, rather than the "Song and Yuan Paintings" that were viewed through the "Eye of Japan" from the beginning of the 20th century. After the art exhibition, some famous universities in Europe and the United States, including the Oriental College of the University of London, have included Chinese painting in the scope of academic research, marking a new milestone in western research on Chinese art. As the former director of the Department of Oriental Painting at the British Museum and a well-known poet and playwright in the English-speaking circles in the 1930s, BinYang played an important role in the organizing committee of the exhibition, and the lectures and writing activities during the exhibition played a pivotal role in leading the Western museum community to understand Chinese art from artifacts to painting. Because of this, Binyang's interest in Japanese-style Chinese paintings is also projected on his selected paintings. Although the exhibition exhibits 175 paintings and calligraphy from the Chinese government (including works by the Yuan Sijia) representing the mainstream of Chinese art, a comprehensive view of Chinese paintings exhibited by museums and art galleries and private collectors from Europe, the United States and Japan is still dominated by Paintings in the Southern Song Dynasty, among which "Bamboo Bird Diagram" (Figure 13) by Muxi and "Quail Diagram" (Figure 14) by Li Anzhong (Southern Song Dynasty) are the old collections of Ashikaga Yoshimasa, which can be called the treasures of Japan's "Ancient Ferry". [92]
Figure 13 Bamboo Bird Figure ˉ Makiki ˉ Southern Song Dynasty Yoshimun, Collection of Nezu Museum of Art
Figure 14 Quail Figure 14 Quail Figure 14 Quail Figure 14 100000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000
Although collecting works by Ma Xia and Muxi before the London Art Exhibition was a fashion between western museum circles and private collectors at that time, the exhibition exhibited so many works by Southern Song Court painters and Zen monk painters collected by European, American, Japanese museums and art galleries and private collectors, which undoubtedly reflected Binyang's personal tastes and hobbies as one of the important members of the Organizing Committee of the London Art Fair. [93]
exegesis:
[1] Literature below 详见. 编, Song Yuan's Paintings, Kyoto Convenient Hall, 1962; Yone-Zhang Jiangua field: Song Yuanga in Japan, 载饭岛饭岛绻编 𰴼kyo national museum, Oriental Art Volume 1 Painting I, 1967, 23-41 Osaka City Biryo 术馆编: "Art of song yuan", Ying kyoheibonsha, 1980; Nezu Mine 术馆编术馆编: "Southern Song Paintings of Japanese Densei", "Southern Song Painting: The World of Passion", Nezu Miki, 2008; Fujita Nobuya: The Southern Song Paintings of the Japanese Biography ,Hiyoda Hideki, Nakami Fuji Yukō: The Complete Works of the World Fine Arts Toyo 6 Southern Song Gold, Yingyang Shogakukan, 2000, No. 63-172: Natsuko Kuze: Ancient Chinese Paintings in Kunika: "Song Yuanga" in Modern Japan and the Establishment of Literary Evaluation, Japanese Studies, Vol. 47, 2013, 53-108.
[2] Research on how Western art and sinologists viewed Chinese painting through the "Eye of Japan" in the early 20th century has just begun, and the main research can be found in the following literature. Basil Gray,“The Development of Taste in Chinese Art in the West 1872—1972,” Frances Wood,“From Ship's Captains to the Bloomsbury Group: The Late Arrival of Chinese Painting in Britain, ” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society, Vol.39, 1971-3, pp.19-42; Vol.61, 1996-7, pp.121-131;Michelle Ying‐Ling Huang, "Through Japanese Eyes: The British Reception of Chinese Painting," St. Andrews Journal of Art History and Museum Studies, Vol.13, 2009, pp.57-67；“The Influence of Japanese Expertise on the British Reception of Chinese Painting,”in Beyond Boundaries: East & West Cross-Cultural Encounters, Michelle Ying-Ling Huang, ed., Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2011, pp.93-104; Mak Shu-wei, "Western Views on Song Dynasty Painting in the Early Twentieth Century: A Case Study of Laurence Binyon's Writings", Master's Thesis, Institute of Art, Central University, Taiwan, 2012, pp. 1-74; William S. Rodner, Edwardian London Through Japanese Eyes: The Art and Writings of Yoshio Makino,1897—1915, Leiden: Brill, 2012, pp.15-33.
[3] John Hatcher Trevor, Laurence Binyon, Poet, Scholar of East and West, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995, pp.63-110.
[4] For details of the painting's purchase and repair by the British Museum, see Hideki Shimomura, Shigeki Goto, shigeki Goto, ed., Shimomura Kanzan, Great Japanese Painting, 1981, p. 105; Zhang Hongxing, "The Nineteenth-Century Provenance of the Adminitions Scroll: A Hypothesis," in Gu Kaizhi and the Admonitions Scroll, Percival David Foundation Colloquies on Art and Archaeology in Asia,No.21,Shane McCausland, ed.,London: British Museum,2003,pp.277-287; Michelle Ying-Ling Huang,“Laurence Binyon and the Admonitions Scroll,”Orientations,Vol.41,No.5,June 2010,pp.53-57; “The Influence of Japanese Expertise on the British Reception of Chinese Painting,”pp.93-104.
[5] Yuyaku-yōwa-kou, Shimomura, Makino-ryo-kaku exchange, participation in the following literature. Laurence Binyon, Preface to Painting in the Far East: An Introduction to the History of The History of Pictorial Art in Asia Especially China and Japan, London: E. Arnold, 1908, pp.ix-x (hereinafter referred to as "defied special note," the equal exchange number of copies. Japanese Art, London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1909, p.54; John Trevor Hatcher, Laurence Binyon, Poet, Scholar of East and West, pp.165-166; Yayanagi Sae: "Daiozenis", Yokohama Mine research, No.5, 2003, 53-73 The 71st, Queen Akiko: Rethinking the William Anderson Collection, Annual Report of the Center for Comparative Japanese Studies, Ochanomizu Women's University, No.4, 2008 No. London Through Japanese Eyes, pp.15-33; Junko Uchiyama: "Paintings of Shimomura Kanzan: On The Materials of New Works", The Book of Mines of Yokohama Mine: The 140th Anniversary of His Birth: The 140th Anniversary of His Birth, 150 years of the birth of Tenshin Okakura, 100th anniversary of his death, Yokohama Bijo, 2013, 10-11.
[6] In addition to Fukubi, Shimomura, and Makino, the early associates with Binyang were Japanese framers hired by the British Museum, who more or less played a role in the formation of Binyang's oriental art concept. See Ryugo Matsui, Tentsu Koyama, and Kenshi Makita: The British Museum, Kodansha, 1995, pp. 178-185; William S. Rodner, Edwardian London through Japanese Eyes, pp.15-34.
[7] Yonezawa, "Japanese Paintings of the Song dynasty", pp. 23-41. For the process of the acceptance of Chinese paintings into Japanese culture, the following documents can also be found. Akiyoshi Ryoda, "Japanese Art" mikata: Chinese との比較による,Kadokawa Shoten, 1997, pp. 9-65, 74-196; Nobuyuki Tsubasa, The Integration of Song and Yuan Paintings in Japan and its Relationship with East Asia, in Shanghai Museum, "A Thousand Years of Danqing: A Peruse of Treasures of Tang and Song Paintings in China, Japan, Tibet," Oriental Publishing Center, 2010, pp. 38-50.
[8] Yone-Ying: Song Yuan-e in Japan, No.
[9] Laurence Binyon,“A Japanese Magazine of Art: The Kokka: A Monthly Journal of Oriental Art,” “Japanese Art and Art Criticism: Masterpieces of Thirty Great Paintings of Japan,”The Times Literary Supplement, 8 April,1904,p.110;14 December,1906,p.415; Preface to Painting in the Far East,1908,p.vi; Preface to Chinese Paintings in English Collections, Paris and London: Vanoest,1927,p.20.
[10] Laurence Binyon, Preface to Painting in the Far East, p.vi.
[11] Asuka Minami: History of Japanese Art Across National Borders: Journal of Exchange from Japonismes to Japonology 1880-1920, Fujiwara Ryoten, 2015, No.
[12] Arthur Waley, An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting, London: E. Benn, 1923, p.63., n2, 73., n1, 114., n3, 125., n1, 133., n1, n5, 134., n1, 146., n2, n4, 150., n2, 159., 166., n1, n5, 186, 189, 190., n1, 198, 230-232, 230., n1, n4, 232., n2, 240, 244‐45, 244., n1, 245., n1, 251., n2, 253‐54; Plate VII, XX, XLII, XLIII, XLIV, XLV, XLVII; René Grousset, The Civilization of the East,Volume III: China. Translated by Catherine Alison Phillips. London: H. Hamilton, 1934, pp.296-356, Fig.226-228, 230-231, 233-234b, 235, 240, 250-251, 256, 261; Osvald Sirén, Preface to A History of Early Chinese Painting: From the Han to the Beginning of the Sung Period, Vol. I, London: Medici Society, 1933, p. xi, Plate 21-23, 50, 56, 59, 70-80, 90a; Vol. II, pp. 1-116, Plate 35, 43, 45, 53-55, 59, 61, 67, 71, 74‐75, 77-89, 93, 97-99, 110, 113, 115, 123; Otto Kümmel,“Die Chinesische Malerei im Kundaikwan Sayu choki,”Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, Vol.I,1912,pp.14-27, pp.196-214.
[13] Laurence Binyon,Painting in the Far East,p.131,Plate IX.
[14] Laurence Binyon,Ma Yüan’s Landscape Roll: in the Freer Collection,New York: Private print,1916,pp.18-19, 21, Plate 2-10.
[15] "Shinto" Chinese Painting Inflows: New Chinese Paintings in Kokuka: An Example of The View of Chinese Art in Modern Japan, January 2012, May 5-17 (Chinese Bnée Fumiko 2021, 42nd-49th Edition).
[16]参见以下文献。 Taki Sei-ichi(泷精一),“Art Treasures in the Collection of Mr. Tuan-fang, Ex-Viceroy of Chih-li. By Sei-ichi Taki,”“Glens and Mountains in Autumn《溪山秋霁图》, attributed to Kuo Hsi郭熙,”The Kokka, No.250, March 1911, pp.259-265, Plate 3-4;“ Views of the Yang-tze-kiang《长江万里图》，attributed to Chü-yan巨然,”No.252, May 1911, p.328, 335-336; Plate 2-3;“ Ku K’ai-chih’s Illustration of the Poem of Lo-shen《洛神赋图》,”No.253, June 1911, pp.349-358, Plate 2-3; “Popularity of Chinese Paintings,”No.254, July 1911, pp.3-7;“ A River-bank on a Spring Evening《花岛夕阳图》, by Yün Nan-ti’en恽南田,”No.268, September 1912, pp.58-59, Plate 4-5; Osvald Sirén, Author’s Preface to A History of Later Chinese Painting, Vol. I, London: Medici Society, 1937, pp.3-4; Plate 1, 2a, 2b, 6, 8, 13,15, 17, 19, 21-22, 24, 35, 37, 42, 47-48, 50-51, 54, 56-58, 60, 62a-b, 68-70, 72, 78-79a, 80, 83, 85, 96-97, 100, 113, 117-118, 120, 122, 124; Vol. II, Plate 125-133, 135-137, 139, 140b, 142-152a-b, 156, 159,163a-b, 166b, 172, 174, 176a-178b,182b, 190, 192a-b,193, 195a-b, 200, 203, 205-208, 211-213, 217-220, 225-226a-b, 229, 233-237, 238b-241a, 242b.
[17] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, 1908, p. 37; 1913, p.1., n1; Preface to the Fourth Edition of Painting in the Far East, London: E. Arnold, 1934, pp. vii-ix.
[18] Takashi Maki: "En zhao Dainen Brush Landscape", MUSEUM: Journal of the Tokyo National Museum, No. 100, July 1959, 7-8th, 11th 页; Yone Yang-chia; Field: On the Drawings of The Ying-Zhao Ying Joo, No.31, Yamato Bunka, October 1959, 1-15, Fujita: Southern Song Paintings of the Japanese Biography, No. 163-172; Richard M. Barnhart,"The Five" Dynasties (907-960) and the Song Period (960-1279),”in Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting (The Culture and Civilization of China), eds, Yang Xin, Nie Chongzheng, Lang Shaojun, Richard M. Barnhart, James Cahill, Wu Huang, New Haven: Yale University Press; Beijing: Foreign Languages Press,1997, pp.119-125; Ita-Ying-tetsu: "GeiYuan Ying-yu, Kitang-zu": Historical Location of the Yamato Wenhuakan Collection", MUSEUM: Journal of The Tokyo National Museum, No. 542, June 1996, No. Illustration: The Leading Artist of Southern Song Painting: The Art of The Hui Sect Paintings and The Explanation of Works, Nezu Miki: Southern Song Painting: The World of Passion, Nos. 138-140.
[19] See The Editorial Board of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, "The Exhibition of Cultural Relics of the Song Dynasty in the Millennium, Catalogue", National Palace Museum, Taipei, 2000; Lin Boting, ed., Daguan: Special Exhibition of Calligraphy and Paintings of the Northern Song Dynasty, Taipei National Palace Museum, 2006; And Art Shaoxing: Art and Culture of the Southern Song Dynasty, 2011, edited by He Fuxin.
[20] Toda: A View of Japanese Art, 157-186, Fujita: Southern Song Paintings of the Japanese Biography, Nos. 163-172.
[21] This painting is not the same as Li Di's Red and White Hibiscus In the Tokyo National Museum, which is now designated as a national treasure of Japan.
[22] There are almost no records of Chinese painting, and his paintings are currently only collected in Japan.
[23] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, p.129, p.138.
[24] Ibid., p.135.
[25] Xia Wenyan, "Illustrated Treasure Book", in Wenyuange Siku Quanshu, Sub-Division, Art Class, vol. 4, p. 11.
[26] Tang Gao: "Painting Book", Ma Cai Punctuation Notes, Deng Yijing Proofreading, People's Literature Publishing House, 1957, p. 127.
[27] Fujita: Southern Song Paintings of the Japanese Biography, 164-165.
[28] Seiichi Maki: Pictorial Treasure Book and Japanese Pictorial Theory, Kunhua, No. 302, July 1915, No.
[29] Supervised by the Cultural Protection Department of the Agency for Cultural Affairs, 2nd Editorial Department: "Painting Part 2" (National Treasure and Important Cultural Properties Daito 2), Mainichi Shimbun, 1997, No.
[30] To this day, Makikei still enjoys a high reputation in Japan, as evidenced by the fact that several of Tokyo's largest private art museums hold exhibitions selling Makiki paintings every autumn. For details, see Goto Museum of Art, ed., Mumei: Longitudinal Ink Painting, Goto Museum, 1996; Nezu Museum of Art, ed., Southern Song Dynasty Painting: Talent and Elegance to the World, 2004; Mitsui Bunko, Mitsui Memorial Art Museum, ed., Special Exhibition Higashiyama Gosami: Ashikaga Shogun Junjia Zhibao, Mitsui Bunko, Mitsui Memorial Art Museum, 2014.
[31] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, p.136.
[32] Arthur Morrison, “Chinese and Japanese Painting,” The Burlington Magazine, Vol.15, No.20, December 1908, p.159; John C. Ferguson, “Review of Painting in the Far East by Laurence Binyon,” Journal of the North-China Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Vol.44, 1913, pp. 157-160; Elsie Well, “Painting in the Far East by Laurence Binyon, 1934,” Asia, July 1935, p.447; M. G. R, The Geographical Journal, Vol.86, No.3, September 1935, p.282; J. K. Shryock, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.55, No.3, September 1935, p.341.
[33] See the following literature. Kiyomi Rikuro: "The Legend of Hiroka Tenshin", Reform Society, 1938; "Ancestor Okaoka Hirofunkan", "Ancestor Okaoka Tenshin", アトリエ社, 1942; Yasuko Horioka: "Okaku Tenshin Kao", Yoshikawa Hirofunkan, 1982; Kazuo Okakura: "岡倉天心をめぐる人びと", Chuo Public Art Publishing House, 1998; John Trevor Hatcher, Laurence Binyon, Poet, Scholar of East and West, p.165. According to the investigation of Professor Mitsuru Sato, Okakura visited the British Museum and met Binyan on his way to Europe and the United States in May 1908. In a letter to Binjan on 20 May, he said: "I had hoped to see each other again before I left England, but unfortunately my stay in England was too short to know if I could do so. Judging from the current research literature on Okakura and Binyan, at least they have not met until the publication of The Ideals of the Orient and the Book of Tea. For details, see Sato Hikaru: ローレンス·ビニヨンと柳宗悦:ブレイク Researcher による Comparative Cultural Studies, Minutes of Super-Domain Cultural Science, No. 19, October 2014, p. 16.
[34] In the English writings of Okakura Tenshin, TakiSeiichi, and Fenorosa, concepts such as "Toyo" and "Western", "Europe (Western Europe)" and "Asia" are often used, which are two sets of relative concepts, but Okakura and Taki do not make a rigorous distinction between these two sets of concepts in their actual writing, and in many cases the West is equivalent to Europe (Western Europe) and the East and Asia, but it is worth noting that the word "Toyo" in Chinese refers exclusively to Japan, excluding China. The general difference is that when referring to a broad civilization, the West and the East are mostly used; when there is a more specific point, Europe (Western Europe) and Asia are often used. The method adopted in this article is the title and citation section, preserving the Western and Eastern oceans, because they record a special atmosphere of the times; the analysis and elaboration use the West and the East, Europe (Western Europe) and Asia, depending on the specific circumstances of the text.
[35] After its publication, it was translated into French in 1917 and into German in 1922, and had a profound impact on the understanding of Asian literature, religion, art, and the interests of literati in Western intellectuals in the early 20th century.
[36] Laurence Binyon,“The Ideal of the East: with Special Reference to the Art of Japan, by Okakura Kakuzo, London: John Murray, 1903,”The Times Literary Supplement, 6 March, 1906, pp.73-74.
[37] Okakura Kakuzo, The Ideals of the East: With Special Reference to the Art of Japan, London: John Murray, 1903, p.1, p.7
[38] Ibid., p.7.
[39] Ibid., p.5.
[40] Konan Naito: "The Coming of Chinese Art", "China Paintings on a New Ship", 载, "All Works of Lake Naito", No. 13, Konan Chikuma, 1997, 544-546, 548-549 页; Taki Sei-, "Introduction to the New English Edition,"The Kokka, No.182, July 1905, pp.3-6; Three Essays on Oriental Painting, London: John Murray, 1910, pp.4-5; Nishikato Omura: Revival of Literary Paintings, Kakukyo Takumisha, 1921, 2nd-16th.
[41] Anon.,“Vigorous Art of T’ang Period Discussed by Oriental Expert: Laurence Binyon of British Museum, Finds That Japanese Did More to Perverse Old Paintings Than Chinese,”The Christian Science Monitor, 23 November 1926, p.1.
[42] Some researchers have pointed out that the paintings introduced by Bin Yang are not the original works of Li Gonglin, but the works of professional Buddhist painters of the Southern Song Dynasty. In fact, Binjan later revised this in the fourth edition of Paintings from the Far East (1934). See Toyozo Tanaka, "Luo Han Paintings の式の変遷(上)(下)", Guohua No. 312, May 1916; No. 313, June 1916, in Tanaka Toyozo's Study of Chinese Art (Erxuanshe, 1964, pp. 167-208); Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, 4th edition, 1934, pp.142-143.
[43] Wu Peirong, "Literati Painting in the Western Perspective of the Early Twentieth Century: Fenorosa's Understanding and Misunderstanding," Studies in Art Studies, No. 10, May 2012, pp. 87-132.
[44] Ernest F. Fenollosa, Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art, Vol. II, London: William Heinemann, 1922, pp.77-78.
[45] Ibid., p.52, pp.58-59.
[46] Ibid., p.148, p.158.
[47] Ibid., pp.143-144.
[48] Ibid., pp.144-146.
[49] Jin Jiechen, "Fenorosa and Okakura Tenshin: Pioneers in The Beginning of the Study of the History of Chinese Painting in Modern Japan," Palace Museum Monthly, No. 263, February 2005, pp. 78-85; Wu Peirong, Literati Painting in the Western Perspective of the Early Twentieth Century: Fenorosa's Understanding and Misunderstanding, pp. 87-132.
[50] James Cahill, Hills Beyond a River: Chinese Painting of the Yan Dynasty, 1279-1368, New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1976, p. ii.
[51] Regarding Fei's conception of oriental art history and its theory of literati painting in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, the author refers to some of the views put forward by Wu Peirong's essay (pp. 89-111), but the author believes that Fei's East Asian literati painting theory, through his disciple Okakura's overseas exhibitions and writing activities, collected, exhibited, and studied Chinese literati paintings in major museums and art galleries in Europe and the United States from the beginning of the 20th century to the opening of the London Art Fair. Even the selection and display of Chinese paintings in the art exhibition have brought great influence. See the references below for details. Redhou, Chinese Paintings from the Berlin Collection (1906-1945), translated by Chen Baozhen: Forbidden City Academic Quarterly, Vol. 11, No. 3, Spring 1994, pp. 3-4; スム), 山脇佐江子: フェノロサ、天心とボストン Art Museum, Lotus, No.10, March 1990, pp. 1-25; No. 24, March 2004, pp. 1-43; Jan Fontein, “A Brief of History of the Collections,” in Selected Masterpieces of Asian Arts, ed., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Boston and Tokyo: Museum of Fine Arts Boston and Japan Broadcast, 1992 Zhang Jianyu, "The Collection of the Orient: The Establishment of the Asian Collection at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, USA," Art Observation, No. 7, 2020, pp. 87-132.
[52] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, pp.160-161.
[53] Ibid., p.160.
[54] At the beginning of chapter 9 of Paintings in the Far East, Binyang quotes the 19th-century poet and literary critic Matthew Arnold's 1857 lecture at Oxford University on "Modern Factors in Thesis Studies", pointing out that "if judged by the works of art left by the Song Dynasty, the Song Dynasty is an era with modern characteristics", which shows the deep influence of Arnold's theory of literary modernity on him. Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, pp. 120-121; Matthew Arnold,“On the Modern Element in Literature,”in On the Classical Tradition, ed., R. H. Super, Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 1960, p.19, p.23. pp.23-24, p.28.
[55] Okakura Kakuzo,The Ideals of the East, pp.163-166. "Roman Lord's Time" or "Roman Lord" or "Roman Lord" Disapproval Western Literary History Yomi-ming History Specific School or Concept, Other Borrowed Western Concepts, Dissolution Other Borrowing Concepts, Unraveling South Song Japanese Room Town. Daiki Takato: A Source in Fenolosa's Art History Concept: A Study on Hegel's Understanding of Fenolosa, Lotus, No. 32, March 2012, 27-42, Tsunemichi Kanrin: Tenshin Okakura and the Formation of Art History, Art Forum 21, No. 4, June 2001, No.
[56] Ibid., pp.165-169.
[57] Ibid., pp.178-179.
[58] Ibid., p.180.
[59] Ibid., p.181.
[60] Although Okakura did not explicitly propose in his English writings the inheritance of Muromachi art and Southern Song Dynasty painting, this concept appeared as early as 1890 in his lecture notes on the History of Japanese Art opened by the Tokyo School of Fine Arts, and I speculate that Okakura's early theory of oriental art in Japanese may have been acquired by Binyang through his disciple Shimomura Kanzan. In addition, the modern discussion of Muromachi art and Southern Song Dynasty painting has been inspired by the following documents. Shujiro Kumamoto and Koshiro Okakura, pp. 29-34: The Complete Works of The Tenshin of The Oka, Vol. 4, Pingfansha, 1979, pp. 100-111; Shenlin: The Formation of the Historiography of The Tenshin of The Tenshin, pp. 29-34; Mak Shuwei, Western Views on Song Dynasty Painting in the Early Twentieth Century: A Case Study of Laurence Binyon's Writings, pp. 60-70.
[61] Nobu Ooka, "Okatsu tenshin," Asahi Shimbun, 1985, pp. 237-250.
[62] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, pp.140-141.
[63] Ibid., p.141.
[64] Okakura Kakuzo, The Ideals of the East, pp.177-178.
[65] The Book of Tea by Kakuzo Okakura, Edited and Introduced by Everett F. Bleiler, New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1964, p.29.
[66] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, p.142.
[67] Ibid., p.142.
[68] Okakura Kakuzo, “Exhibition of Recent Acquisitions in China and Japanese Art,” in Okakura Kakuzo: Collected English Writings, Vol.2, eds, Koshiro Okakura, Sunao Nakamura, Tokyo: Heibonsha, pp . 155-176; He Jing, "Okakura Tenshin's Understanding of Chinese Art: On the Characteristics of Chinese Art", Art History, No. 2, 1995.
[69] Seiichi Maki: Miscellaneous Notes, Kunio No. 224, January 1909, No. 186, Miscellaneous, No. 278, July 1913, No. 34, 34th, "The Aesthetics Of Japan(Written by the Aesthetic Society)," No. 385, June 1922, No.
[70] Laurence Binyon, The Flight of the Dragon, London: John Murray, 1911, pp.11-14, p.12, n1.
[71] Herbert A. Giles, An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Pictorial Art, Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, 1904, p.102. Chinese taken from Yu Jianhua: A Treatise on Chinese Painting (Volume I), China Classical Art Publishing House, 1957, p. 639.
[72] Ibid., p.102. Chinese see Yu Jianhua: A Treatise on Chinese Painting (Vol. 1), p. 632.
[73] Ibid., p.128.
[74] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, p.128.
[75] Yu Jianhua: A Treatise on Chinese Painting (vol. 1), p. 632.
[76]主要论文详见以下文献。 “On Chinese Landscape Painting, Part I, II, III,” The Kokka, No.191, April 1906, pp.289-299; No.193, June 1906, pp. 329-340; No.196, September 1906, pp.415-428; “On Chinese and Japanese Calligraphy. Part I, Part II, I. Calligraphy as a Fine Art,” No.197, October 1906, pp.471-479; No.199, December 1906, pp. 542-548; “On Chinese and Japanese Calligraphy. Part III, II. Calligraphy in Connection with Painting and Decorative Arts,” No.201, February 1907, pp. 584-603; “Bunjin-gwa Painting,” No.216, May 1908, pp.289-292; “Examples of Bird and Flower Painting in the Ancient Chinese Academy Style,” No.241, June 1910, pp.391-394; “The Principles, Chi-yun and Chuan-shen in Chinese Painting,” No.244, September 1910, pp.67-78; “The Origin and Growth of the Academy in China,” No.274, March 1913, pp.205-209; “Four Great Schools of Religious Painting under the T’ang Dynasty, Part I, II, ” No.294, November 1914, pp.107-110; No.295, December 1914, pp.133-136; “Development of Bird and Flower Painting in China,”No.299, April 1915, pp.239-243; “Art Encouragement under the Sung Dynasty (Prior to the Emperor Hui-tsung),” No.307, December 1915, pp.135-138; “Art Encouragement under the Sung Dynasty (after the Emperor Hui-tsung),” No.308, January 1916, pp.165-168; “Buddhist Paintings of the Sung Dynasty,” No.309, February 1916, pp.187-190; “Painting and Calligraphy. Part I, II,”No.320, January 1917, pp.157-161; No.321, February 1917, pp.183-186.
[77] Taki Sei-ichi(泷精一), “Chinese Landscape Painting, Part I,” pp.289-299.
[78] Ibid., p.332.
[79] Ibid., pp.332-333.
[80] Ibid., p.333.
[81] Ibid., pp.333-334. Chinese see Yu Jianhua, Compilation of Chinese Painting Theories (Vol. 1), pp. 636-637.
[82] Ibid., p.334.
[83] Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East, p.128.
[84] Although Binyan quotes from Takisei's 1910 English-language book Three Treatises on Oriental Painting, published in London, much of this book has been published in the English edition of Guohua. According to the author's investigation, most of Binyan's citations have been found in English papers below Takishi. See also Taki Sei-ichi, "On Chinese Landscape Painting, Part III," pp.415-428; Laurence Binyon, The Flight of Dragon, p.65, n1, p.85, n1.
[85] Yuyi Ying Kokukoku Kokusai Exhibition and Ying's Ingenious Action, Saku-Ying-Chen,"Sakusetsu Ying-Chen Kokukoku-Kokukoku-Chen Exhibition 术: Yin Zhang Yindo Exhibition (Chinese Art as a Utopia: From London International Exhibition to The Lin Language Hall of the United States)," Nagoya University Press, 2018, Nos. 157-166.
[86]详见Ernest F. Fenollosa, Epochs of Chinese and Japanese Art, Vol.2, pp.10-19; Arthur Waley, “Chinese Philosophy of Art V: Kuo Hsi Part I,” “Chinese Philosophy of Art IV: Kuo Hsi Part II,” The Burlington Magazine, Vol.39, No.220, July 1921, pp.10-11; Vol.39, No.221, August 1921, pp.84-89; Osvald Sirén, A History of Early Chinese Painting, Vol. II, pp.14-25, 14., n1.
[87] Laurence Binyon,“Lecture III: The Conception of Landscape Art in China,” in The Spirit of Man in Asian Art, p.91.
[88] Laurence Binyon,“Painting: Bibliography,” in Chinese Art: An Introductory Handbook to Painting, Sculpture, Ceramics, Textiles, Bronzes & Minor Arts, London: B. T. Batsford, Ltd., 1935, p.15.
[89] 无 signature: "The Recent Work of Mr. Binion", "Kunika", No. 542, January 1936, No.
[90] See below for details. Translated by Lawrence Bingning and Qin Xuanfu: "London Chinese Art Special Expert on Chinese Art (I): Calligraphy and Painting", "London Chinese Art Special Expert on Chinese Art (I): Calligraphy and Painting (continued)", Ta Kung Pao Art Weekly, January 18, 1936, 9th edition; February 1, 8th edition; Taki Jingyi, Translated by Fang Jisheng: Guo Xi and Song Dynasty Landscape Painting, February 22, 1936, 8th edition. The Chinese translator of Taki's paper, Fang Jisheng, did not specify where the original text came from in the translation, but according to the author's verification, Fang may have compiled it based on the "Book of the History of Painting in the Song Dynasty (I)(II)(III)(4)(5)(VII)(VIII)" serialized in the Japanese edition of Guohua in November 1924, especially the contents of the seventh and eighth essays, plus the contents of Taki's following English papers. Taki Sei-ichi, "On Chinese Landscape Painting I, II, III, pp.289-299; pp.329-340; pp.415-428; "The Book of the History of Painting in the Song Dynasty (VII) (VIII)", Guohua, No. 424, March 1926, pp. 61-64; No. 426, May 1926, pp. 121-125.
[91] Fang Jisheng: "Notes on Guo Xi and landscape paintings of the Song Dynasty", (8th ed.). In addition, Fang is also the earliest translator of Okakura's Book of Tea Chinese. In August 1944, the Shanghai Taiping Book Company published Chinese edition of the book, and Zhou Zuoren wrote a preface to the translation, praising the translation of his disciples. For details, see Fang Jisheng's translation of the Book of Tea, Taiping Bookstore, 1944; Zhou Zuoren: Preface to the Book of Tea, first published in Yishi Bao, November 20, 1944, and later included in the first edition of "Before Lichun", Taiping Bookstore, 1945, pp. 23-24.
[92]详见以下文献资料。 “Priest Mu-Ch’I (13th century A. D). Two Sparrows on a Bamboo Branch. Painting in ink on paper. H. 184. 4 cm, W. 45. 4cm. Sung Dynasty. Once in the collection of the Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimasa,”“Li An-Chung (active c. A. D. 1120-1160) (attributed to). A Quail standing amidst Rushes. Painting in colour on silk. Once in the collection of the Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimasa. H. 24cm, W. 45cm.” in Catalogue of the International Exhibition of Chinese Art in London, 1935—1936, ed. Royal of Academy of Arts, London: William Clowes Ltd., 1935, pp.47-51.
[100] In addition to serving as an executive member of the exhibition's organizing committee, Binyang also serves as a jury member of the Exhibit Selection Committee and the Exhibition Committee, and is responsible for selecting Chinese paintings and displays from major museums, art galleries, and private collectors around the world. For this, see Zheng Tianxi, "Report on Participation in the International Exhibition of Chinese Art in London (II)", Ta Kung Pao, August 12, 1936, 10th edition.
Author's Acknowledgements: This article is a major rewrite and translation of Chapter 3 of the Japanese monograph "Chinese Yunshu とぃぅユートピア" (Nagoya University Press, 2018) based on new materials collected in Japan, Taiwan, and the United Kingdom. I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to Dr. Shuntaro Toru, Nagoya University Press, the Royal Academy of Fine Arts Library, the Center for East Asian Human informatics research affiliated with the Institute of Human Sciences, Kyoto University, and Dr. Shuntaro Toru. Chinese translations of this article are from the author.
Fan Liya is a cooperative researcher at the Center for Modern China, Institute of Human Sciences, Kyoto University, Japan.
Grand View of Fine Arts, No. 8, 2021