Lu Chuanying: Meng Wanzhou's return: may alleviate the deadlock in the digital geopolitical game
Author: Lu Chuanying, Secretary-General and Researcher of the Center for International Governance in Cyberspace, Shanghai Institute of International Studies
Source: U.S.-China Spotlight
WeChat platform editor: Zhou Yue
The dividend of digital technology development driven by globalization is being deprived by the geopolitical game little by little, and a huge risk is getting closer and closer because the globalized technology ecosystem is politically distorted. Censorship, embargoes, blockades and other policies commonly used during the Cold War have become commonly mentioned words in the technology circle, and Chinese and American technology companies have had to passively get involved in this unprecedented digital geopolitical game. Meng Wanzhou's detention by the United States and Canada is the climax of this game, which not only brings a serious blow to Sino-US cooperation in the field of science and technology, but also brings serious obstacles to bilateral relations.
On September 24, 2021, the U.S. Department of Justice and Ms. Meng reached a Deferred Prosecution Agreement (DPA) that allowed Ms. Meng to leave Canada and return to China without guilt. This should be a revision of the Biden administration's "tech cold war" promoted by the Trump administration. At the same time, it was also reported that two Canadian citizens suspected of endangering China's national security, Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, were also on their way back to Canada.
In any case, the Meng Wanzhou case ended in such a way, although it was not the most perfect ending, but it also made everyone breathe a sigh of relief. This case is not only the focus of attention of the international community, but also a wall between China and the United States and Canada, which has directly or indirectly had many impacts on all aspects of the relationship between the three countries.
The return of Meng Wanzhou and the two Canadians can be seen as a positive signal from China and the United States to the domestic and international community, and the game between the two sides in the field of science and technology will be eased to a certain extent. However, there are also some indications that some of the Trump administration's erroneous practices are still being continued, such as the "clean network" plan for Chinese technology companies such as Huawei being proposed from time to time, and the United States has also joined forces with Europe to establish the US-EU Trade and Technology Committee, which is not only intended to strengthen cooperation between the two sides in the field of high technology, but also to form an encirclement for China's scientific and technological development.
Sam Sachs, senior researcher at the China Center at Yale Law School' Cai Zhongzeng, proposed adopting a "small courtyard high wall" strategy in the Sino-US science and technology competition to respond to the challenges posed by China in a way that does not harm its own interests. She believes that according to the importance of technology to the military, China's relative lack of technical knowledge of this technology, and the United States is indeed at the forefront of the development of this technology, as the standard for establishing a small courtyard. In these areas, the United States can do more to tighten China's technology blockade. For some non-critical technology areas, the United States can deregulate appropriately.
It remains to be seen to what extent the "high wall of small courtyards" can become a rational policy framework, and comprehensively revise the anti-globalization, Cold War-style, and indiscriminate suppression of China's large technology companies under Trump. The impact on the Sino-US game in the field of science and technology has not yet been determined. How big the "yard" is and how high the "wall" is is the key to this policy, and figuring out the boundaries and scope requires a rational assessment of digital technology and the relationship between China and the United States in this field.
First of all, technology companies are a key force in promoting the development of digital technology and digital economy. Although the government vigorously promotes its presence and influence on technology, it is not at the forefront of digital technology development. In many cases, government policies are considered obsolete and destructive, and they are bound to be undermined in their implementation. Therefore, respecting the choices of technology companies and avoiding excessive political interference is the key to restoring the global science and technology ecology.
The development of digital technology is inseparable from the background of globalization, and the global innovation system and supply chain are the keys to the success of technology enterprises. Any policy against the trend is full of risks and uncertainties in the long run, and will bring huge losses to technology companies. Most tech companies respond to political interference with two-sided bets, which not only fails to address government concerns, but also forces it to add new spending.
Second, China's rise in digital technology is not a "Sputnik" moment for the United States. Global cooperation, primarily with the United States, is a key factor in China's success in the field of science and technology. While China has gained a lot from cooperation, the United States is also the biggest beneficiary. Therefore, the suppression of China will ultimately have to be borne by American companies.
Finally, there are huge differences between digital technologies and traditional technologies. Behind Trump's policies is the fear of digital technology and the technological fantasy caused by intertwining with geopolitical factors, "national security exceptions" have become the "national security norm", and the world has witnessed too many "1% so-called risk to negate 99% well-being" in the past few years. Such a policy is bound to be difficult to support. Any approach to specific technology companies has the potential to do a huge disservice to the credibility of governments, even on the grounds of national security. Governments should safeguard national security by improving their own regulatory capacity, establishing a benign security ecosystem, and cooperating internationally, rather than censorship, embargoes, and blockades under the Cold War mentality. Meng Wanzhou's return should be an important opportunity to restore mutual trust between China and the United States in the field of science and technology, and it is expected that there will be more cooperation measures between the two sides in the future to continuously alleviate the instability and confrontation brought about by competition.
*Disclaimer: This article only represents the personal views of the author and does not represent the position of this official account
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